Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Ethnic conflict Nationalism Sri Lanka'

The thesis deals with the ethnic conflict on Sri Lanka from the point of view of the constructivist theory of identity and cultural schemes. The history of the island is explained through this attitude, particulary an impact of colonization on a local society and on contruction of ethnic identities. At the end, the main causes of the conflict are pinpointed, possible future provisions are recommended and the current situation is assessed.

Members of the diaspora are conflict actors with an agency that is important to include in conflict theories and analysis of international relationships. Scholarship suggests its origins, and thereafter changes in the conflict cycle effect decision-making and mobilization in the diaspora, but the conditions and mechanisms that inform these processes are undertherorized. The Sri Lankan conflict and its Toronto based diasporas are used to explore processes of diasporization and mobilization in the context a changed political landscape. A series of semi-structured interviews and a short survey asks respondents to assess their motivations for mobilization. The comparative work is within and between ethnic groups. New Institutionalism underscores this project. Butler’s (2001) epistemology, Brinkerhoff’s (2005) identity-mobilization framework, the political process model and insights from the New Social Movement literature are used to situate politicized identities and political activism directed toward the homeland. Attention is paid to factor processes.

No<br>Throughout much of the 25-year Sri Lankan conflict, attention has focused on the confrontation between the majority Sinhalese and the minority Tamils. The views of the country¿s Muslims, who are 8 per cent of the population and see themselves as a separate ethnic group, have largely been ignored. Understanding their role in the conflict and addressing their political aspirations are vital if there is to be a lasting peace settlement. Muslims need to be part of any renewed peace process but with both the government and LTTE intent on continuing the conflict, more immediate steps should be taken to ensure their security and political involvement. These include control of the Karuna faction, more responsive local and national government, improved human rights mechanisms and a serious political strategy that recognises minority concerns in the east. At least one third of Muslims live in the conflict-affected north and east and thus have a significant interest in the outcome of the war. They have often suffered serious hardship, particularly at the hands of the Tamil rebel group, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Since 1990 Muslims have been the victims of ethnic cleansing, massacres and forced displacement by the insurgents. The 2002 ceasefire agreement (CFA) was a disappointment to many Muslims. They had no independent representation at the peace talks, and many feared that any agreement that gave the LTTE exclusive control of the north and east, even in a federal arrangement, would be seriously detrimental to their own interests. Despite talks between Muslim leaders and the LTTE, they continued to suffer violent attacks. Since the resumption of large-scale military action in mid-2006, Muslims have again been caught up in the fighting in the east. Dozens have been killed and thousands displaced. They have also come into conflict with a new, pro-government Tamil paramilitary group, the Karuna faction. Memories of LTTE oppression are still fresh, and rancorous disputes with Tamils over land and resources remain potent in the east. Muslim political leaders have often been divided, representing different historical experiences and geographical realities as well as personal and political differences. Muslims in the east and north ¿ who have been fundamentally affected by the conflict ¿ often have very different views from those who live in the south among the Sinhalese. Nevertheless, there is consensus on some key issues and a desire to develop a more united approach to the conflict. Muslims have never resorted to armed rebellion to assert their political position, although some have worked with the security forces, and a few were members of early Tamil militant groups. Fears of an armed movement emerging among Muslims, perhaps with a facade of Islamist ideology, have been present since the early 1990s, but most have remained committed to channelling their frustrations through the political process and negotiating with the government and Tamil militants at different times. There is no guarantee that this commitment to non-violence will continue, particularly given the frustration noticeable among younger Muslims in the Eastern province. In some areas there are Muslim armed groups but they are small and not a major security threat. Fears of armed Islamist movements emerging seem to be exaggerated, often for political ends. Small gangs have been engaged in semi-criminal activities and intra-religious disputes, but there is a danger they will take on a role in inter-communal disputes if the conflict continues to impinge upon the security of co-religionists. There is increasing interest among some Muslims in more fundamentalist versions of Islam, and there have been violent clashes between ultra-orthodox and Sufi movements. This kind of violence remains limited and most Muslims show considerable tolerance to other sects and other faiths. Nevertheless, the conflict is at least partly responsible for some Muslims channelling their frustrations and identity issues into religious disputes. Muslim peace proposals have tended to be reactive, dependent on the politics of the major Tamil and Sinhalese parties. Muslim autonomous areas in the east are being pursued but seem unlikely to be accepted by the present government. Muslims are concerned about Colombo¿s plans for development and governance in the east, which have not involved meaningful consultation with ethnic minorities and do not seem to include significant devolution of powers to local communities. In the longer term, only a full political settlement of the conflict can allow historical injustices against the Muslims to be addressed and begin a process of reconciliation. The LTTE, in particular, needs to revisit the history of its dealings with the Muslims if it is to gain any credibility in a future peace process in which the Muslims are involved. Only an equitable settlement, in which Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim community concerns are adequately addressed, can really contain the growing disillusionment among a new generation of Sri Lankan Muslims.

Societies divided by brutal conflicts require possible ways to reconstruct their peaceful societies. As a nation that is divided by an ethnic conflict that spanned almost three decades, Sri Lanka urgently requires an ongoing peace process. High quality education for the younger generation can provide the positive force for generating peace and preventing from future conflicts. This study investigated how Olympism education could strengthen conflict resolution competencies among primary students in ethnically divided societies in Sri-Lanka. This research examined the initiatives first by coming across the impact of education in promoting peace among Sri Lankan primary students. Secondly, the study provided an explanation for the potential of Olympism in conflict resolution and promoting peace among Sri Lankan primary students. The study introduced an integrated model of Olympism values and conflict resolution strategies, and this program was trialed in two primary schools one each of the two main ethnic groups of Singhalese and Tamils in Sri Lanka. A mixed method approach was used and data was collected using surveys and interviews. In each school, there was one group that was taught the programme and was the experimental group, and there was a control group not taught the programme. The pre and post-test survey data from all students in the control and experimental groups were analysed according to four hypothesises using Analysis of Variance. The interviews of 16 students from the experimental group from both schools were analysed thematically and contributed data about students’ perspectives. This study aimed to discover possible unifying factors and attain a more holistic view about the nexus of Olympism, physical education and conflict resolution. Considering the effects of the intervention, the most notable finding of this study was that conflict resolution and Olympism education integrated curriculum intervention significantly improved experimental group students’ conflict resolution competencies. It was also found that students’ conflict resolution competencies improved regardless of their gender or ethnicity. The experimental group students also had an increase in Olympism competencies. The competencies that students had the greatest change were related to physical, social, critical and conflict resolution literacy. The findings from the interviews supported the stages of Mezirow’s Transformative Learning theory. This research concluded that strategically designed and carefully managed Olympism lessons could help students to develop and enhance competencies of conflict resolution.

This paper investigates the relationship between ethnic conflict, electoral systems, and power sharing in ethnically divided societies. The cases of Guyana, Fiji, Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Mauritius, and Trinidad and Tobago are considered. Electoral systems are denoted based on presidential versus parliamentary system, and on proportional representation versus majoritarian/plurality. The paper concludes that, while electoral systems are important, other factors like the power distribution between ethnic groups, and ensuring a non-zero-sum game may be as important.

The final months of Sri Lankan civil war, the 26 year military campaign between the Government of Sri Lanka and the insurgent separatist organization Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, are marked by allegations of war crimes committed by both parties of the conflict, including attacks on civilians, summary executions of prisoners, enforced disappearances, restrictions on humanitarian assistance and recruitment of children. Since the attempts to put the Sri Lankan issue on the agenda of the United Nations Security Council failed on the unwillingness of China and Russia, the UN bodies in Geneva have taken a leading role in promoting the peacebuilding process on the island. The thesis aims to analyse the impact of the Geneva-based human rights bodies, in particular of the United Nations Human Rights Council, on the process of reconciliation in Sri Lanka, for which is crucial that the alleged violations of human rights in the last months of the civil war would be properly investigated and that the perpetrators would be held accountable. In order to put the activity of the UN Human Rights Council into broader context, the paper will examine the political development in Sri Lanka since the end of the civil war in 2009 as well as the failed efforts of Sri Lankan governments to launch the process of reconciliation.

There has been a growing understanding in recent years of the links between conflict emergence and horizontal inequalities and increased focus on the role which development policies can play in both ameliorating and exacerbating the root causes of violent conflict. This study tests the empirical relationship between horizontal inequalities and conflict causation using the Sri Lankan ethnic conflict as a case study. The analysis shows robust support for the empirical relationship between horizontal inequality (which encompasses political, economic, social and cultural dimensions) and the emergence of violent conflict in Sri Lanka. In this context of inequality, Tamil leaders, who faced political exclusion, and their followers, who themselves experienced inequitable access to employment, education opportunities, assets, were inspired to mobilise and engage in armed violence. Thus, the ethnic conflict stemmed from the disillusionment, frustration and increasing radicalisation of Tamils in their attitude towards the Sri Lankan state, rejecting what they perceived as exclusionary policies. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) emerged as a key protagonist in the conflict, with an expressed view to establish a Tamil homeland in Sri Lanka. While most post war development policies are strongly aligned to government objectives, there are very little steps taken towards the design and adoption of policies to ameliorate horizontal inequalities. Instead, the government has identified security issues and economic growth as the cornerstone in the post war development process, and they are given greater emphasis in policies compared to underlying causes of violent conflict: inequalities in access to political power, economic resources and/or cultural status. Most Sri Lankan state actors are either not mandated to address equality issues or prefer conflict sensitive approaches to post war development. In general, there is a weak approach to conflict sensitivity in early post war development and reconstruction strategies (from 2009 to 2013). Likewise, there is relatively little attention paid to other conflict sensitive causes and dynamics such as the nature of the political system ii and problems of human rights. The failure to address fundamental issues relating to minority Tamil grievances has the potential to re-ignite the conflict.<br>Development Studies<br>D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)

The complexity and magnitude of the Sri Lankan conflict have grown over the last five decades, making it one of the most protracted and devastating conflicts in the world today. With the prolongation of conflict, the chances for establishing peace have become distant, the gap between the two communities has widened, and new elements have been introduced to the conflict. The impediments to the establishment of lasting peace on the island encompass both domestic and external factors. Among the large variety of such factors, this study has focused on but a few. The analysis of the domestic factors dwells on the nature of the existing political structure, the characteristics of devolution, and the sources of violence. The examination of the external factors addresses the significance of geopolitics, the role of the Sri Lankan diaspora and the role of the international community. The exploration of the failure of the peace process in the island points to a combination of internal and external factors that impede the establishment of a liberal democratic political structure. Despite its reputation as a Third World democracy, the Sri Lankan polity has, since independence, increasingly developed into an illiberal democracy. Although possessing nominal features of a democracy, the Sri Lankan political system is saturated with highly undemocratic elements. Amongst these elements, the ethnocisation of the society, confrontational politics and violence are specifically addressed by this study. Moreover, this study contends that the deepening ethnic crisis is a direct result of the failure of outside actors to promote democracy in the island. Having been a victim of the Cold War neglect, Sri Lanka's continued isolation in the post Cold War era is largely due to its geopolitical position. Finally, the study identifies the contemporary role of diaspora communities as a severe hindrance to a lasting peace in the country. Apart from material contributions, the divided diaspora communities are a major source of illiberality, and this reflects upon the peace process in various ways. Thus the analysis concludes that lasting peace in the island is possible only through the promotion of genuine liberal democracy, both within and from the outside. Now more than ever before, the new realities of the post-Cold War era provide an atmosphere conducive to such a process.

This project examines the literal and literary bodies associated with the Sinhalese-Tamil conflict in Sri Lanka as they are represented in literary, journalistic, and anthropological accounts. These texts are populated by historical personages and fictional characters spun from imagination or based on actual people who serve as representatives of those who live in the day to day reality of violence. The goal of this project is to offer a re-visioning of the power relations between the aggressor and victim, the victor and vanquished, in violent conflicts. Island of Blood: Frontier Reports from Sri Lanka, Afghanistan and Other South Asian Flashpoints, a memoir by Anita Pratap, and The Terrorist, a feature film by Santosh Sivan, illustrate how Velupillai Prabhakaran, the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, fashioned his own absent or invisible body and the bodies of the suicide bombers as the focal point of Tamil nationalism. Prabhakaran developed the cult of personality around himself by fostering an aura of mystery and employing religious symbolism. In particular, feeding emerges as the quintessentially nurturing function misappropriated by this malignant maternal figure Prabhakaran. The other category of bodies is comprised of the victims: the dead, the raped, and the other defiled bodies that are anomalous in military conflicts. These are the profaned and violated bodies. In Michael Ondaatje’s Anil’s Ghost, the unidentified bodies of human rights violations provide forensic evidence for legal proceedings and in turn attain sanctified status as the survivors use their remains to build legal cases against the atrocity. Their mute presence serves as a powerful amplifier for the survivors. A. Sivanandan’s When Memory Dies has as its focal point an ethnically incited rape and murder. During intergroup conflicts rape is often used to weaken the enemy group’s integrity. However, I argue that When Memory Dies challenges this norm and suggests that those who are considered threats to group integrity, whether they be minorities, outcasts, unwed mothers or raped women, could paradoxically be the agents of social integration, especially in the time of unrest.<br>text

碩士<br>國立中興大學<br>國際政治研究所<br>102<br>In May 2009, Sri Lankan President Rajapaksa adhere to military means to resolve the ethnic conflict under, the capture of the Tamil Tigers last stronghold, the end of the 30-year civil war. Today, however, Sri Lanka''s ethnic grievances, does not seem to resolve because of the civil war and reconstruction process conflicts arise, the development of the political system so that the public concerns, and are noted in the report after the war, at the end of the war and deal with war practice after the transaction, triggering humanitarian disaster talk and by the international community''s concern and criticism. Concept of human rights has been developed as a universal value, in the development of humanitarian intervention after repeated evolution occurs frequently in the international community after the Cold War. However, in the case of Sri Lanka, which, in general, can be considered legitimate authority of the UN Security Council to intervene, even when there is no discharge into any formal agenda, and in several major national or regional organizations, nor to interfere with humanitarian grounds as positive. This development makes us think, what the standard of international humanitarian intervention? What factors influence the international community to interfere in Sri Lanka? This paper will examine the Sri Lankan civil war development situation of domestic ethnic conflicts, and analyzes of the international community in the Sri Lanka conduct humanitarian intervention internal conditions and external environment, assess sovereign countries face the event''s attitude and act, and explain to the United Nations International humanitarian intervention mechanism as the main body, and how to respond to the humanitarian crisis and the difficulties faced happened in Sri Lanka, the final analysis under negative amassing international community to intervene in Sri Lanka, the development after the end of the civil war and how the future will establish a new political order.