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Journal articles on the topic 'Ethiopian'
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1
Thompson, Daniel K. "Border crimes, extraterritorial jurisdiction, and the racialization of sovereignty in the Ethiopia–British Somaliland borderlands during the 1920s." Africa 90, no. 4 (August 2020): 746–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972020000303.
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AbstractThis article argues that the politics of extraterritorial jurisdiction in the 1920s reshaped relations between ethnicity and territorial sovereignty in Ethiopia's eastern borderlands. A 1925 criminal trial involving Gadabursi Somalis began as what Britons deemed a ‘tribal matter’ to be settled through customary means, but became a struggle for Ethiopia's regent, Ras Tafari, to assert Ethiopia's territorial authority and imperial sovereignty. British claims of extraterritorial jurisdiction over Somalis amidst 1920s global geopolitical shifts disrupted existing practices of governance in Ethiopia's eastern borderlands and created a dilemma for Ethiopian authorities. In order to uphold international obligations, Ethiopian officials effectively had to revoke their sovereignty over some Somalis indigenous to Ethiopia. Yet Britons’ practical application of extraterritoriality to Somalis was predicated on assumed racial differences between Somalis and highland Ethiopians (‘Abyssinians’). Thus, Ethiopia's recognition of British extraterritorial jurisdiction would lend legitimacy to claims exempting Somalis from Ethiopian sovereignty due to differences in identity. The case reveals how assertions about race, nationality and ‘tribal’ identity articulated to subordinate Ethiopian rule to British interests and, in the longer term, to delegitimize Ethiopian governance over Somalis.
2
Adem, Seifudein. "China in Ethiopia: Diplomacy and Economics of Sino-optimism." African Studies Review 55, no. 1 (April 2012): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2012.0008.
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Abstract:This article examines the motive behind China's increased activities in Ethiopia in recent years and concludes that it lies in Ethiopia's perceived diplomatic usefulness. If China's relations with many African countries could be described as one of “infrastructure for natural resources,” the Sino-Ethiopian relationship can be described “infrastructure for diplomatic support.” After exploring the nature and scope of Ethiopia's relations with China and highlighting areas of divergence of interest, the article seeks to demonstrate how the convergence of interests between the two countries has ushered in a period of Sino-optimism among Ethiopia's elite and rising expectations among ordinary Ethiopians.
3
Prakasa, Tirta Bayu, Mutiara Nabighah Khilmia, and Nadiya Ivany Putri. "DILEMMA OF WORLD BANK ACTION IN BIRR DEVALUATION AND ITS EFFECTS ON ETHIOPIA." SIYAR Journal 3, no. 2 (July 1, 2023): 124–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/siyar.2023.3.2.124-130.
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The Ethiopian financial crisis has been ongoing for several years, with various economic challenges such as high inflation, foreign exchange shortages, and a growing public debt burden. However, one of the major events that triggered the crisis was the devaluation of the Ethiopian birr (the country's currency) in October 2017, which led to a rapid increase in inflation and caused significant economic hardship for many Ethiopians. The World Bank has been providing financial and technical assistance to the Ethiopian government to help address the crisis and promote sustainable economic growth. This research paper analyzes the World Bank's role in addressing Ethiopia's financial crisis using a combination of qualitative and quantitative research methods. The study includes in-depth interviews with key stakeholders, secondary data analysis of World Bank reports and other relevant documents, and exploratory data research methods to analyze economic trends in Ethiopia. Writer also highlights the value of using a combination of research methods to examine complex economic issues such as Ethiopia's financial crisis. By drawing on multiple data sources and research methods, the study provides a comprehensive understanding of the World Bank's role in addressing the crisis and the broader economic context in which it operates.
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Hafkin, Nancy J. "“Whatsupoch” on the Net: The Role of Information and Communication Technology in the Shaping of Transnational Ethiopian Identity." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 15, no. 2-3 (March 2011): 221–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.15.2-3.221.
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The Ethiopian diaspora is using the Internet increasingly to reflect on its identity, to forge new communities, and to promote cultural innovation. This essay tracks the close association of information and communication technologies (ICTs) with the emergence of the Ethiopian diaspora since 1980, setting forth a series of brief case studies illustrating the role of ICTs among different Ethiopian ethnic communities. It documents the manner in which ICTs shape socialization and address questions of return to homeland; it also explores the way in which Ethiopians have exploited new media and their technical innovations. The essay concludes with an account of ways in which freedom of expression and access to technology enable diaspora Ethiopians to have public discussions and circulate critiques of Ethiopian politics and culture that could not have taken place in Ethiopia, which is not only at the bottom of the digital divide but has exercised censorship over a number of homeland Ethiopian Web sites and blogs. (16 January 2009)
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Sigatu, Kaleab Tadesse. "From Security Provider to a Security Risk?" Hadtudományi Szemle 15, no. 4 (2022): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.32563/hsz.2022.4.5.
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This paper aims to offer an overview of a unique and decade-long Ethiopian peacekeeping deployment in Abyei, where Ethiopian contingents comprise almost the entire force, where the deployment ended in an ungraceful manner because of disapproval from the government of Sudan. The paper reveals that the Tigray conflict which resulted in the desertion of the Ethiopian peacekeepers and Egyptian pressure on Sudan because of the GERD have contributed to the withdrawal of Ethiopian peacekeepers and the Ethiopia–Sudan border dispute brought a dark shadow on their relations in addition to the disruption of the peacekeeping deployment. The paper concludes that unless Ethiopia makes a progress on internal stability and reboots its relations with its neighbours, Ethiopia’s role as a peace mediator and peacekeeper in the region becomes an ignominy.
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Fedaa Mohamed. "Comparative sentiment analysis of grand renaissance dam controversy in Egyptian and Ethiopian newspapers." ijpmonline 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2023): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.26524/ijpm.2.13.
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Through a 3-year period of content analysis, this study compares predominant sentiments, stakeholder portrayal, framing techniques, and prevailing tone in Egyptian ‘Ahram Online’ and ‘The Reporter’ Ethiopian newspaper coverage of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) controversy. Despite the relatively extended, ongoing nature of GERD negotiations, throughout the last 3 years, 2020 – 2023, representing the time frame of the current study, the news coverage of both the Ethiopian and Egyptian media has portrayed the sentimental pillars of controversy in a contemporary manner.The results revealed that Ahram Online, the Egyptian newspaper, predominantly conveys a positive sentiment, echoing Egypt's focus on diplomacy and negotiation to resolve the Grand Renaissance Dam dispute, fostering an optimistic and cooperative tone. Conversely, 'The Reporter,' an Ethiopian newspaper, exhibits varying sentiments over time, with positive portrayals of Ethiopia's perspective on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and negative sentiments concerning external actors and evolving Egypt-Ethiopia tensions.Ahram Online portrays Egypt as advocating for its water rights and comprehensive agreements, emphasizing diplomacy and casting Egypt positively. 'The Reporter' presents Ethiopia as dedicated to its development, emphasizing the GERD's importance while critically covering external stakeholders.Both newspapers employ framing techniques. Ahram Online emphasizes cooperation, regional stability, and responsible water use, framing the GERD issue positively. 'The Reporter' highlights Ethiopia's historical challenges and the urgency of the GERD project while critically framing external actors.Al-Ahram's tone remains optimistic and cooperative, emphasizing diplomatic solutions. 'The Reporter' exhibits varying tones, including optimism, urgency, skepticism, and negativity, reflecting Ethiopia's perspective and concerns about external actors and evolving tensions.
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Ivanov, Vladimir G., and V. Mikael Kassae Nigusie. "The Problem of Internally Displaced Persons in Ethiopia in the Context of 2020 Parliamentary Elections." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 633–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-4-633-641.
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In 2019, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiyah Ahmed won the Nobel peace prize. His government is praised for releasing political prisoners, partially opening Ethiopia's political space to the opposition, and making peace with neighboring Eritrea. At the same time, in recent years nearly 3 million people have fled their homes in Ethiopia, mainly because of ethnic violence. Human rights organizations accuse the country's authorities of forcing people to return to their homes, where many still do not feel safe. In 2018 and 2019 alone, more than a million Ethiopians were forced from their homes by ethnic violence. Ethiopia currently ranks first in the world in the number of internally displaced persons. The authors analyze the controversial socio-political situation in Ethiopia in the context of the upcoming parliamentary elections in 2020.
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Larçon, Jean-Paul, and Corinne Vadcar. "Belt and Road in Ethiopia and China’s African Ambition." China and the World 04, no. 02 (May 17, 2021): 2150007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2591729321500073.
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China–Ethiopia economic cooperation in the period of 2000–2020 is marked by the convergence between the industrial policy of Ethiopia, the orientations of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), and the infrastructure development strategy which is the cornerstone of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China, the largest foreign investor in Ethiopia during this period, has had a major role in terms of investment and financing in the energy sector and the transportation infrastructure: Addis Ababa Airport, roads, railway, seaport terminal, and gas pipeline. The flagship project — the Addis Ababa–Djibouti Railway — connecting Addis Ababa to Djibouti City and Djibouti’s Doraleh Container Terminal, inaugurated in 2018, provided landlocked Ethiopia with a good connection between the hinterland and the seaport: the economic corridor accounts for more than 95% of Ethiopia’s foreign trade. The development of Ethiopian Industrial Parks on the model of Chinese Special Economic Zones (SEZs) was the second pillar of the strategy of development of an export-oriented manufacturing sector. Chinese companies operating in Ethiopian Industrial Parks in the textile and leather industries have been pioneering this activity contributing to Ethiopia’s participation in the Global Value Chains (GVCs). Ethiopian government is also planning the development of agro-industrial parks specialized in added-value agricultural products such as coffee or cut flowers exported to Europe via Addis Ababa Airport and Ethiopian Airlines Cargo. Ethiopia’s main challenges in that direction are the necessity to go up the value chain to further penetrate European markets and, most likely, to identify the products or services which could be integrated into the African markets in the new context of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement that entered into force in January 2021.
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Ademe, Solomon Molla. "Uncovering the Role of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church in the War between the Tigrian Forces and the Federal Government." Journal of Africana Religions 11, no. 2 (July 2023): 228–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jafrireli.11.2.0228.
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Abstract The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church (EOTC) has a long and glorious history in the Ethiopian polity. It was an institution deeply engaged in Ethiopian politics and has long served as a unifying political force. For example, when foreign enemies invaded Ethiopia, the EOTC was tasked with uniting Ethiopians to fight against aggressors. However, in times of internal political crisis, particularly in contemporary Ethiopia, the EOTC’s role is relatively insignificant. Previous studies have not focused on this issue. Through a qualitative research approach, this study takes the post-2020 conflict between Tigrian forces and the federal government as a litmus test for showing the EOTC’s insignificant role in cases of internal political crisis. It shows that, as an institution, the EOTC played an insignificant role in reconciling, condemning, or trying to manage the conflict. Indeed, two challenges prevented the EOTC from doing what it was supposed to do in this conflict: ethnic politics and the EOTC’s top authorities’ submissiveness to the ruling regimes. This article recommends further studies aimed at assessing the invisible role of the EOTC in the Ethiopian polity and its counter-relationships. Conducting additional studies is significant for policymakers in general and the EOTC in particular.
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Loshkariov, Ivan. "Diaspora policy in Ethiopia: institutional dimension." Asia and Africa Today, no. 12 (2023): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750029004-6.
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The article touches upon the new branch of Ethiopian public policy – diaspora politics. This sphere is considered through the prism of the evolution of key state institutions designed to regulate the contacts of Ethiopian citizens and state with compatriots living abroad. The modern Ethiopian diaspora is a complex phenomenon given its multi-ethnic and multi-religious, geographically unevenly distributed composition. Moreover, its representatives do not always have legal status in a receiving country. Despite this, in recent decades, the Ethiopian authorities have done a lot to establish a dialogue with the diaspora and attract its resources for the social and economic development of the country. The study examines the main objectives of Ethiopia’s diaspora policy, the development of a system of state institutions in this field, the influence of different Ethiopian identities on the contacts of the Ethiopian government with the diaspora, the role of the diaspora in the inflow of foreign investment into the country, the main problems and difficulties hampering the effective interaction between the Government and the Ethiopian diaspora abroad. Conclusions on possible prospects of diaspora policy of Ethiopia at the present stage have been drawn.
11
Getahun, Solomon. "Brain Drain and Its Impact on Ethiopia's Higher Learning Institutions: Medical Establishments and the Military Academies Between 1970s and 2000." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 5, no. 3 (2006): 257–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915006778620052.
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AbstractAfrica is beset with problems that range from natural calamities to civil wars and epidemics such as HIV-AIDS. Ironically, countries like Ethiopia, which badly need trained manpower, continued to lose highly skilled professionals, both military and civilian, to Western Europe and the United States. Ethiopia, for instance, loses more than a third of all its students who were sent for further education to Europe and the U.S. This is in addition to those who leave the country for various reasons but refuse to return home and those educated Ethiopians who became refugees in African countries. One of the consequences of the outflow of highly educated Ethiopians is that today there are more Ethiopian professionals, including MDs, working in the U.S. than in Ethiopia. However, not all Ethiopian professionals are successful in practicing their profession. Among these professionals, highly trained military officers constituted the largest group. They end up being taxi drivers and security guards; they represent the worst case of brain drain—brain hemorrhage. My paper will examine the causes and processes of migration of highly educated Ethiopians to the U.S. and its impact on higher education, both military and civilian, and health institutions in Ethiopia—a country with the least developed higher education establishments, even by African standards, and one of the worst HIV-AIDS affected areas in the world.
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Mehretu, Assefa. "Ethnic federalism and its potential to dismember the Ethiopian state." Progress in Development Studies 12, no. 2-3 (June 28, 2012): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146499341101200303.
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The Horn of Africa has become the most fragmented post-colonial region in Africa. The largest state in the region, Ethiopia, with its unequalled demographic and resource power lost one of its provinces to secession and the rest of the country became divided into ethnic enclosures called killiloch, which are federal states with tribal designation. The recitation of divisive counter-narratives on the history of the Ethiopian state by ethnically inspired governing and non-governing political elite has minimized the collective identity of Ethiopians leading to their decomposition into tribal groupings in killiloch with neo-tribal restrictive covenants that include the right of secession. The supporters of such divisions have touted the policies as emancipatory that are ostensibly designed to help in the self-determination of Ethiopia’s various nationalities and to govern their own local affairs under a form of dual federalism (exclusive states’ rights). The objective of this article is to reflect on the adverse consequences of dual federalism based on ethnic killils and to explore an alternative framework for cultural and functional integration of the Ethiopian state under the rubric of cooperative federalism.
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Bonacci, Giulia. "Mapping the Boundaries of Otherness." African Diaspora 8, no. 1 (2015): 34–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725465-00801002.
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This paper analyses the stranger-host relationship through examples of names, which are taken or asserted by Caribbean Rastafari, and attributed or given to them by Ethiopians. In the late 1950s a Caribbean Rastafari population settled on the outskirts of Shashemene, a southern Ethiopian town. I explain how these settlers, inspired by a popular tradition of Ethiopianism, identify themselves as “real Ethiopians”. I analyse as well the names they claim (Jamaican, Rastafari) and the names given to them by Ethiopians (sädätäñña färänjočč, tukkur americawi, balabbat and baria). These names illustrate the changing representations the Ethiopians have of the Caribbeans and the shifting position of the latter in Ethiopian society. The complexities of the diasporic subject “returned home” and those of the national setting are discussed, thus mapping the boundaries of otherness at work. Based on extensive research in Jamaica and Ethiopia, this paper draws on archival, written, and oral sources in English and Amharic.
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Andersen, Knud Tage. "The Queen of the Habasha in Ethiopian history, tradition and chronology." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 63, no. 1 (January 2000): 31–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00006443.
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It is well known from relatively recent Ethiopic tradition that Ethiopia was once ruled by a queen called Gudit, Yodit, Isat or Gaՙwa, with both positive and negative characteristics. On the one hand she was a beautiful woman of the Ethiopian royal family, much like the Queen of Sheba, and on the other she was a despicable prostitute who, at a time of political weakness, killed the Ethiopian king, captured the throne, and as a cruel ruler destroyed Aksum, the capital, persecuted the priests, and closed the churches.
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Asrat, Asfawossen, Metasebia Demissie, and Aberra Mogessie. "Geoheritage conservation in Ethiopia: the case of the Simien Mountains." Quaestiones Geographicae 31, no. 1 (March 1, 2012): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10117-012-0001-0.
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Geoheritage conservation in Ethiopia: the case of the Simien Mountains Ethiopia constitutes one of the most significant environmental and cultural reserves on Earth. Ethiopia's natural and cultural tourist attractions are mostly associated with geological features: the active Ethiopian and Afar rifts as well as the Simien and Bale massifs are few examples. Ethiopia's cultural history, religious manifestations and civilization, like the rock-hewn churches of Lalibela and the stelae of Axum, are also imprinted in rock. Geomorphological and geological features, notably the isolation of the north-western highlands from the external world by the harsh Afar depression close to the sea, determined the route of Ethiopian history. Though tourism has been identified as a major sustainable development sector, systematic geoheritage evaluation and conservation strategies are lacking in the country. I this paper the Simien Mountains are presented as major geoheritages which should be prioritized for geoconservation in order to develop sustainable tourism (geotourism) in the area.
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Yahovkin, Anton. "Ethiopia and the Egyptian-Ethiopian conflict in the context of American-Ethiopian relations (1955 – 1957)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 12 (2021): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.12.5.
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In this article, the author aims to explore the place and role of Egyptian-Ethiopian relations during the Suez Crisis in US geopolitical strategies. The scientific novelty lies in a comprehensive analysis of the impact of the Suez Crisis on the East African region in the context of US foreign policy. Research methods. Historical-genetic method is used in the article, which gave an opportunity to explore the genesis of East African politics of the USA, to identify the main tendencies of this policy direction at every stage. A systematic approach was used for the comprehensive analysis of the USA East Africa policy in 1955–1957, which gave an opportunity to identify economic and geopolitical interests of the USA in East Africa, goals and objectives of major counties towards Egypt and Ethiopia, and to trace in this regard the attitude of the USA towards Ethiopia’s confrontation with Egypt. Conclusions. Despite the orientation of the Foreign policy of the emperor of Ethiopia to the USA and his attempts to satisfy the USA interests (including the allocation of a military base in Ethiopia), Haile Selassie I failed to fully attract not only American private fund but also to make Ethiopia one of the Foreign policy priorities of the USA government. Ethiopia was of no interest to the USA not only as a potential economic partner (it remained an agricultural country with obsolete modes of production), but also as a military ally. The USA supported some plans of the emperor of Ethiopia, for example the project of accession of Eritrea to the Ethiopian Empire, for the following reasons only:1. due to independent Eritrean country’s insolvency; 2. due to the necessity to maintain peace and order in the northeastern Africa, on the west coast of the Red Sea. «Right» was given to the Ethiopian Empire, which needed the access to the sea and which at that time had a relatively strong army capable to battle any inner reaction and to defend the borders of Eritrea, where American military bases were located.
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De Schutter, Helder. "Federalism as Fairness in Ethiopia." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 28, no. 5 (October 28, 2021): 811–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10045.
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Abstract In this contribution I apply the normative political theory of multinational federalism to the case of Ethiopia. Can the political philosophy of multinational federalism ground Ethiopian federalism, and does Ethiopia satisfy its moral demands? To do so, I examine the Ethiopian federal system from the perspective of four desiderata of multinational federalism: (1) national-cultural self-government, (2) solidarity, (3) central government, and (4) linguistic justice. While Ethiopia’s federal structure has scored well with respect to (1) national-cultural self-government and (2) solidarity, it does face problems of (3) federal togetherness and (4) recognition of internal linguistic minorities. In the article several ways to overcome the two last-mentioned problems are suggested, although the article places these problems in perspective, as they trouble many multinational federal states.
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Mennasemay, Maimire. "Utopia and Ethiopia: The Chronicles of Lalibela as Critical Reflection." Northeast African Studies 12, no. 2 (October 1, 2012): 95–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41931315.
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Abstract The article discusses the presence of emancipatory Utopian ideas in Ethiopian history through a critical hermeneutical interpretation of Lalibela. Drawing on the concept of concrete utopia, the paper argues that the works and Chronicles of Lalibela secrete a concrete Utopian surplus that points to the conceptualization of knowledge as critique and as die mastery of nature, of labor as a transformative and emancipatory acüvity, and of power relations as expressions of equality between subjects and ruler. The article contends that Lalibelas Utopian surplus implies questions and reflections about social transformation, which, being rooted in Ethiopian history, provide possibilities for developing emancipatory ideas and practices that respond to the modern needs and aspirations of Ethiopians. It argues that, if Ethiopia u to extricate herself from the poverty and tyranny traps of passive modernization and successfully meet the challenges of modernity, reflection on and the quest for democracy and prosperity need to link up with the concrete Utopian surpluses that inform Ethiopian history.
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Desalegn, Ambaw. "Infrastructure equity issues of airports and universities across regional states in Ethiopia: A preliminary overview." Journal of Infrastructure, Policy and Development 6, no. 1 (May 27, 2022): 1319. http://dx.doi.org/10.24294/jipd.v6i1.1319.
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The purpose of this article is to determine the equitability of airport and university allocations throughout Ethiopian regional states based on the number of airports and institutions per 1 million people. According to the sample, the majority of respondents believed that university allocation in Ethiopia is equitable. In contrast, the majority of respondents who were asked about airports stated that there is an uneven distribution of airports across Ethiopia’s regional states. Hence, both interviewees and focus group discussants stated that there is a lack of equitable distribution of universities and airports across Ethiopia’s regional states. This paper contributes a lesson on how to create a comprehensive set of determining factors for equitable infrastructure allocation. It also provides a methodological improvement for assessing infrastructure equity and other broader implications across Ethiopian regional states.
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Yahovkin, Anton. "TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN-ETHIOPIAN RELATIONS IN 1965-1967." Paper of Faculty of History, no. 33 (March 12, 2024): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2312-6825.2022.33.270472.
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In this article, the author aims to explore the place and role of American-Ethiopian relations in US geopolitical strategies. The scientific novelty lies in a comprehensive analysis of the American-Ethiopian relations on the East African region in the context of US foreign policy. Research methods. Historical-genetic method is used in the article, which gave an opportunity to explore the genesis of East African politics of the USA, to identify the main tendencies of this policy direction at every stage. A systematic approach was used for the comprehensive analysis of the USA East Africa policy in 1965–1967, which gave an opportunity to identify economic and geopolitical interests of the USA in East Africa, goals and objectives of major counties towards Ethiopia, and to trace in this regard the attitude of the USA towards Ethiopia’s confrontation with Somalia and Eritrea. Conclusions. Despite the orientation of the Foreign policy of the emperor of Ethiopia to the USA and his attempts to satisfy the USA interests (including the allocation of a military base in Ethiopia), Haile Selassie I failed to fully attract not only American private fund but also to make Ethiopia one of the Foreign policy priorities of the USA government. Ethiopia was of no interest to the USA not only as a potential economic partner (it remained an agricultural country with obsolete modes of production), but also as a military ally. The USA supported some plans of the emperor of Ethiopia, for example the project of accession of Eritrea to the Ethiopian Empire, for the following reasons only: due to independent Eritrean country’s insolvency due to the necessity to maintain peace and order in the Northeastern Africa, on the west coast of the Red Sea. «Right» was given to the Ethiopian Empire, which needed the access to the sea and which at that time had a relatively strong army capable to battle any inner reaction and to defend the borders of Eritrea, where American military bases were located.
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Beru, Tsegaye. "Brief History of the Ethiopian Legal Systems - Past and Present." International Journal of Legal Information 41, no. 3 (2013): 335–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500011938.
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As a country, Ethiopia needs no introduction. Its three thousand years of history has been told and documented by many who lived in and traveled to Ethiopia The discovery of Lucy, the 3.2 million years old hominid, iconic fossil in the Afar region of Ethiopia in 1974, attests to the fact that Ethiopia is indeed one of the oldest nations in the world. The origin of the northern Ethiopian Empire, is chronicled in the legendary story of Cush, the son of Ham and the founder of the Axumite Kingdom, who gave the name Ethiopis to the area surrounding Axum and later to his son. Ethiopia is thus derived from it which in Greek means land of the burnt or black faces.
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Markuš, Petar. "Neki aspekti političkih i ekonomskih odnosa Jugoslavije i Etiopije od 1975. do 1990." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 54, no. 2 (December 15, 2022): 191–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.54.15.
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The Non-Aligned Movement formed the backbone of Yugoslavia’s foreign policy during the Cold War. As one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, Yugoslavia sought to maintain, as much as possible, a balance within the Movement, which encompassed countries with differing political affiliations and systems, some of which had close relations with the opposing blocs led by the USA or USSR. After the Ethiopian revolution of 1974, which overthrew Emperor Haile Sellasie, the country was led by the Derg, a junta officially known as the Provisional Military Administrative Council, which was in 1977 taken over by a Marxist-ideological current led by Mengistu Haile Meriam, who openly showed sympathy for the Soviet bloc. The Ogaden War between Ethiopia and Somalia in 1977-1978 would prove to be a turning point in Ethiopia’s foreign policy, which moved toward closer political and economic cooperation with the USSR and Cuba. Closer ties to Cuba was a particular concern for Yugoslavia, due to Cuba’s desire to impose itself as the leader of the Non-Aligned Movement and thus turn the balance of political forces within the Movement to its advantage. In this paper we want to explore political and economic relations between Ethiopia and Yugoslavia, including economic relations between the Socialist Republic of Croatia and Ethiopia, from 1975, when a new revolutionary Ethiopian diplomatic delegation came to Yugoslavia to continue Ethiopian-Yugoslavian relations, and ending in 1990, with the disintegration of Yugoslavia and socialist systems in general, when the Yugoslav role in the Non-Aligned Movement slowly eroded. The paper will also present the joint Yugoslav-Ethiopian project Nekemte, which was implemented during the 1980s and aimed at showcasing methods to increase agricultural production in Ethiopia.
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Gardachew, Bewuketu Dires, Gebeyehu Mengesha Kefale, and Getahun Antigegn Kumie. "The Pitfalls of Ethnolinguistic-Based Federal Experiment in Ethiopia." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 661–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-4-661-672.
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In 1991, when Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) became a leading party within the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), Ethiopia introduced a system of ethnic-based federalism, which had never been practiced in the political history of the state before. The recognition of Ethiopian ethnic diversity became one of the country’s fundamental principles, with the federal system largely consisting of ethnic-based territorial units. Since its inception, Ethiopia's ethnic federalism has been the subject of heated debate among various political organizations in the country, as well as among observers and scholars both in and outside the country. The key objective of this paper is to appraise the pitfalls of ethnic-based federalism in Ethiopia, which has been functioning in the country for more than two and half decades. The authors believe ethnic-based federalism to be a political arrangement that succeeds to maintain balance of centrifugal and centripetal forces. They see it as an appropriate and viable strategy for a sustainable nation-building effort in the context of Ethiopia’s ethnic diversity. At the same time, the authors observe that in the case with ethnicity-based political arrangements, unless they are implemented with maximum care, the risk outweighs the benefit. When a state like Ethiopia, which had been highly centralized for many years, is trying to experiment with a seemingly federal arrangement, the equilibrium of diversity and unity should be maintained. If the political environment focuses primarily on diversity and ignores shared values and common identity, it leaves room for the elites to manipulate the differences and pursue their own parochial political interests, which would eventually serve against the public benefit. The pioneers of Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism believe that the contemporary ethnolinguistic-based federal arrangement is a panacea for problems related to identity politics. However, the authors argue that, from a practical perspective, for the past two and half decades (probably in the future too, unless re-designed) ethnic federalism in Ethiopia has been highly politicized (manipulated by political dealers promoting their own selfish interests).
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Eshetu, Fassil, and Degye Goshu. "Determinants of Ethiopian Coffee Exports to Its Major Trade Partners: A Dynamic Gravity Model Approach." Foreign Trade Review 56, no. 2 (January 11, 2021): 185–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0015732520976301.
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The aim of this article is to examine export determinants of Ethiopian coffee to 31 trade partner countries using a dynamic gravity model and system generalised moment method of estimation (GMM) for the period 1998–2016. Descriptive results showed that Ethiopia was exporting only 39% of its total coffee production, and 53.5% and 34.13% of Ethiopian coffee exports were directed to European and Asian countries, respectively, over the period 1998–2016. Regression results revealed that trade openness, population size of Ethiopia, foreign direct investment and institutional quality index of Ethiopia are positively and significantly affecting volume of Ethiopian coffee export. But population of partner countries, weighted distance, lagged export volume and real exchange rate are negatively and significantly influencing export volume of Ethiopian coffee. Hence, Ethiopia needs to diversify its export destinations and export items a way from primary agricultural exports to secondary industrial exports in order to secure dependable source of foreign currency. Also, controlling corruption, increasing government effectiveness, ensuring political stability promotion of foreign direct investment and encouraging trade liberalisation would help to boost the volume of Ethiopian coffee export. JEL Codes: F12, F13, F14
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Sigatu, Kaleab Tadesse. "Unveiling the Dynamics of Ethiopian Defence Diplomacy: A Focus on Peacekeeping Contributions." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 20, no. 2 (January 31, 2024): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2024.v20n2p19.
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This paper mainly addresses Ethiopia's defence diplomacy through its participation in peace support operations. This qualitative research study aims to analyze and synthesize the findings from relevant literature reviews to show to what extent Ethiopia has used peacekeeping participation as a tool of defence diplomacy in contributing to peace and security, especially in the Horn of Africa region. The paper finds that Ethiopian defence diplomacy is essential for Ethiopia to achieve its global foreign policy objectives, promote regional stability and cooperation, and seek regional influence.
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Six, Veronika. "Water — The Nile — And the Täʾamrä Maryam. Miracles of the Virgin Mary in the Ethiopian Version." Aethiopica 2 (August 6, 2013): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.2.1.533.
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Starting with the biblical Gǝyon (= the Gǝʿǝz name for the Nile) the river Nile plays an important role in Ethiopian perception.The corpus of the miracles of Mary [Täʾamrä Maryam] particularly during the reign of emperor Zärʾa Yaʿǝqob (1434-68 A.D.) was enlarged with stories reflecting a local background and Ethiopian history. And suddenly in the 19th century the ‘idea of diverting the Nile’ which since early times was a challenging topic in the relationship between Egypt and Ethiopia, again turned up in a miracle of the Virgin Mary, referring to the time of the Crusaders and the resulting diplomatic activities. This article wants to evaluate how far the Ethiopians regard themselves as masters of the Nile waters and to what extent they derive their legitimacy from divine sources.
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Jon Abbink. "Revolution as Warfare in the Horn of Africa." Africa Review of Books 5, no. 2 (September 7, 2009): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.57054/arb.v5i2.4834.
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The Ethiopian Revolution. War in the Horn of Africa by Gebru Tareke. Yale University Press, 2009, xx + 437 pp., ISBN 978-0-300-14163-4. Hb, U$ 45.00 This study on war and revolution in Ethiopia and Eritrea is the magnum opus of historian Gebru Tareke and presents a wide-ranging and detailed overview of the emergence of revolution, insurgency and war in Eritrea and Ethiopia over the past four decades. These are familiar themes, studied in many books and papers, but the merit of this book is its comprehensive character, its sustained focus on the military engagements resulting from the revolutionary turmoil in the Horn, its solid basis in new archival materials unearthed from the Ethiopian Ministries of National Defence and of Internal Affairs, and its bold but often controversial interpretations of Ethiopia’s recent political history. The author has also augmented his research with many interviews held with eye-witnesses and protagonists...
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ASSEFA, ANDEBET HAILU, and BELAYNEH TAYE GEDIFEW. "SYMBOLIC VALUES AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE GRAND ETHIOPIAN RENAISSANCE DAM PROJECT IN ETHIOPIAN IDENTITY POLITICS." Skhid, no. 1(2) (July 1, 2021): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2021.1(2).229192.
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This paper attempts to show how the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) ’s economic and political gains could help develop a shared outlook to regulate Ethiopia’s opposing political trajectories, i.e., the ethnocentric and pan-Ethiopian nationalist camps. Presently, different ethnic-based “in-group and out-group” contrasting political discourses have dominated Ethiopian polity. The paper reviews and exposes relevant philosophical concepts, including “mirror identity,” primordial and instrumental conception of ethnicity. Notably, following Anderson’s (2006) line of thought, nationalism as a “cultural artefact” and expression of an “imagined community,” the paper argues that GERD could serve as a shared symbolic and developmental language to reshape Ethiopian national consciousness and imagination by improving the political and economic domains of the country. Accordingly, the GERD covertly or overtly helps reform the polity’s self-recognition mechanisms and circuitously re-approaches outstanding political differences by inspiring trust-based relations among major political actors. Ethnocentric motivations raise political questions such as secession, the right to linguistic and cultural recognition, economic equality, and political security and representation by using their respective ethnic lines as means of political mobilization. In current Ethiopia, political identities have been practically blended with ethnic identity. In this sense, as diverse ethnic groups exist, political borders sustain among the multiple ethnic-based nationalists and between pan-Ethiopian and ethnocentric actors. Thus, a comprehensive dialogue and constructive political cross-fertilization are required between various political actors, horizontally and vertically, among ethnocentric nationalists and the pan-Ethiopian advocates. In Ethiopia, the realization of internal political consensus requires an instantaneous remedial mechanism. Accordingly, the politically drawn antithetical ethnic demarcations and occasionally fabricated historical narratives have undeniably pushed politics into unfavourable conditions. That is why, as the paper maintains that developmental projects such as the GERD would have pertinent economic and political mechanisms to developing a national sentiment, which in turn symbolically facilitate national consensus among the major political actors. Hence, borrowing Fukuyama’s (2018) notion of “creedal national identity”, one could resonate that developmental projects can help realize symbolic worth by constructively enabling citizens to recognize their countries’ foundational ideals and elevating common factors. The present paper does not examine the GERD project’s external geopolitical and legal concerns concerning scope, although these topics are worth examining for further investigations.
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Erlich, Haggai. "IDENTITY AND CHURCH: ETHIOPIAN–EGYPTIAN DIALOGUE, 1924–59." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800021036.
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In June 1959, Emperor Haile Sellassie of Ethiopia paid a visit to President Gamel Abdel Nasser of the United Arab Republic, during which the two leaders aired matters of acute strategic importance. Several issues, some touching the very heart of ancient Ethiopian–Egyptian relations, were in the stages of culmination. These included a bitter dispute over the Nile waters (some four-fifths of the water reaching Egypt originates in Ethiopia1), the emergence of an Arab-inspired Eritrean movement, Egyptian support of Somali irredentism, the Ethiopian alliance with Israel, the future of Pan-African diplomacy, and Soviet and American influences.2 Both leaders did their best to publicly ignore their conflicts. They were able to use a rich, though polarized, reservoir of mutual images in their speeches to emphasize the dimensions of old neighborliness and affinity.3 In a joint announcement issued during the farewell party of 28 June, they even underlined a common policy of non-alignment. Though they hinted at the issues mentioned earlier in all their public speeches, they refrained from referring to one culminating historical drama.4 On that very same day, in the main Coptic church of Cairo, the Egyptian Coptic Patriarch Kyrillos VI had ceremonially appointed the head of the Ethiopian church, Abuna Baselyos, as a patriarch in the presence of Haile Sellassie and Egyptian officials. In so doing, he declared the Orthodox Ethiopian church autocephalous, and for the first time since the early 4th century, the Ethiopian church had become independent of the Egyptian church.
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Miller, David B. "Law and Grace: The Seamless Faith of Ethiopian Orthodoxy." Russian History 44, no. 4 (December 23, 2017): 505–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04404008.
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The Ethiopian Church, established in 330, is the second earliest “national” church created on the model of Emperor Constantine’s conversion of the Roman Empire. Today Christianity comes in numerous variants. But Ethiopia’s church alone privileges Mosaic tradition as the bedrock of its theology. The rational for this is “The Glory of Kings,” a book inspired by 1Kings10: 1–13. It tells how a Queen of Sheba (Ethiopia) visited King Solomon in Jerusalem, and that their son brought the Ark of the Covenant to her capital. The Ethiopian Church identifies this site as the Church of Mary of Zion in Aksum. To this day it maintains that the Ark (in Ethiopian, the tabot) remains there in an adjacent chapel. Most important of its Mosaic traditions is that a church is not a church without a copy of the tabot on its altar. But historical explanations of when and how these traditions, and even the “Book of Kings,” came into being are beset by controversy owing to the dearth of contemporary sources.
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Olkaba, Teklu Tafase, and Ewnetu Hailu Tamene. "Deliverology in Ethiopian Higher Education as a Quality Management Tool: Critical Review and the Insider’s Reflection." International Journal of Education and Literacy Studies 7, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijels.v.7n.4p.83.
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The concept of deliverology as a systematic process for driving progress and delivering results in government and the public sector, was endorsed in Ethiopia in 2017 for the purpose of quality management in Ethiopian public universities. The impetus of this reflective review article is to examine the essence of deliverology as a quality management tool in Ethiopian higher learning institutions as a response to graduate unemployment. In Ethiopia, different reform strategies were endorsed in higher learning institutions such as: program diversification, modularization governance reform strategies and currently deliverology as a quality management tool. This paper critically reviewed the Ethiopian higher learning institutions experiences and the essence of deliverology from its inceptions to the current implementation in Ethiopian public universities. The findings portray that deliverology as strategy for quality management is not conceived in Ethiopian higher education community at large and reality on the ground is different from the literature developed on the science of deliverology.
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Alemu, Getaneh Agegn. "Development and Maintenance of The Ethiopian Legal Information Website." Afrika Focus 20, no. 1-2 (February 15, 2007): 185–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0200102008.
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Development and Maintenance of the Ethiopian Legal Information Website Information and Communication Technology in general and the internet in particular have been creating unprecedented opportunities in facilitating and streamlining access to information. Websites have become a common way of publishing legal information for the public in many countries. In Ethiopia, however, the availability of legal websites has been very limited or non-existent. Except for the constitution, no other basic Ethiopian law has ever been published online. To benefit from the tremendous potentials of the internet, a project was initiated to develop an Ethiopian Legal Information Web Site. Based on users' requirements obtained from questionnaire analysis, and current paradigms and implications, the Ethiopian Legal Information Website was designed, developed, implemented and maintained The website is an online database of Ethiopian basic laws developed by Mekelle University, Ethiopia, in cooperation with the Non-Western Law Department of Ghent University, Belgium. Basic laws included on the site at present are the Ethiopian Constitution, Civil Code, Criminal Code, Civil Procedure Code, Criminal Procedure Code, Commercial Code and Family Code. The laws can be viewed and used in full text html, whereas some of the laws including the 2004 Criminal Code, Family Code, FDRE Constitution and the Tigray Regional State Constitution are available in pdf Laws can be searched by keywords using the site search engine. Comments and suggestions from experts and Ethiopian laws users have been collected, hence modifications, improvements and additions have been made to the website. The Ethiopian Legal Information Website was first hosted on the University of Ghent internet server and currently in the Mekelle University server at http://mail.mu.edu.et/~ethiopialaws/ The Ethiopian Legal Information Website has been found to be a useful web portal to access and use the basic Ethiopian laws. The University of Ghent, !LO, the Library of Congress, AUSTLII, WASHLAW, WIKIPEDIA and other major legal web portals make citations in reference to the site. While the website currently contains only the basic laws of the federal government, an action plan is prepared to include regional laws of Ethiopia. Other legal information including amendments to the laws, decisions and legal news will also be included on the site, hence a comprehensive Ethiopian Legal Web Portal will be developed and maintained.
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Brian J. Yates. "“Does Adwa have a Colonial Legacy? Assessing the viability of the Colonial Thesis for Understanding Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century Ethiopia”." Ethiopian Journal of the Social Sciences and Humanities 17, no. 1 (March 3, 2022): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ejossah.v17i1.4.
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For many, the Ethiopian victory at Adwa was an African victory over European colonialism, but some scholars have reimagined the triumph as an example of African colonialism in recent years. This view culminates in the colonial thesis. This colonial thesis casts Menilek II of Shäwa (r.1888-1913) as a colonizer of Southern groups in present-day Ethiopia and posits his state as a foreign colonial power. This view is one of the theoretical underpinnings of the present Ethiopian ethnic federalism and many ethnolinguistic nationalist movements. One of the ways that it impacts identities, as the Ethiopian scholar Maimire Mennasemay puts it, “. . . ontologizes ethnic identity and falsely represents Ethiopia as a collection of discrete, ethnic communities, brought together by ‘Amhara colonialism.’” The scholar Mahmoud Mamdani builds on this view by arguing that transforming identities (politicizing nativity) was essential in governing colonial empires. In other words, the colonial government invented settlers and natives in their territories and treated them accordingly. In essence, this essay details the identities that were produced as a result of Ethiopia’s victory at Adwa and argues that while oppression accompanied the conquest of territories North, East, West, and South of Menilek’s native Shäwan province, Menilek’s government did not produce identities to make power exclusive for one group as displayed at both the participation at the battle and in the administration that the victory preserved.
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Hryćko, Katarzyna. "An Outline of the National Archives and Library of Ethiopia." Aethiopica 10 (June 18, 2012): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.10.1.195.
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Ethiopia is a country of a centuries-old tradition and history of writing. It possessed its own unique system for gathering materials of historical importance and a pecular library system. Throughout the years manuscripts were kept under the custody of Ethiopian Church monks. In the 20th century Ethiopia’s succesive rulers attached great importance to the building of a European style central repository of all written materials. They established and gradually developed the National Archives and Library of Ethiopia (NALE). The paper outlines the history of NALE from its beginnings up to now.
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Ofcansky, Thomas P. "Ethiopia: A selected military bibliography." African Research & Documentation 87 (2001): 29–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00012371.
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Ethiopia's military history dates to the dawn of recorded history. During the Aksumite Kingdom, which emerged at the beginning of the Christian era, there were numerous military campaigns to the east, south, and west of Aksum. In the 6th century AD, an Aksumite army invaded the southern tip of Arabia. During the 1527-43 period, Ethiopian soldiers fought against Ahmed ibn Ibrahim el Ghazi (1506-43), who also was known as Ahmed Grãn, the ‘left handed’. He was an Islamic zealot who had declared a jihad against Ethiopia's Christians. Shortly after Gran's defeat, Ethiopia embarked upon a series of campaigns against the Galla (now known as Oromo) people who were seeking to invade northern Ethiopia from their southern homelands.
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Ofcansky, Thomas P. "Ethiopia: A selected military bibliography." African Research & Documentation 87 (2001): 29–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00012371.
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Ethiopia's military history dates to the dawn of recorded history. During the Aksumite Kingdom, which emerged at the beginning of the Christian era, there were numerous military campaigns to the east, south, and west of Aksum. In the 6th century AD, an Aksumite army invaded the southern tip of Arabia. During the 1527-43 period, Ethiopian soldiers fought against Ahmed ibn Ibrahim el Ghazi (1506-43), who also was known as Ahmed Grãn, the ‘left handed’. He was an Islamic zealot who had declared a jihad against Ethiopia's Christians. Shortly after Gran's defeat, Ethiopia embarked upon a series of campaigns against the Galla (now known as Oromo) people who were seeking to invade northern Ethiopia from their southern homelands.
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Nesterova, T. P. "Ethiopia and Great Powers in Final Stage of Italo-Ethiopian War (March — May 1936)." Nauchnyi dialog 12, no. 8 (October 30, 2023): 438–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2023-12-8-438-454.
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This article examines the political situation that emerged in international relations after Germany’s remilitarization of the Rhineland on March 7, 1936, and the impact this event had on the development of the Italo-Ethiopian War in both political and military spheres. Published diplomatic documents from Italy, France, the Soviet Union, and the League of Nations are studied. It is argued that the introduction of German troops into the Rhineland significantly diminished the interest of major powers in the Italo-Ethiopian War and brought to the forefront their desire for “Italy’s return to Europe,” as both France and Britain were interested in involving Italy in countering Germany and protecting Austria’s independence. Based on the examined documents, it is concluded that France and Britain sought to resolve the conflict through concessions from Ethiopia, as a realistic approach to international relations led to the belief that Ethiopia could not achieve a military victory, especially after its attempt to strike at Italy’s armed forces resulted in defeat at the Battle of Maychew. The capture of Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa and the exile of Emperor Haile Selassie I effectively destroyed any prospects for a peaceful resolution of the conflict, despite Ethiopia’s attempts to act through the structures of the League of Nations.
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Dessie, Nahom Tadelle, Genet Kifle Alemu, Tinsae Abera Werku, Lazaro Gilberto Martinez, Leilina Abate Ayalew, and Maraki Mehari Metselo. "Establishing an Emergency Medical Team in LMIC Setup; Experience from Ethiopia’s Challenges and Opportunity." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 37, S2 (November 2022): s67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x22001662.
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Background/Introduction:Natural and man-made catastrophes have caused significant destruction and loss of lives throughout human history. Disasters accompany various events with multiple causes and consequences, often leading to a cascade of health-related events. Ethiopia, amongst the developing countries in the horn of Africa, is vulnerable to natural and man-made disasters. Over the last few years, Ethiopia learned the hardest way to transform its disaster management from a mere apparatus of response and recovery to preparedness and mitigation.Objectives:Review the challenges and opportunities for establishing the Ethiopian EMT and its disaster response experience.Method/Description:This was a mixed-methods, cross-sectional Intra-Action Review of activities of country EMT. It included a review of documents and key informant interviews. All data were analyzed thematically.Results/Outcomes:In May 2022, the Ethiopian Federal MOH, in collaboration with WHO, adapted the WHO EMT initiative to tackle the identified challenges. Ethiopia’s EMT implementation plan was created, which included ten steps and 50 detailed activities. This initiative aims to have a classified Type I fixed EMT in the coming six months. Based on the objective evaluation of the last four months’ performance toward plan implementation, activities show that 65% of the overall plan has been completed.Conclusion:Implementing the EMT initiative in Ethiopia has positively impacted the clinical quality of care, enhanced coordination, and improved health outcomes for the population served at times of great need. However, the implementation requires collaboration in support, guidance, and experience sharing from stakeholders and partners, including twinning with other organizations.Tables and Figures (optional)Table 1.Ethiopian EMT Ten Steps Implementation
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Gebrewahd, Meressa Tsehaye. "Nation-Building Predicament, Transition Fatigue, and Fear of State Collapse." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 13, no. 5. (January 20, 2021): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2019.13.5.3.
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Ethiopia, evolved from Tigray, is known by its history of having been an empire (e.g., the Axumite kingdom) and having been independent. The fundamental weakness of the Ethiopian state has been the lack of inclusive national consensus, hampered by national oppression and the dilemma of democratizing a feudal state. The post-1991 TPLF-EPRDF-led Ethiopia has been experimenting with federalist nation-building to address Ethiopia’s historical contradictions: national and class oppression. The 1995 FDRE Constitution established a federal system and subsequently recognized the right of nations to self-determination including secession, self-administration, and local development. The constitution also declared that the Ethiopian nations were the “sovereign owners” of the constitution. However, the coming of Abiy Ahmed to power and his policy reforms based on ‘neo-pan-Ethiopianism’ opened the box of Pandora of secessionist, irredentist, and federalist forces opposing his plan to recentralize the ethnic federation, as it happened similarly in the case of former Yugoslavia. PM Abiy’s reforms have been branded as those of the ‘Mikael Gorbachev of Ethiopia’ for his sweeping campaign against the 27 years of federalist control. The article investigates the nation-building aspirations, transition fatigue, the predicaments of secessionist, federalist, and assimilationist narratives, and the subsequent fear of ‘state collapse’ in the post-2018 crisis in Ethiopia.
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Van der Beken, Christophe. "Ethiopia: From a Centralised Monarchy to a Federal Republic." Afrika Focus 20, no. 1-2 (February 15, 2007): 13–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0200102003.
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Ethiopia: From a Centralised Monarchy to a Federal Republic Although the Ethiopian state traces its roots back to the empire of Axum in the first centuries AD, the modern Ethiopian state took shape in the second half of the 19th century. During that period the territory of the Ethiopian empire expanded considerably. Several ethnic groups were incorporated into the empire and the foundations for a strong, centralised state were laid Centralisation of authority in the hands of the emperor and a strategy of nation building that denied the ethnic diversity of Ethiopian society characterised the rule of Emperor Haile Selassie. At the same time, these elements contributed to its decline. Haile Selassie was ultimately deposed by a military committee in 1974. This announced the end of the Ethiopian monarchy and the transformation of the Ethiopian state, following the Marxist model. In spite of Marxist-Leninist attention to the 'nationalities issue', Ethiopia remained a centralised state, dominated by one ethnic identity. This gave rise to increasing resistance from various regional and ethnic liberation movements. The combined effort of these movements caused the fall of military rule in May 1991. The new regime, which was dominated by ethnically organised parties, initiated a radical transformation of the Ethiopian state structure that leads to the establishment of a federation in 1995.
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Eshetu, Fassil, and Abule Mehare. "Determinants of Ethiopian Agricultural Exports: A Dynamic Panel Data Analysis." Review of Market Integration 12, no. 1-2 (August 2020): 70–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974929220969272.
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Although the share of developing countries in international trade has been growing over the last two decades, the share of Africa and Ethiopia in international trade has remained below 3 and 0.3 per cent, respectively. More importantly, despite the colossal effort that has been made by the Ethiopian government to remedy the problem of the export sector over the last two decades, the country has faced a twin deficit: trade deficit and fiscal deficit. As a result, the trade balance of Ethiopia has been worsening through time due to the widening gap between export and import values. Therefore, this study examined the determinants of Ethiopian agricultural exports using the imperfect substitutes’ model as a theoretical framework and system generalised moment method as an analytical model for the period 1998–2018. The regression result of the two-step system generalised moment method showed that gross domestic product, exchange rate, road network, corruption index of Ethiopia, lagged export value, indirect tax revenue and domestic saving are the major determinants of agricultural exports in Ethiopia. However, foreign direct investment and labour force are negatively and significantly related to Ethiopian agricultural exports. Hence, rapid economic growth, currency devaluation, encouraging domestic saving, reducing the tariff on export and better control of corruption would boost Ethiopian agricultural exports. Besides, controlling rapid population growth and directing foreign direct investment to the agricultural sector will also surge Ethiopian agricultural exports.
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Faille, Arnaud, Sylvia Hofmann, Yeshitla Merene, David Hauth, Lars Opgenoorth, Yitbarek Woldehawariat, and Joachim Schmidt. "Explosive radiation versus old relicts: The complex history of Ethiopian Trechina, with description of a new genus and a new subgenus (Coleoptera, Carabidae, Trechini)." Deutsche Entomologische Zeitschrift 70, no. 2 (September 27, 2023): 311–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/dez.70.107425.
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The trechine beetle fauna (Coleoptera, Carabidae) of the Ethiopian Highlands is known to be highly diverse in species, and many species groups were recognized to be characterized by unusual character states of external and genital morphology. Earlier authors described several genera and subgenera of Ethiopian Trechina endemic to certain high mountains of the country. However, the relationships of these species groups and their evolutionary history are unknown so far. Here, we present the first molecular phylogenetic analysis of Ethiopian Trechina, detect several synonymic names under Trechus sensu lato, and introduce two new species groups to the country’s fauna: the monotypic genus Baehria Schmidt & Faille, gen. nov., with the type species B. separatasp. nov. from Mt. Choke in northern Ethiopia, and the Trechus subgenus Abunetrechus Schmidt & Faille, subgen. nov., with the type species T. bipartitus Raffray, 1885; this subgenus includes three species of northern Ethiopia. We show that the composition of the Ethiopian fauna is based on multiple events of immigration, which started simultaneously with or some million years after the Oligocene-Early Miocene orogenic events north and south of the Rift Valley. Our results support the habitat island hypothesis for the evolution of the Ethiopian highland fauna. We found no evidence for an alternative hypothesis assuming a close connection of the Trechina immigration to Ethiopia and Pleistocene cooling. We, thus, conclude that the geomorphological development rather than the climatic changes are the main drivers of the diversification of the high-altitude Trechina fauna in Ethiopia.
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Kelly, Samantha. "The Curious Case of Ethiopic Chaldean: Fraud, Philology, and Cultural (Mis)Understanding in European Conceptions of Ethiopia." Renaissance Quarterly 68, no. 4 (2015): 1227–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/685125.
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AbstractAn intriguing mystery in early modern intellectual history is how and why European scholars came to designate Ethiopic, the sacred language of Ethiopia, as Chaldean. This article locates the designation’s origins in a deduction made by Vatican library personnel, partially inspired by a hoax perpetrated a quarter-century earlier. It then traces the influence of this designation on the progress of historical linguistics, where theories defending the appellation of Ethiopic as Chaldean, although often erroneous, nevertheless contributed to the accurate categorization of Ethiopic as a Semitic language, and on attitudes to Ethiopian Christianity that played a role in Catholic-Protestant polemic.
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Kissi, Edward. "Beneath International Famine Relief in Ethiopia: The United States, Ethiopia, and the Debate over Relief Aid, Development Assistance, and Human Rights." African Studies Review 48, no. 2 (September 2005): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2005.0067.
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Abstract:This article analyzes the conflicting interpretations of famine, relief aid, development assistance, and human rights by the Ethiopian and American governments, and the complexity of each government's policy and motives. It argues that in the 1970s and 1980s, the Carter and Reagan administrations faced the moral and political dilemma of assisting people in Ethiopia who were in desperate need with-out strengthening the hostile Ethiopian government in the process. And the government of Ethiopia had to make the difficult choice of accepting American aid on American terms at a period in Ethiopian history when doing so was politically suicidal. That America provided the aid and Ethiopia accepted it exemplifies the conduct of international relations in which human dignity compels nations to accommodate one another even within the boundaries of their mutual antagonism.
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Sommerschuh, Julian. "Answering the Protestant Challenge: Orthodox Christianity as Counterreformation in Southern Ethiopia." Northeast African Studies 22, no. 2 (2022): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/nortafristud.22.2.0069.
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Abstract What makes Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity attractive to southern Ethiopians? Aari in the South Ethiopia Regional State formerly rejected Orthodoxy as the religion of their northern Ethiopian conquerors. Attempts made under the empire to convert Aari remained without lasting success. In recent years, however, Orthodoxy has gained followers among conservative Aari. I explain Orthodoxy's attractiveness in the light of the rapid post-1991 growth of Protestantism and the corresponding decline of the indigenous Aari religion. Contrary to the derelict institutions of the indigenous religion, the Orthodox Church is felt to have spiritual authority and to afford a viable ritual community. And while conservative Aari reject Protestantism as excessively egalitarian, individualist, and puritan, Orthodoxy resonates with them for placing value on hierarchy, mediation, and feasting. For conservative Aari, Orthodoxy thus offers an answer to the Protestant challenge. Becoming Orthodox allows conservatives to defend and rearticulate moral and spiritual values which have long guided them, while also accessing the prestige of a religion Aari associate with northern elites. This shows that understanding the attractiveness of Orthodoxy in contemporary southern Ethiopia requires appreciating the imperial history of south–north relations and the post-1991 history of religious liberalization.
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Portner, Brigitte. "Frames in the Ethiopian Debate on Biofuels." Africa Spectrum 48, no. 3 (December 2013): 33–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971304800302.
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Biofuel production, while highly contested, is supported by a number of policies worldwide. Ethiopia was among the first sub-Saharan countries to devise a biofuel policy strategy to guide the associated demand toward sustainable development. In this paper, I discuss Ethiopia's biofuel policy from an interpretative research position using a frames approach and argue that useful insights can be obtained by paying more attention to national contexts and values represented in the debates on whether biofuel production can or will contribute to sustainable development. To this end, I was able to distinguish three major frames used in the Ethiopian debate on biofuels: an environmental rehabilitation frame, a green revolution frame and a legitimacy frame. The article concludes that actors advocating for frames related to social and human issues have difficulties entering the debate and forming alliances, and that those voices need to be included in order for Ethiopia to develop a sustainable biofuel sector.
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Hagmann, Tobias. "Beyond clannishness and colonialism: understanding political disorder in Ethiopia's Somali Region, 1991–2004." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 4 (October 24, 2005): 509–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001205.
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This article proposes an alternative interpretation of political disorder in Ethiopia's Somali Regional State since the rise to power of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in 1991. Some observers have perceived contemporary politics in the former Ogaden as an example of ‘internal colonisation’ by highland Ethiopians. Others attribute political instability to the ‘nomadic culture’ inherent in the Somali clan structure and the ineptness of its political leaders. This study argues that neither of these two politicised narratives grasps the contradictory interactions between the federal Ethiopian government and its Somali periphery, nor the recursive relations between state and society. With reference to the literature on neo-patrimonialism, I elucidate political disorder in the Somali Region by empirically describing hybrid political domination, institutional instability, and patronage relations, showing how neo-patrimonial rule translates into contested statehood in the region and political devices ranging from military coercion to subtle co-optation. Rather than unilateral domination, a complex web of power and manipulation between parts of the federal and regional authorities animates political disorder in Ethiopia's Somali Region.
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Strebel, Barbara. "Leben auf dem Missionsfeld Chrischona-Pilgermissionare in Äthiopien (1856–1868)." Aethiopica 4 (June 30, 2013): 121–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.4.1.493.
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The Crischona-missionaries encountered considerable difficulties in Ethiopia: slow communication with Europe, financial problems, complex processes of adaptation to or differentiation from Ethiopian culture and the missionary efforts within the Ethiopian Church. Ultimately, their enterprise was doomed to failure.
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Woldemariam, Getachew Assefa. "The predicaments of child victims of crime seeking justice in Ethiopia: a double victimization by the justice process." Afrika Focus 24, no. 1 (February 25, 2011): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02401004.
Full textAbstract:
This article presents an account of a legal system that has fundamentally failed Ethiopia’s young and vulnerable citizens. The Ethiopian justice process has permitted the subjection of child victims to cycles of traumatisation during investigation, prosecution and trial phases of cases in which they are involved. Ethiopia does not have laws that require the special treatment of children who are victims or witnesses of crime. It has neither rules of criminal procedure nor evidence that direct the conduct of criminal proceedings involving child victims. This article will show that although the Ethiopian Constitution incorporates principles such as the consideration of the best interests of the child', the realization of this principle for the Ethiopian child victim of crime remains illusory due to the absence of detailed rules that guide and compel the justice process to that effect. Based on empirical data, the article argues further that although ad hoc initiatives to introduce victims to a child-friendly justice process exist in a limited number of urban areas, these initiatives do not reach the vast majority of child victims around the country who continue to be further victimized by the justice process.
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Metekia, Tadesse Simie. "Punishing Core Crimes in Ethiopia: Analysis of the Domestic Practice in Light of and in Comparison, with Sentencing Practices at the unicts and the icc." International Criminal Law Review 19, no. 1 (January 30, 2019): 160–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01901007.
Full textAbstract:
Between 1992 and 2010, Ethiopian courts prosecuted over five thousand people for the core crimes of genocide and war crimes perpetrated in Ethiopia since 1974. The vast majority of the defendants were convicted and sentenced to a range of penalties applicable under Ethiopian law. This article examines the manner in which Ethiopian courts have punished core crimes. It analyses the domestic law and practice in light of and in comparison with the sentencing practice in the unicts and the icc. The article also discusses whether Ethiopian law and practice have treated the punishment of core crimes differently than the punishment of domestic crimes.