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Academic literature on the topic 'Ethnic groups – Uganda'
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Journal articles on the topic "Ethnic groups – Uganda"
1
Leopold, Mark. "Legacies of Slavery in North-West Uganda: The Story of the ‘one-Elevens’." Africa 76, no. 2 (2006): 180–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.76.2.180.
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AbstractThis article outlines the history of a people known as ‘Nubi’ or ‘Nubians’, northern Ugandan Muslims who were closely associated with Idi Amin's rule, and a group to which he himself belonged. They were supposed to be the descendants of former slave soldiers from southern Sudan, who in the late 1880s at the time of the Mahdi's Islamic uprising came into what is now Uganda under the command of a German officer named Emin Pasha. In reality, the identity became an elective one, open to Muslim males from the northern Uganda/southern Sudan borderlands, as well as descendants of the original soldiers. These soldiers, taken on by Frederick Lugard of the Imperial British East Africa Company, formed the core of the forces used to carve out much of Britain's East African Empire. From the days of Emin Pasha to those of Idi Amin, some Nubi men were identified by a marking of three vertical lines on the face – the ‘One-Elevens’. Although since Amin's overthrow many Muslims from the north of the country prefer to identify themselves as members of local Ugandan ethnic groups rather than as ‘Nubis’, aspects of Nubi identity live on among Ugandan rebel groups, as well as in cyberspace.
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HABYARIMANA, JAMES, MACARTAN HUMPHREYS, DANIEL N. POSNER, and JEREMY M. WEINSTEIN. "Why Does Ethnic Diversity Undermine Public Goods Provision?" American Political Science Review 101, no. 4 (2007): 709–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055407070499.
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A large and growing literature links high levels of ethnic diversity to low levels of public goods provision. Yet although the empirical connection between ethnic heterogeneity and the underprovision of public goods is widely accepted, there is little consensus on the specific mechanisms through which this relationship operates. We identify three families of mechanisms that link diversity to public goods provision—what we term “preferences,” “technology,” and “strategy selection” mechanisms—and run a series of experimental games that permit us to compare the explanatory power of distinct mechanisms within each of these three families. Results from games conducted with a random sample of 300 subjects from a slum neighborhood of Kampala, Uganda, suggest that successful public goods provision in homogenous ethnic communities can be attributed to a strategy selection mechanism: in similar settings, co-ethnics play cooperative equilibria, whereas non-co-ethnics do not. In addition, we find evidence for a technology mechanism: co-ethnics are more closely linked on social networks and thus plausibly better able to support cooperation through the threat of social sanction. We find no evidence for prominent preference mechanisms that emphasize the commonality of tastes within ethnic groups or a greater degree of altruism toward co-ethnics, and only weak evidence for technology mechanisms that focus on the impact of shared ethnicity on the productivity of teams.
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Kasibante, Amos. "The Ugandan Diaspora in Britain and Their Quest for Cultural Expression within the Church of England." Journal of Anglican Studies 7, no. 1 (2009): 79–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355309000163.
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AbstractThe article examines the Anglican identity of two Ugandan immigrant communities in Britain and the congregations they have formed in order to foster their social, culture, and spiritual well-being. The two communities are the Acholi, who hail from the northern part of Uganda, and the Baganda from the central region. The former have formed the Acholi London Christian Fellowship while the latter have formed two distinct, yet similar, congregations in two separate London parishes. These are Okusinza mu Luganda (Worship in Luganda) and Ekkanisa y’Oluganda (the Luganda Church). The second is an offshoot of the first one. This article illustrates that religion and ethnicity are often inextricably intertwined, and that for the immigrants, Anglicanism does not merely displace or replace their native culture, but gives it a new sense of direction as they also shape it in the light of their aspirations. In this sense, we can speak of religious ethnicity, which refers to cases where an ethnic group is linked to a religious tradition shared by other ethnic groups.
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Bondarenko, Dmitri M. "In Search of the True Faith: the Appearance of Orthodox Old Believers in Uganda and Spiritual Anti-globalism in Contemporary Africa." Exchange 48, no. 2 (2019): 127–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341518.
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Abstract The present article, based on field evidence collected in 2017, deals with a very recent phenomenon — the Orthodox Old Believers in Uganda. This faith originated in Russia, however in Uganda all its adherents belong to African ethnic groups. We describe the short by now history and current state of the Old-Believer communities in Uganda and then concentrate on their members’ motivation for converting to Old Believers vs. knowledge of this religion. We show that what brings them to Old Believers is the search for the true faith associated with the original and hence correct way of performing Christian rites. In this we see an intricate interplay of the features typical for authentic African cultures and acquired by them in the course of interaction with the wider world. Basing on our case study, we discuss how globalist and anti-globalist trends manifest themselves in the religious context in contemporary Africa.
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KHANAKWA, PAMELA. "REINVENTINGIMBALUAND FORCIBLE CIRCUMCISION: GISU POLITICAL IDENTITY AND THE FIGHT FOR MBALE IN LATE COLONIAL UGANDA." Journal of African History 59, no. 3 (2018): 357–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853718000798.
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ABSTRACTUgandan colonial authorities carved Bugisu and Bukedi districts out of Mbale district in 1954, isolating Mbale town as a separate entity. With ethnic tensions escalating as independence approached, Gisu and Gwere fought for Mbale's ownership. Empowered by decentralisation, Bugisu District Council pressed the colonial state to declare Mbale part of Bugisu, viewing the town as key to the region's wealth, and providing a symbolic status similar to that enjoyed by Uganda's leading ethnic groups. Gisu activists reinvented tradition as a tool of political advocacy, exerting hyper-masculine power over Mbale's non-circumcising Gwere residents through forcible circumcision. Gisu reformulation of a cultural practice within an urban struggle challenges previous categorisations of the Mbale case as merely another local obstacle to Uganda's peaceful decolonisation. Evidence analysed in this article contributes to a new understanding of East Africa's uneasy transition to self-government, and to the role of ethnic competition within late-colonial mobilisations more broadly.
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Scheibinger, Lena. "Die gewohnheitsrechtliche Praktik der Leviratsehe in Kenia und Uganda." Recht in Afrika 22, no. 2 (2019): 175–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2363-6270-2019-2-175.
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The practice of levirate marriage describes cases where, under the customary conception of marriage, a male relative of the deceased husband ‘inherits’ or ‘takes over’ his widow. Based on the concept of legal pluralism, the paper analyses different notions of marriage in customary law and statutory law. Within this legal framework the collective character of marriage under customary law and the assumption that the alliance entered by two kin groups is not dissolved by the death of one spouse function as central preliminaries for the levirate marriage. Even though the levirate shows a large number of variables, all these arrangements were initially created as a support system for the widow and her children. Furthermore, it allowed the perpetuation of the lineage and the maintenance of the alliance between two families. By referring to case studies from various ethnic groups in Kenya and Uganda the paper discusses current developments of and challenges for this complex practice that constitutes a field of multiple negotiations especially in its legal-pluralistic context.
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Kiyani, Asad G. "Third World Approaches to International Criminal Law." AJIL Unbound 109 (2015): 255–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300001550.
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A pattern of affording impunity to local power brokers throughout Africa pervades the application of international criminal law (ICL) in Africa. The International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into Uganda is a notorious but representative example, although similar analyses can be made of the Central African Republic, Côte d’Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Libya. In Uganda, only members of the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) have been indicted for international crimes, even though the United Nations, international human rights groups, and local NGOs have documented years of abuses perpetrated by government troops and local auxiliary units, often against the same populations victimized by the LRA. The ICC is thereby implicated in the power structures and political arrangements of a repressive state that both combats the LRA and often brutalizes the civilian populations of northern Uganda. Inserting itself into Uganda, the ICC becomes a partisan player in the endgame of a civil war that extends back over a generation, and is itself rooted in ethnic and tribal animosities cultivated through 19th century Euro-colonial benedictions of favor. Here, the ICC and the war it adjudicates become surprising bedfellows, repurposed by local elites for the consolidation of domestic power.
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Müller-Crepon, Carl, and Philipp Hunziker. "New spatial data on ethnicity." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 5 (2018): 687–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318764254.
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Research on ethnic politics and political violence has benefited substantially from the growing availability of cross-national, geo-coded data on ethnic settlement patterns. However, because existing datasets represent ethnic homelands using aggregate polygon features, they lack information on ethnic compositions at the local level. Addressing this gap, this article introduces the Spatially Interpolated Data on Ethnicity (SIDE) dataset, a collection of 253 near-continuous maps of local ethno-linguistic, religious and ethno-religious settlement patterns in 47 low- and middle-income countries. We create these data using spatial interpolation and machine learning methods to generalize the ethnicity-related information in the geo-coded Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS). For each DHS survey we provide the ethnic, religious and ethno-religious compositions of cells on a raster that covers the respective countries at a resolution of 30 arc-seconds. The resulting data are optimized for use with geographic information systems (GIS) software. Comparisons of SIDE with existing categorical datasets and district-level census data from Uganda and Senegal are used to assess the data’s accuracy. Finally, we use the new data to study the effects of local polarization between politically relevant ethnic groups, finding a positive effect on the risk of local violence such as riots and protests. However, local ethno-political polarization is not statistically associated with violent events pertaining to larger-scale processes such as civil wars.
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Larson, Jennifer M., and Janet I. Lewis. "Rumors, Kinship Networks, and Rebel Group Formation." International Organization 72, no. 4 (2018): 871–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818318000243.
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AbstractWhile rumors predominate in conflict settings, researchers have not identified whether and why they influence the start of organized armed conflict. In this paper, we advance a new conceptualization of initial rebel group formation that aims to do so. We present a simple game-theoretic network model to show why the structure of trusted communication networks among civilians where rebel groups form—which carry credible rumors about the rebels—can influence whether incipient rebels become viable. We argue further that in rural Sub-Saharan Africa, kinship network structures favorable to nascent rebels often underlie ethnically homogeneous localities, but not heterogeneous ones. In doing so, we advance a new explanation for why ethnicity influences conflict onset, and show why ethnic grievances may not be a necessary condition for the emergence of “ethnic rebellion.” We illustrate our arguments using new evidence from Uganda that provides a rare window into rebel group formation.
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Sorketti, Ehab Ali. "Sudan's national mental health programme and burden of mental illness." International Psychiatry 6, no. 1 (2009): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600000254.
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Sudan occupies 2 500 000 km2 in East Africa. It has borders with nine countries, two of which are Arab: Egypt, Libya, Kenya, Uganda, Congo, Chad, the Central African Republic, Ethiopia and Eritrea. Sudan is the largest country in Africa. The heart of the country, in terms of population, lies at the confluence of the Blue and White Niles. The complex of the ‘three towns', comprising the three largest cities, Khartoum, Khartoum North and Omdurman, is situated there and contains almost 20% of the population. The total population of Sudan is about 35.4 million (projected from the 2005 census). The urban population was estimated at 33% of the total. About 2.2 million are still entirely nomadic. Sudan's peoples are as diverse as its geography. There are 19 major ethnic groups and 597 subgroups.