Journal articles on the topic 'Ethiopian Painting'

AbstractAlmost five decades ago the late Stanislaw Chojnacki, one of the founding fathers of Ethiopian art history, began the task of describing the themes in Christian Ethiopian painting. Since then, others have contributed to the study of different subjects in Ethiopian art. Yet there are still gaps in our understanding of Ethiopian iconography. The aim of this study is to help fill these gaps by offering some remarks on the iconography of the Holy Women at the Tomb in fourteenth-century Ethiopian manuscript illumination.

This article inaugurates a new approach to biblical interpretation that involves close collaboration on a particular text between a biblical interpreter (Philip Esler) and a practicing artist (Angus Pryor), culminating in the production of works of art that generate a new understanding of the text in question. This approach reflects the recent scholarly interest in how artists who paint biblical scenes are active interpreters of biblical texts. Here the text selected is 1 Enoch, while the artworks in question are four 2 x 2 meter paintings, in oil on canvas, that depict pivotal scenes from that text. The collaboration draws on Ethiopian tradition reflecting the scriptural status and widespread influence of 1 Enoch in Ethiopia and the fact that the complete text of the work was only preserved there until its rediscovery in modern times. The interpretative process includes a focus on the original meaning of 1 Enoch, which then influences the creation of artworks laden with theological meaning. This approach is equally available to interpreters more interested in the contemporary (rather than the historical) meaning of other biblical and extra-biblical texts where the connection with national traditions, if present, may be quite different.

AbstractAfter a difficult succession, Queen Mentewwab governed the Ethiopian kingdom for, and then with, her son King Iyasu II (1730-55), as the official chronicle of their reign describes. A parallel study of a painting representing those members of the royal family who participated in the government, analyzed according to its specific logic and not only in reference to the history of the time, illustrates the nature of her power and allows one to see, in return, how she used pictures to legitimate herself as well as how these pictures work.

In this article the early evolution of iconic iconography of the Virgin Mary in Ethiopia is discussed. One particular image is postulated to exist on a painted manbar at Lālibalā. The figure of the Child Mary depicted together with her mother, St. Anne, in the wall painting at the Gannata Māryām Church can also be considered iconic. In the late 14th century and the first decades of the 15th century, three specific groupings of depictions of the Virgin Mary, all clearly having iconic characteristics, have come to light: the Orant Virgin, the seated Hodegetria and the enthroned Virgin holding the Child in her lap. These three forms are characterised by the inclusion of the Archangels Michael and Gabriel, who are shown sheltering her with their outstretched wings. They are depicted holding crosses, while in a particular group of miniatures they extend their hands towards Mary in a gesture of supplication. This Orant form appears to be exceptional, and exists only in 14th century. The Hodegetria type evolved into numerous variants depending on the position of the Child, on Mary's left or right arm. The form of the Enthroned Virgin holding the Child in her lap, faded away in the early 15th century.

The author analyses comparatively seven ancient extant Christian liturgies: Roman Catholic Tridentine mass, Byzantine liturgy of the Eastern Orthodox Churches, four liturgies of the Oriental Orthodox Churches: Alexandrian-Coptic, Antiochian-Syriac, Armenian and Ethiopian, and finally the liturgy of the Churches of the East: Assyrian and Ancient. Furthermore, the author researches inculturation of Antiochian-Syriac liturgy and Churches of the East liturgy in South India, as well as liturgies in Eastern Catholicism and Western Orthodoxy. This study explores historical events that are crucial to understanding the origin and development of ancient liturgies, as well as major architecture, painting, drama and music aspects of liturgies from ethnological perspective.

The article, based on the results of field research in the fall of 2020, focuses on four churches in the mountainous Gärʽalta district in central Tǝgray. This strategically located most important role in the history of the Ethiopian state and region. There are many hard-to-reach rock-hewn churches that were centers of monastic activity. Gärʽalta’s many rock-hewn churches are well represented in the scientific literature. The focus of the work is three rock-hewn and one built churches, little studied in terms of analyzing their architectural plans and forms: Arbaʽǝtu Ǝnsǝsa (Mikaʼel) Gundo, Abunä Zärʼa Buruk, Kidanä Mǝḥrät Yaʽid, Maryam Pappasäyti. The article puts forward proposals on the typology of monuments, their dating; features characteristic of the architectural tradition of the historical period and, on the contrary, unique, inherent in the churches. Special attention is paid to the works of religious painting found in the interiors of these churches. Arbaʽǝtu Ǝnsǝsa (Mikaʼel) Gundo combines the features of two types of temples: traditional three-aisled basilicas and “open” plan basilicas. Abunä Zärʼa Buruk is an open plan temple. Kidanä Mǝḥrät Yaʽid characterizes the roughness of the forms, while retaining the common features of the three-nave plan. The temple at Pappasäyti continues to a certain extent the tradition of building church buildings in caves or in close association with rock formations. Additional relevance of the work is given by the fact that data collection in the course of field research immediately before the armed conflict in the northern Ethiopian region of Tǝgray started.

The rock-hewn church Abuna Yemata Guh, situated in the Gheralta Mountains of the Ethiopian Tigray region, houses one of the best preserved and least studied wall paintings of medieval Ethiopia. The pictorial program is dated to the second half of 15th century, by stylistic and iconographic characteristics. In fact, no well-proved date has been suggested so far. This research seeks to bridge the existing scholarly gap by conducting a comprehensive analysis of the iconographic and stylistic attributes of the paintings. It also considers the historical backdrop of the church, identifying key conduits of cultural influence. Furthermore, the study incorporates a scientific examination of the pigments employed in the paintings of Abuna Yemata Guh, comparing them with those found in other Ethiopian churches. The artistic motifs found within the paintings of Abuna Yemata Guh indicate an amalgamation of influences, notably drawing from Osman and Goan Christian art traditions. Additionally, traces of the iconographic style seen in the Roman icon Salus populi romani are evident, with a copy of this icon only arriving in Ethiopia after the 1570s. Consequently, the most plausible timeframe for the execution of the wall paintings falls within the latter part of the 16th c.

The five churches of Yǝmrǝḥannä Krǝstos, Ǝmäkina Mädḫane ʿAläm, Ǝmäkina Lǝdätä Maryam, Walye Iyäsus and Žämmädu Maryam are all built in caves in the massif of Abunä Yosef, situated in the Lasta region of Wollo. Changes in their architectural forms suggest that they were constructed over a period of several hundred years in the order listed and as such represent a significant chronological model against which many of Ethiopia’s rock-hewn churches may be compared. Until the publication of this paper, it has been universally accepted that the church of Yǝmrǝḥannä Krǝstos was built in the second half of the 12th century under the sponsorship of an eponymous king. Aspects of the church’s architecture, namely the absence of a raised space reserved for the priesthood before the triumphal arch (the bema), of any sign of a chancel barrier around it, of western service rooms, of a vestibule and narthex, and of the presence of a reading platform (representative of the Coptic ambo), of a full-width open western bay (allowing for a ‘return aisle’), and of arches carrying the aisle ceilings, all point to a date of construction around the mid-13th century. In fact, the closest parallels to Yǝmrǝḥannä Krǝstos may be found in Lalibäla’s second group of monolithic churches, Amanuʾel and Libanos. Closely associated also is the church of Gännätä Maryam. A painting of the Maiestas Domini in the south-east side room (pastophorion) of the latter suggests that the room served as an extension of the sanctuary. By the end of the 13th century, as witnessed by Ǝmäkina Mädḫane ʿAläm and the other churches built in caves, the full-width sanctuary becomes a characteristic which endures throughout 14th- and 15th -century Ethiopian church architecture. Yǝmrǝḥannä Krǝstos and Gännätä Maryam stand on the cusp of a major liturgical change which coincides with the transfer of royal power from the Zagwe dynasty to their Solomonic successors, who sought legitimacy by following Coptic practices.

Ethiopian artist Dawit Abebe’s Jerba paintings were first exhibited in Addis Ababa in 2015. Jerba, a word that means “back” or “background,” is a series of mixed media and acrylic paintings concerned with historical memory and the political and cultural accounts attending to that memory. Abebe’s jerbas explore the contemporary predicaments of Ethiopia, where ethnic tensions have proliferated and where the trademarks of the human body are objectified to one’s ethnic identity rather than to the body’s lived experience as a human being. The evocative power of the composition, texture, and detail of Abebe’s paintings in representing the human image is exquisite while adding a conceptual component that conjures up, for instance, notions of memory and nostalgia, conflicting imaginations of the nation, and the place of Ethiopia in the passage of history. While the Jerba series skillfully navigates the perspective of the past and its remnants in the interpretation of the present, the visual metaphors connect personally with the spectator. Seemingly faint voices transpire from individual panels, and sounds communicate with the viewer through particular stories. Likewise, impressions of silence also materialize, as if the jerbas are telling the viewer that there are histories and stories one cannot comprehend. Abebe’s critical engagement through these works responds to the changing pressures of time and place, particularly the ambiguities of modern citizenship in the Ethiopian state.

In traditional Ethiopian paintings a shining blue is observed. An analysis of four objects from the Museum Haus Völker und Kulturen in St. Augustin shows that they were painted with laundry blue. This substance is of varying composition, and has contained synthetic ultramarine since 1830. Laundry blue was of daily use and carried by travellers and missionaries. It was widely used by painters because of its shining colour and good technical properties. In this article the most likely paths by which synthetic ultramarine could have reached Ethiopia are described. This can be shown to have taken place several decades before 1900, the date that has been hitherto assumed to mark the introduction of synthetic colours. The German Zander was probably the first painter in Ethiopia to decorate a church (Därasge Maryam) with synthetic ultramarine in 1852.

The open rock shelter of Yabelo in Ethiopia hosts diverse Holocene paintings of great cultural importance. The paintings are characterized by the presence of different mineral coatings, whose features have not been studied yet. Our goal was to understand whether different rock samples from the Yabelo paintings collected in close proximity may reveal coatings with different minerology and biology. Thus, elemental analyses combined with microscopic and molecular investigations were performed on two coatings, one whitish (sample 1) and one reddish (sample 2). Although both samples were dominated by heterotrophic bacteria, the two coatings showed distinct mineralogical and microbiological characteristics. Sample 1 contained higher amounts of Ca and P than sample 2, which was likely related to the presence of organic matter. Sample 1 hosted bacterial genera that are potentially involved in biomineralization processes, metal redox cycles and metal resistance. In contrast, sample 2 showed mainly pathogenic and commensal bacteria that are characteristic of animal and human microbiota, and other microorganisms that are involved in nitrogen and metal biogeochemical cycles. Overall, our results indicated that the bacterial communities were particular to the coating mineralogy, suggesting a potential role of the biological components in the crust genesis.

The article is devoted to the results of research focused on three rock-hewn churches, which are not well-represented in literature, in Kola Tembien of the Tigray region in Ethiopia. Fieldwork was carried out with the financial support of the Russian foundation for Basic Research. Trips to the site were conducted in the autumn of 2019 and 2020. The problems of dating and typology is the focus of this research. In the article, three churches are described — Mikaʼel ʽAddi Kawa, Abunä Fäqadä Amlak in ʽAdi Śərä and Maryam Degol Chako. Special reference is made to the architectural ties of these three monuments with others of the region in order to reveal the possible mutual influence of architectural constructions and some decorative elements. Information on these churches has not been published since the time of cooperative research by Ruth Plant and David Buxton in the 1970s. Particular attention in the article is paid to the churches Abunä Fäqadä Amlak inʽAdi Śərä and Maryam Degol Chako as they have very rich paintings on canvas dating from the middle of the XX century. These paintings are valuable not only as art objects of Christian Ethiopia, but also as important sources of the cultural and political history of Tigray. Unfortunately, the preservation of these paintings in the studied churches raises concerns. The article presents new authentic material on the described churches. Photographs of the interiors are published for the first time. In addition, on the basis of the iconographic and architectural analysis, a number of hypotheses by the author are presented for further discussion and verification. It is worth noting the possibility of reconstructing the previous basilica rock-hewn churches into centric structures by building the interior the walls.

This research has been undertaken to assess the empirical implications of the ruling political ideology, since 2018, on the endeavors of protecting cultural heritage in Ethiopia. The study employed critical reviews of the grand-development projects emphasizing the impacts of reconstruction/reestablishment interventions on heritages. Longitudinal data of cases has been collected using site observations and key informant interviews to analyze the status & impacts of interventions. A cross-sectional in-depth interview with key informants and site observation at the Monasteries of lake Tana was undertaken, besides the case follow-up of Heritage houses in Addis Ababa. In both research contexts the assessment uncovered the same pattern of events that destroyed heritages. Heritage houses & items that memorize the monarchical era and the Orthodox Christianity are beleaguered intervention contexts. The construction projects entirely changed their context and features, erasing their cultural and historical background. It is asserted that Oromumma is a political & sociocultural ideology that erases existing features to lay its foundations on a scratch. In the case of the island Monasteries, frescoes are found to be dilapidated because of renovation deprivation. The style of painting and the raw materials used to make the paint for making these frescoes in the medieval era is not available anymore. Hence, discussions with heritage owners and expert opinions commend consideration of revitalizing the ancient knowledge of making and curating frescoes in the academic curriculum to produce capable human power.

Ethiopia is one of the few African countries that have preserved the antiquities of early and medieval Christianity. The cave church of Addis Amba Mädhané Aläm (the church of Saviour of the World), is one of the little known troglodytic heritages found in Mäqét, North Wällo. This study aims to uncover the historical, architectural and artistic values of the cave church that has unique cultural testimonies.Data for the study were collected through fieldwork, interviews, and archival consultations. The cave is believed to have been excavated by Musé, the second bishop of Ethiopia. The church has six different caves cut into a rock face. Five of them are chapels, treasuries and gusting rooms. This paper discusses the cave which is the church of Mädhané Aläm. It has a complex layout compartmented into chanting room, holy and sanctuary. The holy and sanctuary form the nave which is rock-hewn monolithic feature detached from the main rock except on its roof and base. This planning is uncommon in the rock cave church tradition of Ethiopia because the nave is monolithically carved within a cave that should not be confused with churches built under a natural cave. The old enough canopy, a large artistic processional umbrella permanently projected over the chanting place also distinguishes this cave church. This is an indigenous piece of handcraft crafted locally from the bark of a tree. It is painted with different symbols and saint icons. The cave is also home to archaic mural paintings.

Our primary concern in this essay is with reconstructing the history of material culture. As anyone who has ever looked into the material culture of Ethiopia quickly discovers, the travel accounts of early European visitors can be a rich and varied source for illuminating any number of such traditions, including those of metal-, leather-, basket-, and woodworking, as well as pottery, weaving, and painting. Dating from the first part of the sixteenth century, the descriptions of journeys and residences in Ethiopia became more prevalent in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when they also begin to include illustrations of more than the landscape. As sources for the reconstruction of a particular material tradition, these accounts can offer valuable insights into the nature of the objects and the people who produced and used them. Conversely, they can be frustrating to work with, since the pertinent data they contain most often come in the form of a sentence here or there. Rarely are there entire sections dedicated to descriptions of particular traditions or processes, unless one happened to be of special interest to the writer.Among those scholars who have used travel accounts to great effect is Richard Pankhurst. For many decades, as even a cursory examination of his numerous publications illustrates, he has been mining this mother lode for the scattered sentences and tantalizing suggestions they offer. His most comprehensive writing on this subject is an often-cited 1964 article, “Old Time Handicrafts of Ethiopia.” Divided into sections, each dealing with a different tradition, Pankhurst cited various descriptive accounts that mentioned specific traditions. The basic approach taken in this and other publications that have followed is one perhaps best described, in keeping with the mining metaphor, as one of “prospecting” or in some cases mining “surface deposits.”

Скальная церковь Марьям Дебре Цион в районе Геральта региона Тыграй - это просторный светлый храм с высокими сводами, сохранивший красочные росписи двух периодов (последней трети XIV и середины XV в.). Памятник примечателен по ряду признаков. Храм отделен от скального массива с юга, запада и востока широким туннелем обходной галереи. Северный фасад, декорированный имитацией аксумской кладки, является частью скального склона. Этот трехалтарный храм принадлежит к позднесредневековому «открытому типу», где зона макдаса (алтарная часть) не отделена от кеддеста (наоса) стеной. В этой церкви, помимо богатых росписей, выполнен выразительный резной декор - нетипично многочисленные арочные ниши, размещенные в три ряда одна над другой как в зоне макдаса, так и на северной и южной стенах. Подобный декор известен лишь в двух эфиопских храмах. В статье рассматриваются вопросы генезиса плана храма Марьям Дебре Цион, проблема происхождения нетипичного декора интерьера памятника. Другой целью работы является попытка проследить влияние форм этого, во многом «новаторского» для скального зодчества Тыграй храма на ряд других скальных церквей региона. The rock-hewn church of Maryam Debra Tsion is located in the Garalta rocks in the Tigray region (Ethiopia). It is a well-lit church, with high arches, where there are preserved colorful paintings in two cycles (the last third of the XIVand middle of the XV centuries). The monument is remarkable for a number of features. The church is separated from the main-rock by a tunnel of ambulatory from the south, west and east sides. The northern facade, decorated with imitation Aksumite masonry, is part of the scarp of the rock. This three-altar church belongs to the late medieval "open type", where the maqdas (sanctuary) is not separated from the qeddest by a wall. In addition to the rich murals, this church has an expressive carved decoration - numerous arched niches atypically placed in three rows, both in the Maqdas and on the north and south walls. This type of decoration is known only in two Ethiopian churches. The article deals with the genesis of the plan of the church of Maryam Debra Tsion and the problem of the origin of the atypical decoration of the interior of this monument. Another goal of the work is to detect the influence of the forms of this, in many aspects “innovative” church, on a number of other rock-hewn churches of the Tigray region.

Датировка скальных памятников - один из наиболее сложных и дискуссионных вопросов, возникающих перед исследователями в процессе изучения истории архитектуры Эфиопии. Основываясь на различных концепциях и подходах, ученые расходятся в датировке отдельных памятников более чем на 300 лет. Так, один и тот же памятник может быть воспринят как относящийся ко времени упадка Аксумского царства VIII- IX вв., угасания культуры или же, напротив, укрепления династии Соломонидов XIV-XV вв., времени создания множества новых храмов с богатым декором. Одним из памятников, датировка которого остается спорной, является скальная церковь Медхане Алем в Ади Кешо (Тыграй). Автор статьи, сопоставляя различные факты, прежде всего обращаясь к особенностям резного декора и архитектурного плана церкви, предлагает свое обоснование датировки храма второй половиной XIV - первой половиной XV в. The dating of rock-hewn churches is one of the most complicated and controversial issues facing researchers in the process of studying the history of Ethiopian architecture. Based on various concepts and approaches, scientists differ in the dating of monuments for more than 300 years. Thus, D. R. Buxton dated the rock-hewn church of Madhane Alem in Adi Qasho to the end of the 10-11centuries, D. Phillipson determines the time of its creation to the period up to the 10th century, and M. Gervers and E. Fritsch note that the structure of the maqdas of the church indicates a later date of creation, but do not specify it. The purpose of this article is to determine the dating of the rock-hewn church of Madhane Alem in Adi Qasho. Legendary information reports that the church of Adi Qasho, like some others (Mikael Baraka, Maryam Hibiito) in Tigray, was founded by Abuna Abreham, a saint who lived in 1350-1425. The layout of the church combines the principles of both traditional basilicas with two aisles, which became widespread in Ethiopia during the time of the Aksum kingdom, and some signs of the "open-type" basilicas that appeared in Ethiopia, probably in the period from the 14 century. In accordance with the traditions of the architecture of early Ethiopian basilicas, the church at Adi Qasho has the following features: - the vault of the nave is elevated relative to the aisles (in this case, slightly); - an Aksumite frieze runs along the upper part of the nave (with the exception of the east wall); - the maqdas is separated from the naos by a wall with a triumphal arch resting on pilasters; - the vault and the eastern wall of the maqdas form the apse with semi-dome. However, in the maqdas there are no pastophoria which are characteristic of early Ethiopian basilicas. Gervers and Fritsch draw parallels between the Adi Qasho church and the famous cruciform church of Beta Giyorgis at Lalibela (according to their dating from the 15 century), which also does not have pastophoria in the maqdas area. The church of Adi Qasho has some features of the decoration and the layout in common with the basilicas of "opentype", especially the rock-hewn church of Maryam Dabra Tsion. The U-shaped narthex presumably derives from the churches of the Lasta region: in the churches with an ambulatory (Abba Libanos at Lalibela and Zoz Amba Giyorgis), and the later "open-type" basilicas in Tigray: Yesus Archnao and Maryam Dabra Tsion. The facade solution of a four-pillar portico at the church also finds possible prototypes in the Lasta region in churches with colonnades: Madhane Alem at Lalibela, Gannata Maryam, Kankanet Mikael. Exploring the carved decoration of the Adi Qasho church, one can find a characteristic resemblance to the decoration of the church of Maryam Dabra Tsion (the paintings are stylistically dated to the turn of the 14th-15th centuries), and in particular, to the richly decorated ornamental carving of Abuna Abreham’s cell, which is connected to the church by the ambulatory. The Cupola and walls of this cell have the following decorations: diamond-shaped caissons (in Madhane Alem, they are located in the vault of the central bay in the northern aisle); a cross with four accented squares between its bars (in Madhane Alem - in the vault of the nave); multifaceted cross with ornamental filling; another geometric compositions consisting of squares. Carved crosses in the interior of the church are also stylistically dated to the 14th-15th centuries. Two crosses on high shafts are carved on pilasters in the span of the triumphal arch. Paired crosses are also known in earlier churches, but their location in the maqdas area finds parallels with the church of Maryam Dabra Tsion. Is it possible that the image of paired crosses flanking the triumphal arch may be related to the rejection at the middle of the 14th century of the previously used wooden altar barriers with columns decorated with paired crosses. Shallow triple niches (in the western parts of the southern and northern walls) and six niches in the western wall are carved in the naos of the church. Similar niches with images of saints decorated the walls of the church Maryam Dabra Tsion and of the church Yesus Archnao, probably a little earlier. The upper limit of the dating of the monument can be determined by the presence of abundant traces of soot, which can be evidence of the destructive invasion of Ahmad Gran’s jihadists, which destroyed many churches and church relics in Ethiopia in the thirties of the 16th century; likewise, the style of the corner beams of perspective frames of doorways leading from the narthex to the naos. Their form from the second half of the 15th century changes from cubic to round-headed. These factors make it possible to designate the upper limit of dating to the middle of the 15th century, i.e. approximately until 1450. Probably, the creators of the church tried to unite in the monument both the local traditions of the basilica architecture and the new trends that came from the political center of the country. The features of the layout of the church, particular qualities of its maqdas demonstrate close creation date of the Adi Qasho church and the basilica of Maryam Dabra Tsion. Thus, the most plausible dating is close to the legendary information, namely 1370-1450.

Since the discovery of the substantial corpus of Manichaean writings, espe­cially the Kephalaia (editio princeps Polotsky-Böhlig, 1934-1940), the Cologne Mani Codex (= CMC), and the hitherto incompletely published library from Dachla (Ian Gardner, 2000), there can be no doubt as to the activities of the mis­sionaries of the great Persian gnostic Mani in the Southern Nile Valley and Red Sea regions. This fact not only confirms the views of J. Helderman “that the Mani­chaean missionaries entered Egypt from the South-East, i.e. initially to Upper Egypt” (‘Manichäische Züge im Thomasevangelium’, 483f., note 42), but also the historical observations concerning the origins and development of monasticism. The latter was not without Manichaean influence, not merely in Egypt, but also in Nubia and Ethiopia. A mosaic, seemingly depicting Mani (from the collection of Elie Borowski), testifies to the pictorial needs of the Manichaeans as do the mural paintings from Pachoras/Faras depicting the likeness of Onophrios. These demonstrate the popu­larity of the crinite ascetic”, a figure also found in the CMC. It is imperative to recall the decisive importance of the southern kingdoms along the Red Sea during the Axial Age (Karl Jaspers), in order to kindle his­torical awareness in Europe of this currently overlooked region on the eve of its islamicisation – something which for decades I have noted the importance of in numerous publications (cf. foot-note 40). Here, local Christianity (viewed anachronistically) was marked by a heretical-gnostic diversity from the very be­ginning, which in turn weakened the spread of Christian teaching in the region. Islam was initially seen here by some as a Christian heresy (as pointed out by A. v. Harnack) and which even became accepted (e.g. in Ethiopia or Nubia, as noted by H. Jansen, Muhammed [German ed.: Münich 2008], 141). Thus, the local doctrinal pluriformity of Christianity during the jāhiliyya prepared the way for the later Islamic expansion. Manichaeism belongs unequivocally to the “periphery cultures of the Chris­tian world” (Pogranicza chrześcijaństwa) as well as constituting a part of ex­panding Christianity in the Late Antique world. Manichaeism still holds many secrets, but at the same time their answers, as illustrated by this article. Hence, the gnostic element of Early Christianity is worthy of continued intensive study, something which unfortunately in Poland is still quite inadequate.

IntroductionThere are two types of Africa. The first is a place where people and cultures live. The second is the image of Africa that has been invented through colonial knowledge and power. The colonial image of Africa, as the Other of Europe, a land “enveloped in the dark mantle of night” was supported by western states as it justified their colonial practices (Hegel 91). Any evidence that challenged the myth of the Dark Continent was destroyed, removed or ignored. While the looting of African natural resources has been studied, the looting of African knowledges hasn’t received as much attention, partly based on the assumption that Africans did not produce knowledge that could be stolen. This article invalidates this myth by examining the legacy of Ethiopia’s indigenous Ge’ez literature, and its looting and abduction by powerful western agents. The article argues that this has resulted in epistemic violence, where students of the Ethiopian indigenous education system do not have access to their books, while European orientalists use them to interpret Ethiopian history and philosophy using a foreign lens. The analysis is based on interviews with teachers and students of ten Ge’ez schools in Ethiopia, and trips to the Ethiopian manuscript collections in The British Library, The Princeton Library, the Institute of Ethiopian Studies and The National Archives in Addis Ababa.The Context of Ethiopian Indigenous KnowledgesGe’ez is one of the ancient languages of Africa. According to Professor Ephraim Isaac, “about 10,000 years ago, one single nation or community of a single linguistic group existed in Ethiopia, Eritrea, and the Horn of Africa” (The Habesha). The language of this group is known as Proto-Afroasiatic or Afrasian languages. It is the ancestor of the Semitic, Cushitic, Nilotic, Omotic and other languages that are currently spoken in Ethiopia by its 80 ethnic groups, and the neighbouring countries (Diakonoff). Ethiopians developed the Ge’ez language as their lingua franca with its own writing system some 2000 years ago. Currently, Ge’ez is the language of academic scholarship, studied through the traditional education system (Isaac, The Ethiopian). Since the fourth century, an estimated 1 million Ge’ez manuscripts have been written, covering religious, historical, mathematical, medicinal, and philosophical texts.One of the most famous Ge’ez manuscripts is the Kebra Nagast, a foundational text that embodied the indigenous conception of nationhood in Ethiopia. The philosophical, political and religious themes in this book, which craft Ethiopia as God’s country and the home of the Ark of the Covenant, contributed to the country’s success in defending itself from European colonialism. The production of books like the Kebra Nagast went hand in hand with a robust indigenous education system that trained poets, scribes, judges, artists, administrators and priests. Achieving the highest stages of learning requires about 30 years after which the scholar would be given the rare title Arat-Ayina, which means “four eyed”, a person with the ability to see the past as well as the future. Today, there are around 50,000 Ge’ez schools across the country, most of which are in rural villages and churches.Ge’ez manuscripts are important textbooks and reference materials for students. They are carefully prepared from vellum “to make them last forever” (interview, 3 Oct. 2019). Some of the religious books are regarded as “holy persons who breathe wisdom that gives light and food to the human soul”. Other manuscripts, often prepared as scrolls are used for medicinal purposes. Each manuscript is uniquely prepared reflecting inherited wisdom on contemporary lives using the method called Tirguamme, the act of giving meaning to sacred texts. Preparation of books is costly. Smaller manuscript require the skins of 50-70 goats/sheep and large manuscript needed 100-120 goats/sheep (Tefera).The Loss of Ethiopian ManuscriptsSince the 18th century, a large quantity of these manuscripts have been stolen, looted, or smuggled out of the country by travellers who came to the country as explorers, diplomats and scientists. The total number of Ethiopian manuscripts taken is still unknown. Amsalu Tefera counted 6928 Ethiopian manuscripts currently held in foreign libraries and museums. This figure does not include privately held or unofficial collections (41).Looting and smuggling were sponsored by western governments, institutions, and notable individuals. For example, in 1868, The British Museum Acting Director Richard Holms joined the British army which was sent to ‘rescue’ British hostages at Maqdala, the capital of Emperor Tewodros. Holms’ mission was to bring treasures for the Museum. Before the battle, Tewodros had established the Medhanialem library with more than 1000 manuscripts as part of Ethiopia’s “industrial revolution”. When Tewodros lost the war and committed suicide, British soldiers looted the capital, including the treasury and the library. They needed 200 mules and 15 elephants to transport the loot and “set fire to all buildings so that no trace was left of the edifices which once housed the manuscripts” (Rita Pankhurst 224). Richard Holmes collected 356 manuscripts for the Museum. A wealthy British woman called Lady Meux acquired some of the most illuminated manuscripts. In her will, she bequeathed them to be returned to Ethiopia. However, her will was reversed by court due to a campaign from the British press (Richard Pankhurst). In 2018, the V&A Museum in London displayed some of the treasures by incorporating Maqdala into the imperial narrative of Britain (Woldeyes, Reflections).Britain is by no means the only country to seek Ethiopian manuscripts for their collections. Smuggling occurred in the name of science, an act of collecting manuscripts for study. Looting involved local collaborators and powerful foreign sponsors from places like France, Germany and the Vatican. Like Maqdala, this was often sponsored by governments or powerful financers. For example, the French government sponsored the Dakar-Djibouti Mission led by Marcel Griaule, which “brought back about 350 manuscripts and scrolls from Gondar” (Wion 2). It was often claimed that these manuscripts were purchased, rather than looted. Johannes Flemming of Germany was said to have purchased 70 manuscripts and ten scrolls for the Royal Library of Berlin in 1905. However, there was no local market for buying manuscripts. Ge’ez manuscripts were, and still are, written to serve spiritual and secular life in Ethiopia, not for buying and selling. There are countless other examples, but space limits how many can be provided in this article. What is important to note is that museums and libraries have accrued impressive collections without emphasising how those collections were first obtained. The loss of the intellectual heritage of Ethiopians to western collectors has had an enormous impact on the country.Knowledge Grabbing: The Denial of Access to KnowledgeWith so many manuscripts lost, European collectors became the narrators of Ethiopian knowledge and history. Edward Ullendorff, a known orientalist in Ethiopian studies, refers to James Bruce as “the explorer of Abyssinia” (114). Ullendorff commented on the significance of Bruce’s travel to Ethiopia asperhaps the most important aspect of Bruce’s travels was the collection of Ethiopic manuscripts… . They opened up entirely new vistas for the study of Ethiopian languages and placed this branch of Oriental scholarship on a much more secure basis. It is not known how many MSS. reached Europe through his endeavours, but the present writer is aware of at least twenty-seven, all of which are exquisite examples of Ethiopian manuscript art. (133)This quote encompasses three major ways in which epistemic violence occurs: denial of access to knowledge, Eurocentric interpretation of Ethiopian manuscripts, and the handling of Ge’ez manuscripts as artefacts from the past. These will be discussed below.Western ‘travellers’, such as Bruce, did not fully disclose how many manuscripts they took or how they acquired them. The abundance of Ethiopian manuscripts in western institutions can be compared to the scarcity of such materials among traditional schools in Ethiopia. In this research, I have visited ten indigenous schools in Wollo (Lalibela, Neakutoleab, Asheten, Wadla), in Gondar (Bahita, Kuskwam, Menbere Mengist), and Gojam (Bahirdar, Selam Argiew Maryam, Giorgis). In all of the schools, there is lack of Ge’ez manuscripts. Students often come from rural villages and do not receive any government support. The scarcity of Ge’ez manuscripts, and the lack of funding which might allow for the purchasing of books, means the students depend mainly on memorising Ge’ez texts told to them from the mouth of their teacher. Although this method of learning is not new, it currently is the only way for passing indigenous knowledges across generations.The absence of manuscripts is most strongly felt in the advanced schools. For instance, in the school of Qene, poetic literature is created through an in-depth study of the vocabulary and grammar of Ge’ez. A Qene student is required to develop a deep knowledge of Ge’ez in order to understand ancient and medieval Ge’ez texts which are used to produce poetry with multiple meanings. Without Ge’ez manuscripts, students cannot draw their creative works from the broad intellectual tradition of their ancestors. When asked how students gain access to textbooks, one student commented:we don’t have access to Birana books (Ge’ez manuscripts written on vellum). We cannot learn the ancient wisdom of painting, writing, and computing developed by our ancestors. We simply buy paper books such as Dawit (Psalms), Sewasew (grammar) or Degwa (book of songs with notations) and depend on our teachers to teach us the rest. We also lend these books to each other as many students cannot afford to buy them. Without textbooks, we expect to spend double the amount of time it would take if we had textbooks. (Interview, 3 Sep. 2019)Many students interrupt their studies and work as labourers to save up and buy paper textbooks, but they still don’t have access to the finest works taken to Europe. Most Ge’ez manuscripts remaining in Ethiopia are locked away in monasteries, church stores or other places to prevent further looting. The manuscripts in Addis Ababa University and the National Archives are available for researchers but not to the students of the indigenous system, creating a condition of internal knowledge grabbing.While the absence of Ge’ez manuscripts denied, and continues to deny, Ethiopians the chance to enrich their indigenous education, it benefited western orientalists to garner intellectual authority on the field of Ethiopian studies. In 1981, British Museum Director John Wilson said, “our Abyssinian holdings are more important than our Indian collection” (Bell 231). In reaction, Richard Pankhurst, the Director of Ethiopian Studies in Addis Ababa, responded that the collection was acquired through plunder. Defending the retaining of Maqdala manuscripts in Europe, Ullendorff wrote:neither Dr. Pankhurst nor the Ethiopian and western scholars who have worked on this collection (and indeed on others in Europe) could have contributed so significantly to the elucidation of Ethiopian history without the rich resources available in this country. Had they remained insitu, none of this would have been possible. (Qtd. in Bell 234)The manuscripts are therefore valued based on their contribution to western scholarship only. This is a continuation of epistemic violence whereby local knowledges are used as raw materials to produce Eurocentric knowledge, which in turn is used to teach Africans as though they had no prior knowledge. Scholars are defined as those western educated persons who can speak European languages and can travel to modern institutions to access the manuscripts. Knowledge grabbing regards previous owners as inexistent or irrelevant for the use of the grabbed knowledges.Knowledge grabbing also means indigenous scholars are deprived of critical resources to produce new knowledge based on their intellectual heritage. A Qene teacher commented: our students could not devote their time and energy to produce new knowledges in the same way our ancestors did. We have the tradition of Madeladel, Kimera, Kuteta, Mielad, Qene and tirguamme where students develop their own system of remembering, reinterpreting, practicing, and rewriting previous manuscripts and current ones. Without access to older manuscripts, we increasingly depend on preserving what is being taught orally by elders. (Interview, 4 Sep. 2019)This point is important as it relates to the common myth that indigenous knowledges are artefacts belonging to the past, not the present. There are millions of people who still use these knowledges, but the conditions necessary for their reproduction and improvement is denied through knowledge grabbing. The view of Ge’ez manuscripts as artefacts dismisses the Ethiopian view that Birana manuscripts are living persons. As a scholar told me in Gondar, “they are creations of Egziabher (God), like all of us. Keeping them in institutions is like keeping living bodies in graveyards” (interview, 5 Oct. 2019).Recently, the collection of Ethiopian manuscripts by western institutions has also been conducted digitally. Thousands of manuscripts have been microfilmed or digitised. For example, the EU funded Ethio-SPaRe project resulted in the digital collection of 2000 Ethiopian manuscripts (Nosnitsin). While digitisation promises better access for people who may not be able to visit institutions to see physical copies, online manuscripts are not accessible to indigenous school students in Ethiopia. They simply do not have computer or internet access and the manuscripts are catalogued in European languages. Both physical and digital knowledge grabbing results in the robbing of Ethiopian intellectual heritage, and denies the possibility of such manuscripts being used to inform local scholarship. Epistemic Violence: The European as ExpertWhen considered in relation to stolen or appropriated manuscripts, epistemic violence is the way in which local knowledge is interpreted using a foreign epistemology and gained dominance over indigenous worldviews. European scholars have monopolised the field of Ethiopian Studies by producing books, encyclopaedias and digital archives based on Ethiopian manuscripts, almost exclusively in European languages. The contributions of their work for western scholarship is undeniable. However, Kebede argues that one of the detrimental effects of this orientalist literature is the thesis of Semiticisation, the designation of the origin of Ethiopian civilisation to the arrival of Middle Eastern colonisers rather than indigenous sources.The thesis is invented to make the history of Ethiopia consistent with the Hegelian western view that Africa is a Dark Continent devoid of a civilisation of its own. “In light of the dominant belief that black peoples are incapable of great achievements, the existence of an early and highly advanced civilization constitutes a serious anomaly in the Eurocentric construction of the world” (Kebede 4). To address this anomaly, orientalists like Ludolph attributed the origin of Ethiopia’s writing system, agriculture, literature, and civilisation to the arrival of South Arabian settlers. For example, in his translation of the Kebra Nagast, Budge wrote: “the SEMITES found them [indigenous Ethiopians] negro savages, and taught them civilization and culture and the whole scriptures on which their whole literature is based” (x).In line with the above thesis, Dillman wrote that “the Abyssinians borrowed their Numerical Signs from the Greeks” (33). The views of these orientalist scholars have been challenged. For instance, leading scholar of Semitic languages Professor Ephraim Isaac considers the thesis of the Arabian origin of Ethiopian civilization “a Hegelian Eurocentric philosophical perspective of history” (2). Isaac shows that there is historical, archaeological, and linguistic evidence that suggest Ethiopia to be more advanced than South Arabia from pre-historic times. Various Ethiopian sources including the Kebra Nagast, the works of historian Asres Yenesew, and Ethiopian linguist Girma Demeke provide evidence for the indigenous origin of Ethiopian civilisation and languages.The epistemic violence of the Semeticisation thesis lies in how this Eurocentric ideological construction is the dominant narrative in the field of Ethiopian history and the education system. Unlike the indigenous view, the orientalist view is backed by strong institutional power both in Ethiopia and abroad. The orientalists control the field of Ethiopian studies and have access to Ge’ez manuscripts. Their publications are the only references for Ethiopian students. Due to Native Colonialism, a system of power run by native elites through the use of colonial ideas and practices (Woldeyes), the education system is the imitation of western curricula, including English as a medium of instruction from high school onwards. Students study the west more than Ethiopia. Indigenous sources are generally excluded as unscientific. Only the Eurocentric interpretation of Ethiopian manuscripts is regarded as scientific and objective.ConclusionEthiopia is the only African country never to be colonised. In its history it produced a large quantity of manuscripts in the Ge’ez language through an indigenous education system that involves the study of these manuscripts. Since the 19th century, there has been an ongoing loss of these manuscripts. European travellers who came to Ethiopia as discoverers, missionaries and scholars took a large number of manuscripts. The Battle of Maqdala involved the looting of the intellectual products of Ethiopia that were collected at the capital. With the introduction of western education and use of English as a medium of instruction, the state disregarded indigenous schools whose students have little access to the manuscripts. This article brings the issue of knowledge grapping, a situation whereby European institutions and scholars accumulate Ethiopia manuscripts without providing the students in Ethiopia to have access to those collections.Items such as manuscripts that are held in western institutions are not dead artefacts of the past to be preserved for prosperity. They are living sources of knowledge that should be put to use in their intended contexts. Local Ethiopian scholars cannot study ancient and medieval Ethiopia without travelling and gaining access to western institutions. This lack of access and resources has made European Ethiopianists almost the sole producers of knowledge about Ethiopian history and culture. For example, indigenous sources and critical research that challenge the Semeticisation thesis are rarely available to Ethiopian students. Here we see epistemic violence in action. Western control over knowledge production has the detrimental effect of inventing new identities, subjectivities and histories that translate into material effects in the lives of African people. In this way, Ethiopians and people all over Africa internalise western understandings of themselves and their history as primitive and in need of development or outside intervention. African’s intellectual and cultural heritage, these living bodies locked away in graveyards, must be put back into the hands of Africans.AcknowledgementThe author acknowledges the support of the Australian Academy of the Humanities' 2019 Humanities Travelling Fellowship Award in conducting this research.ReferencesBell, Stephen. “Cultural Treasures Looted from Maqdala: A Summary of Correspondence in British National Newspapers since 1981.” Kasa and Kasa. Eds. Tadesse Beyene, Richard Pankhurst, and Shifereraw Bekele. Addis Ababa: Ababa University Book Centre, 1990. 231-246.Budge, Wallis. A History of Ethiopia, Nubia and Abyssinia. London: Methuen and Co, 1982.Demeke, Girma Awgichew. The Origin of Amharic. Trenton: Red Sea Press, 2013.Diakonoff, Igor M. Afrasian Languages. Moscow: Nauka, 1988.Dillmann, August. Ethiopic Grammar. Eugene: Wipf & Stock, 2005.Hegel, Georg W.F. The Philosophy of History. New York: Dover, 1956.Isaac, Ephraim. The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church. New Jersey: Red Sea Press, 2013.———. “An Open Letter to an Inquisitive Ethiopian Sister.” The Habesha, 2013. 1 Feb. 2020 <http://www.zehabesha.com/an-open-letter-to-an-inquisitive-young-ethiopian-sister-ethiopian-history-is-not-three-thousand-years/>.Kebra Nagast. "The Queen of Sheba and Her Only Son Menyelik I." Trans. Wallis Budge. London: Oxford UP, 1932.Pankhurst, Richard. "The Napier Expedition and the Loot Form Maqdala." Presence Africaine 133-4 (1985): 233-40.Pankhurst, Rita. "The Maqdala Library of Tewodros." Kasa and Kasa. Eds. Tadesse Beyene, Richard Pankhurst, and Shifereraw Bekele. Addis Ababa: Ababa University Book Centre, 1990. 223-230.Tefera, Amsalu. ነቅዐ መጻህፍት ከ መቶ በላይ በግዕዝ የተጻፉ የእኢትዮጵያ መጻህፍት ዝርዝር ከማብራሪያ ጋር።. Addis Ababa: Jajaw, 2019.Nosnitsin, Denis. "Ethio-Spare Cultural Heritage of Christian Ethiopia: Salvation, Preservation and Research." 2010. 5 Jan. 2019 <https://www.aai.uni-hamburg.de/en/ethiostudies/research/ethiospare/missions/pdf/report2010-1.pdf>. Ullendorff, Edward. "James Bruce of Kinnaird." The Scottish Historical Review 32.114, part 2 (1953): 128-43.Wion, Anaïs. "Collecting Manuscripts and Scrolls in Ethiopia: The Missions of Johannes Flemming (1905) and Enno Littmann (1906)." 2012. 5 Jan. 2019 <https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00524382/document>. Woldeyes, Yirga Gelaw. Native Colonialism: Education and the Economy of Violence against Traditions in Ethiopia. Trenton: Red Sea Press, 2017.———. “Reflections on Ethiopia’s Stolen Treasures on Display in a London Museum.” The Conversation. 2018. 5 June 2018 <https://theconversation.com/reflections-on-ethiopias-stolen-treasures-on-display-in-a-london-museum-97346>.Yenesew, Asres. ትቤ፡አክሱም፡መኑ፡ አንተ? Addis Ababa: Nigid Printing House, 1959 [1951 EC].

Abstract Two new rock art sites in Irob district of eastern Tigrai, northern Ethiopia, are presented. One of the sites, Ra Bolo, contains images of domestic cattle and human figures while the other, Adhay Bolo, appears to contain only images of caprines, the only example of such a scene not just in the region but in all of Ethiopia. The sites fit well with the already established northern Ethiopian assemblage of paintings and engravings. The paintings belong to the earliest phase of Ethio-Arabian “Surre-Hanakiya” style, an attribution which is supported by other types of archaeological data. These new rock art sites are also compared with other rock art sites in Ethiopia. Archaeological faunal data from northern Ethiopia and elsewhere in Ethiopia is discussed and questions are raised about the validity of the hypothesized ages of the rock art in south-central Ethiopia.

In Ethiopia, the period from the late 16th and 17th Centuries has caused a controversy because some consider this period as Ethiopia’s recovery from religious, civil conflicts as well as sectarian discord, while others including Kofi Darkwah (1975), define it as a continued descent prosses for the empire. In line with this disagreement, factual information can speak for itself in the course of this study. Emperor Susenyos (1572-1632 CE) was a strong supporter of Catholicism, yet his son, Fasilidas (1603-1667 CE) as his successor, reinstated Ethiopian miaphysite Orthodoxy. The establishment of Gondar as the permanent capital in 1636, is an event heralded by Henze (2000) as the onset of an Ethiopian Renaissance, particularly in artistic, architectural, and musical domains. After Fasilidas’s demise, his son, Yohannes I reigned from 1632-67 CE. Yet, it was Fasilidas’s grandson, Iyasu I the Great (r. 1682-1706 CE), who distinguished himself through extensive architectural projects, notably transforming Gondar into a captivating city. Iyasu I’s assassination caused significant turmoil in Gondar, subsequently resulting in a gradual loss of political power. When Iyasu I’s son, Bakaffa (r. 1721-1730 CE) ascended to the imperial throne, the arts - namely, chant (zema), poetry (qene), interpretation (tergum) and refinement of the court minstrels’ music had already been supported and vigorously promoted. However, it was Bakaffa’s wife and later widow, Mentewab (1706-1773 CE), who emerged as the pivotal figure in this Ethiopian “Renaissance”. Additionally, the diverse styles of Ethiopian iconography sponsored by Mentewab, some adorned with elements reminiscent of the decorative style of the Rococo period, illustrate the queen’s remarkable aesthetic standards. The research on Mentewab, also known as Welete Giyorgis, has been guided by portrayals in iconographies, chronicles, paintings, testimonials from church builders and castles, and indirectly by information provided in texts such as Kebre Negast, and Fetha Nagast. To this end, special attention has been drawn on Mentewab’s legacy as the founder, protector, and patron of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church Narga Selassie, renowned for its resplendent Qwara style that fused European, Islamic, and Indian elements while retaining strong Ethiopian traits. With special attention to the iconographic representations of Queen Mentewab as the ktetor of Narga Selassie Church, the study explores symbolic significances embedded within relevant creations and artistic styles. By contextualising them within their historical framework, this analysis explores Mentewab’s influence on her contemporary politics, religion, art, and literature in Ethiopia.

AbstractThe World Health Organization estimates that air pollution causes approximately seven million premature deaths worldwide each year. Solutions to air pollution are well known, yet this rarely equates to easily actionable. Here we demonstrate how art science collaboration can successfully highlight the issue of air pollution and create wider civic discourse around its amelioration. We document a light painting photographic technique that uses data from calibrated low-cost particulate matter sensors to measure and depict air pollution. We also use a postcard technique to grasp individuals’ sentiments regarding air pollution. The photographs from three countries, Ethiopia, India and United Kingdom, visually highlight the importance of location and occupation upon human exposure. The photographs are used as a proxy to communicate and create dialogues, spaces and places about air pollution. The sentiment analysis shows how this approach can foster awareness and create agency for stakeholders to take actions to tackle air pollution.

Abstract We present incentivized panel data measuring risk preferences of subsistence farmers from across Ethiopia, and pair them with rainfall data. We use these data to test the hypothesis that risk preferences may adapt to the environment of the decision maker. We find rainfall shocks to decrease risk tolerance for the same individuals over time. We also find that historical rainfall characteristics and geographical features can explain 40% of the variation in preferences across individuals. The time-changing effects are perfectly aligned with the geographical effects we document, painting a unified and highly coherent picture. This provides the first real world evidence that preferences may systematically adapt to the environment of the decision maker.

Qualitative methodological approaches have become increasingly important for theological research, as lived theology and ecclesiological practices are recognized as being a relevant part of the theological information ecosystem. These new approaches require attention to how field research in theology is documented and described. Evan Kuehn (North Park) will discuss the transculturality of theological research and the relevance of qualitative approaches to theological librarianship. Hadje Sadje (Leuven) will share about his research on the political theology latent in the practices of Oneness Pentecostal congregations in the Philippines and the role that documentation and description play in this research. Matthew Ryan Robinson (Bonn) will discuss the nature of non-textual theological artifacts by focusing on two case studies—a painting from Ethiopia and a devotional cross from the Philippines—as objects that present challenges and opportunities for extracting, coding, and analysis.

This book documents the paintings and drawings executed by Louis Agassiz Fuertes during the Field Museum of Natural History’s seven-month expedition to Ethiopia (Abyssinia) in 1926–27. During that time Fuertes completed 70 field watercolors that illustrate 55 species of birds and four species of mammals. He also executed 34 pencil drawings, which illustrate 13 species of mammals and 11 species of birds, plus numerous miscellaneous sketches and small watercolors. This book identifies and describes the biology of all 69 species of birds and mammals illustrated by Fuertes and includes 32 color reproductions of Fuertes’s watercolors that were published as a limited-edition album in 1930 by the Field Museum. The 60,000-word text provides brief summaries of all these species’ ecology, behavior, and reproductive biology as well as information about their current populations and conservation status. A review of Fuertes’s life, his influence on modern bird and wildlife art, and his participation in and artistic contributions to the Field Museum’s Abyssinian Expedition is also included, as well as more than 250 bibliographic citations.

BackgroundCarpal tunnel syndrome is characterized by symptoms such as pain, numbness, or tingling on the anterior surface of the index, middle, or radial half of the ring finger, which is frequently associated with weakness of hand grip, and nocturnal pain and/or numbness resulting from compression of the median nerve at the carpal tunnel between the carpal bones and the transverse ligament. The construction industry involves many activities aside from the building process, such as landscaping, painting, electrical supply, plastering, paving, and telecommunications. Performing such tasks involves repetition of wrist flexion and extension, forceful grip with the hand, and/or vibrations of the hand and arm. This study aimed to assess the prevalence of carpal tunnel syndrome and its associated risk factors among construction workers.MethodAn institutional-based cross-sectional study design was conducted among six construction sectors in Gondar from April to July 2021. An interviewer-administered questionnaire was prepared from the literature with a Katz hand diagram, and a physical examination and a special test (carpal compression test, Phalen’s, and Tinel’s test) were carried out for those participants who reported pain during the interview. Binary logistic regression was conducted with SPSS 25 to identify the associated risk factors for carpal tunnel syndrome. The strength of the association was detected by the adjusted odds ratio.ResultA total of 333 study participants aged 18–70 years were included in this study. Among the participants, 11.7% (AOR: 95%CI: 8.1–15.3) had carpal tunnel syndrome. Age, cigarette smoking, work experience, and working with finger-pressing tools were risk factors significantly associated with carpal tunnel syndrome among construction workers with a p-value of &lt;0.05.ConclusionThe magnitude of carpal tunnel syndrome was 11.7% among construction workers. Being of older age, having more experience, cigarette smoking, and working with finger-pressing tools were risk factors significantly associated with carpal tunnel syndrome among construction workers. Employers should implement work safety education programs that raise awareness about the risks of cigarette smoking and encourage employers and supervisors to seek early medical intervention and treatment for carpal tunnel syndrome before it becomes a chronic problem.

Most of the information regarding traditional medicinal plants are still in the hands of traditional vendors, and knowledge of vendors is either lost or passed orally from generation to next generation. This study aimed to survey and document the currently used plants by herbalists in Jeldu Woreda and record their medicinal usage and mode of preparation. Due to most of the vendors of traditional medicinal plants in Jeldu Woreda are alliterated, the data was gathered by supported questionnaire from both vendors and the users of this traditional medicinal plants. The study was limited to traditional medicinal plants which used to treat diseases related to skin, digestive system and circulatory system. The technique used to select the sample from the traditional medicinal plant venders was available sampling since the number of venders in the selected site is not large in number. Thus all the traditional medicinal plant venders in Jeldu Woreda were the respondents of the study. From selected research site about 21 medicinal plants vendorsand 47 users were participated in the study. The finding of the study concluded that there were some plants used to treat some human disease in Jeldu Woreda. Therefore, this research tried to document some medicinal plants used to treat human gastrointestinal, skin and other diseases by including the mode of preparation and how to apply. In this research about 68 respondents have participated. Out of those respondents, 21 were vendors of medicinal plants while 47 were users of medicinal plants. According to data from the medicinal plant vendors and users total of 26 plant species were identified with an identification of the plants’ part with medicinal value. Also, the modes of preparation and mode of application were described in this research. Among this plants species, more than half of them used to treat digestive system disease. From the 26 plant species about half of those plants were recorded for their ability to treat skin disease. The application of the prepared medicine on the skin is mostly by painting the liquidified medicine from plant on infected skin.