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Journal articles on the topic 'Ethnic question'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 18 February 2022

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1

Booth, Heather. "Which ‘Ethnic Question’? The Development of Questions Identifying Ethnic Origin in Official Statistics." Sociological Review 33, no. 2 (1985): 254–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1985.tb00805.x.

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2

Bayat, Kaveh. "The Ethnic Question in Iran." Middle East Report, no. 237 (December 1, 2005): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30042475.

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3

Green, David. "1991 Census - The Ethnic Question." Teaching Statistics 13, no. 1 (1991): 12–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9639.1991.tb00144.x.

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4

Berg, Nancy E. "Victoria'striumph: Answering the ethnic question." Israel Affairs 3, no. 2 (1996): 120–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537129608719422.

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5

Öhberg, Patrik, and Mike Medeiros. "A sensitive question? The effect of an ethnic background question in surveys." Ethnicities 19, no. 2 (2017): 370–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817740379.

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Nearly half of European countries choose not to collect data on their citizens' ethnicity. One of the reasons is related to ethnic background being, potentially, a sensitive issue. We explore this social sensitivity in relation to questions asking about respondents' ethnic background through a survey experiment that compares two multicultural and liberal democracies with different traditions related to the collection of data on residents' ethnic background: Sweden and Canada. The findings demonstrate that, when the ethnicity question produced a significant effect on survey evaluations, it was always positive. Similar results were found in both countries. Thus, we conclude that—in terms of survey methodology and the reaction of individuals to such questions—there does not exist a valid justification to omit questions on ethnic background from surveys or censuses in pluralist societies.

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6

Hegg, Manuel Ortega. "The Ethnic Question in Nicaragua Indigenous Autonomy and Ethnic Plurality." Bulletin of Peace Proposals 18, no. 4 (1987): 603–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096701068701800412.

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7

Kirichenko, Svetlana V. "Buryat intelligentsia: nationalism and ethnic question." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Istoriya, no. 51 (February 1, 2018): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/19988613/51/8.

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8

Cao, Lan, and Amy Chua. "The Ethnic Question in Law and Development." Michigan Law Review 102, no. 6 (2004): 1044. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4141938.

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9

Peled, Yoav. "Lenin on the Jewish Question: The Theoretical Setting." Political Studies 35, no. 1 (1987): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1987.tb00188.x.

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Western scholars studying Lenin's writings on the Jewish question tend to view them as reflecting no more than the tactical needs of the struggles he conducted against the Jewish Bund. This article examines these writings in the context not of Lenin's political quarrels with the Bund but of his theoretical conception of the relationship between modernization and ethnic conflict. Underlying Lenin's views on the Jewish question and the positions he took vis-à-vis the Bund was a carefully considered theory of nationality grounded in a clearly defined Marxist outlook on history. That theory of nationality, however, happened to be erroneous in that it stipulated the gradual elimination of ethnic conflict as a by-product of modernization. In reality, as theorists of ethnicity have shown in the last 15 years, modernization may have the exactly opposite effect. For the benefits of modernity, whether economic or political, accrue in unequal measures to members of different ethnic groups, thus intensifying ethnic solidarity and the friction between ethnic communities. Lenin's over-optimistic view of the effect of economic development on inter-ethnic relations caused him to judge the Jewish problem in Russia in an unrealistic way, and gave his comments on that problem the appearance of ad hoc tactical pronouncements.

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10

Appleby, Louis. "Services for ethnic minorities: a question of trust." Psychiatric Bulletin 32, no. 11 (2008): 401–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.bp.107.018895.

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SummaryMental healthcare for ethnic minorities is a government policy priority. However, debate about how services should develop has been overshadowed by public criticism over high rates of admission and sectioning in some ethnic groups, the implication being that racism is rife in mental healthcare. These criticisms are headline-seeking, scientifically crude and unfair to mental health professionals. However, it is true that some minority communities are mistrustful of the services available. We need to overcome this mistrust with a positive message – and a promise of fair treatment.

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11

Kumar, D. V. "Examining Ethnicity: The Context of Mizos in Bengaluru." Sociological Bulletin 67, no. 1 (2018): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022917751977.

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The continued salience of ethnic consciousness even in an urban setting evokes keen interest among the scholars. Why is that despite being located in an apparently urban context, ethnic identity continues to be dominant is the question that has not been adequately theorised. This article seeks to engage with this question. The excessive dependence on the primordialist or instrumentalist approach to explain the salience of ethnicity has increasingly been questioned. Neither approach alone would enable us to have a proper grasp of the issue of ethnic identity. This article makes use of the oppositional approach which seeks to combine both these approaches and explain the salience of ethnic identity in a more satisfactory manner. The fieldwork has been conducted among the Mizos living in Bengaluru.

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12

Singiza, DK, and J. De Visser. "The unresolved ethnic question in Uganda’s District Councils." Law, Democracy & Development 19, no. 1 (2015): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ldd.v19i1.6.

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13

Yeoh, Emile Kok-Kheng. "China’s Regional Policy, Poverty and the Ethnic Question." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 26, no. 2 (2008): 26–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v26i2.1895.

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While China’s reforms have been successful in giving many people higher incomes and producing more goods and services, they also led to increasingly acute inequality in income and wealth among the populace. From one of the world’s most egalitarian societies in the 1970s, today China has turned into one of the most unequal countries in the region and even among developing countries in general. While China’s alleviation of poverty has been nothing less than remarkable and seems to have greatly exceeded Target 1 of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), yet ‘Impoverished China’ was still observed to be among the 10 largest ‘countries’ in the world. Furthermore, as the geographical correlation of ethnic minority distribution and poverty population distribution is unmistakable, reflecting the composite phenomenon made up of rural poverty, regional poverty and ethnic poverty, ethnoregionalization of poverty may present China not only with economic challenges but also long-term sociopolitical uncertainties. While the issue of poverty in China has a strong regional dimension, the size of China both demographically and geographically has led to the fact that her regional policy is always overshadowed by a host of complex interlinked socioeconomic, political, ethnic, territorial and historical factors. This paper analyzes the issue of poverty in China as a multi-faceted phenomenon, sees poverty alleviation as inevitably linked to the country’s regional and minority policies, and as such, argues for a stronger emphasis on the elements of decentralization and localization.

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14

Kawada, Tomoyuki. "Question Context, Ethnic Difference, and Self-Rated Health." American Journal of Public Health 104, no. 1 (2014): e3-e3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2013.301640.

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15

Díaz-Polanco, Héctor, and Kelley Swarthout. "Neoindigenismo and the Ethnic Question in Central America." Latin American Perspectives 14, no. 1 (1987): 87–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x8701400105.

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16

Esim, Sinan. "NATO's Ethnic Cleansing: The Kurdish Question in Turkey." Monthly Review 51, no. 2 (1999): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-051-02-1999-06_4.

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17

Laachir, Karima. "France's ‘Ethnic’ Minorities and the Question of Exclusion." Mediterranean Politics 12, no. 1 (2007): 99–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629390601136889.

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18

Arowosegbe, Jeremiah O. "Ethnic minorities and the land question in Nigeria." Review of African Political Economy 43, no. 148 (2016): 260–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2015.1126816.

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19

Abulof, Uriel. "National ethics in ethnic conflicts: the Zionist ‘Iron Wall’ and the ‘Arab Question’." Ethnic and Racial Studies 37, no. 14 (2014): 2653–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2013.854921.

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20

Wojda, Kayla, Jane M. Tram, Arthur Truong, and Danielle M. Anderson. "Ethnic Socialization in Current and Prospective Parents." Family Journal 29, no. 2 (2021): 208–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1066480720986494.

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Few studies have examined whether the manner in which one has been parented impacts one’s subsequent parenting style regarding ethnic socialization. We examined this question in current and prospective parents. First, we found that receiving greater familial ethnic socialization is significantly correlated with stronger subsequent parental ethnic socialization (PES) for both current and prospective parents. Second, we found that PES did not significantly differ between current and prospective parents. Third, given the limited research examining the ethnic socialization experiences of those who are White, we examined these questions specifically for our White participants. Our findings persisted when we examined all ethnicities together and when we examined White participants alone.

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21

Trammel, Juliana Maria da Silva. "Breastfeeding Campaigns and Ethnic Disparity in Brazil: The Representation of a Hegemonic Society and Quasiperfect Experience." Journal of Black Studies 48, no. 5 (2017): 431–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717700130.

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The purpose of this article is to analyze the ethnic, cultural, and social disparity in the presentation of key messages and themes of breastfeeding campaigns in Brazil. Particularly, this article aims at deconstructing the themes and examining the extent that dominant practices of breastfeeding campaigns create and maintain conditions of cultural subjugation and marginalization. Two questions guided this investigation: To what extent was ethnic, class, and social diversity exemplified in the official posters for the Breastfeeding Week campaigns? (Research Question 1) and what contexts are realized and enacted through the images? (Research Question 2). The method used was qualitative document analysis, and I found that there was a considerable ethnic, class, and social disparity displayed in breastfeeding campaigns in Brazil. Key messages enacted the social reality and lifestyle of wealthier women of European descent, while women of African descent lagged in breastfeeding rates.

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22

Lori, Noora. "Time and its Miscounting: Methodological Challenges in the Study of Citizenship Boundaries." International Journal of Middle East Studies 52, no. 4 (2020): 721–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743820001002.

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One would think that, after years of fieldwork and writing, I would be able to answer a pretty simple and straightforward question about who exactly I interviewed for my study of citizenship boundaries in the UAE: “Do you have any notion of the proportions [of interlocuters] of the different ethnic or descent lines that you spoke to?” This essay is about why it is so difficult to answer this question and the insights into citizenship that unfolded as I searched for an empirical answer. Spoiler alert: Answers to questions about “national” or “ethnic” origin are entirely dependent upon how we count—and miscount—time.

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23

Johnson, Mark R. D. "A question of ethnic origin in the 1991 Census." New Community 19, no. 2 (1993): 281–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.1993.9976361.

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24

Kisielowska-Lipman, Marzena. "Poland's Eastern Borderlands: Political Transition and the 'Ethnic Question'." Regional & Federal Studies 12, no. 2 (2002): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714004742.

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25

Anthias, Floya. "Ethnic Ties: Social Capital and the Question of Mobilisability." Sociological Review 55, no. 4 (2007): 788–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2007.00752.x.

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26

Zhou, Yun. "Question of ethnic group formulation in the Chinese census." China Population and Development Studies 3, no. 1 (2019): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s42379-019-00034-5.

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Abstract In conjunction with official government information and existing research literature, this article discusses ethnic group formulation in the censuses of China since 1953. Followed by an examination of concept of “ethnicity”, the research explores the purpose of the question included in the census, ways to answer the census question, and changes in number of official ethnic groups finalized until 1980s in China. To make a good study on ethnicity by census statistics, we have to understand the system of census taking on ethnicity in different countries. As a country with different minority groups, China is undergoing a social transformation and improving its census-taking. Ethnicity-related information collected in the census will play a more important role in the development of Chinese society.

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27

Roeder, Philip G. "Soviet Federalism and Ethnic Mobilization." World Politics 43, no. 2 (1991): 196–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010471.

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Central among recent changes in the Soviet Union is an expanding and increasingly public politics of federalism. The Soviet developmental strategy assigned federalism and the cadres of national-territorial administration a central role in its response to the “nationalities question.” This strategy offers a key to three questions about the rise of assertive ethnofederalism over the past three decades: Why have federal institutions that provided interethnic peace during the transition to industrialization become vehicles of protest in recent years? Why have relatively advantaged ethnic groups been most assertive, whereas groups near the lower end of most comparative measures of socioeconomic and political success have been relatively quiescent? Why have major public demands—and the most important issues of contention between center and periphery—focused to such a large degree upon the details of the Soviet developmental strategy and upon federalism in particular

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28

Draper, John, and Peerasit Kamnuansilpa. "The Thai Lao question: the reappearance of Thailand’s ethnic Lao community and related policy questions." Asian Ethnicity 19, no. 1 (2016): 81–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2016.1258300.

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29

Arnold, Richard. "“Thugs with Guns”: Disaggregating “Ethnic Violence” in the Russian Federation." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 5 (2009): 641–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903122883.

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How can one understand the phenomenon known as “ethnic violence?” Does subsuming events under the category “ethnic violence” assist our understanding or does it obscure it? Are there lessons that the form ethnic violence takes can teach us? These questions are important not only for anyone interested in the causes and prevention of ethnic violence but also for those who wish to understand group behavior more generally. I explore this question more fully through analysis of the case of the Russian Federation. Russia is a country where in recent times skinhead violence against ethnic minorities has become an important issue. According to Tarasov, Russia contains between 60,000 and 65,000 skinheads active in at least 85 different cities. These skinheads daily commit appalling acts of violence against members of ethnic minorities and human rights activists. Three instances of violence all from the year 2006 help to illustrate some of their activities.

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30

Macsó, Kinga. "The ‘Roma Question’ in Slovakia." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 14, no. 1 (2018): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2018-0012.

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Abstract Slovakia belongs to those states with a high number of Romani in terms of population – of the population of about 5.3 million, 480 to 520 thousand people have Romani origin. In Slovakia, only since 1999 have the Gypsies been able to call themselves Roma. In the 1991, 2001, and 2011 censuses, the Romani could decide on their affiliation, they could be considered Roma citizens, but only a few people made use of this right. Only 25% of the Roma ethnic group called themselves Roma, while the majority referred to themselves as Slovakian or Hungarian; so, these demographic data do not reflect reality. The so-called ‘Atlas’-es show a more significantly accurate picture. The creators of these worked together with the local social workers who knew the local Roma communities well in the given settlements. Approximately half of the Romani living in Slovakia were able to change socially to some extent and adapt to the society’s majority. The rest of the Roma minority live isolated in some parts of the city, on the edge of the city, or in the nearby. These communities are characterized by social and ethnic isolation, which may be different in some specific cases. According to different indicators, they are divided into segregated, separated, integrated focused, and integrated scattered groups. Since the year 2003, the state has introduced various social reforms. Local governments have also joined the state-initiated reforms. They create various special projects for their own Roma communities in order to help their advancement.

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31

Naor, Moshe. "Degel Zion: Sephardi and Mizrahi Youth and the Sephardi Question." Iyunim, Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society 34 (December 1, 2020): 200–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-34a108.

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This article examines the history of Degel Zion, which was established in 1938 as a Sephardi youth organization at the initiative of the Association of Sephardi Jews in Tel Aviv, and which operated until the latter years of the British Mandate. Degel Zion was established as a local ethnic organization but developed into a national youth movement that sought to organize Sephardi and Mizrahi youth and integrate them within the Yishuv and within the nation-building process. The article will discuss the manner in which Degel Zion related to the ‘Sephardi question’ – a term that referred to the social and cultural condition of the Sephardi and Mizrahi youth and their marginal status within the Yishuv. The article will explore the way in which Degel Zion justified its existence as an ethnic framework. The discourse on the Sephardi question, as promoted by Degel Zion, related not only to the influence of the national institutions on the shape of the ethnic problem, but also embodied a Sephardi-Mizrahi self-perception and historical narrative that the leadership and facilitators of the movement sought to inculcate in its young members.

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32

Skorobogach, Nikita I. "To the question of the term of «ethnic public associations»." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Istoriya, no. 67 (October 1, 2020): 161–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/19988613/67/21.

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33

Bourouh, Omar Chaoura. "Ethnic Diversity and the Question of National Identity in Iraq." International Journal of Diversity in Organizations, Communities, and Nations: Annual Review 7, no. 5 (2007): 305–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9532/cgp/v07i05/39469.

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34

Kovàcs, Maria. "Ambiguities of emancipation: women and the ethnic question in Hungary." Women's History Review 5, no. 4 (1996): 487–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029600200127.

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35

Mukherjee, Kunal. "The Ethnic Minority Question and Rohingya Crisis in Contemporary Myanmar." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 39, no. 1 (2019): 26–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2019.1575021.

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36

Schmool, Marlena. "The ethnic question on the British census: A Jewish perspective." Patterns of Prejudice 32, no. 2 (1998): 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1998.9970256.

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37

Knigth, Gregory D. "The Nationality Question in Contemporary Hungarian-Romanian Relations." Nationalities Papers 15, no. 2 (1987): 215–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998708408056.

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The historical feud between Hungary and Romania over Transylvania has escalated in proportion and intensity in recent years. Territorial dispute is no longer central to the present debate. Rather, it is the treatment of approximately two million ethnic Hungarians residing in Transylvania that has generated considerable tension between the governments of Janos Kadar and Nicolae Ceausescu. Transylvania's ethnic Hungarians represent an obstacle to Ceausescu's policy of “national communism,” which promotes “Romanianism” to the detriment of the country's minority populations. In Hungary, reformists both within and outside the Kadar government have pressed the regime for a satisfactory solution to the perceived mistreatment of Hungarians living in neighboring socialist countries. By complicating relations between the two countries, the nationality question also effectively limits the degree to which Hungary and Romania can cooperate succesfully on regional endeavors. Finally, particularly in the case of Romania, exacerbation of the nationality question has attracted increased concern among “external” players, including the Soviet Union and the United States.

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38

Peregudov, Sergei P. "The "Question of the Ethnic Russians" in the Context of Ethnic Relations in the Russian Federation." Russian Politics & Law 52, no. 1 (2014): 6–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rup1061-1940520101.

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39

Peregudov, Sergei P. "The “Question of the Ethnic Russians” in the Context of Ethnic Relations in the Russian Federation." Russian Social Science Review 56, no. 4 (2015): 52–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10611428.2015.1074013.

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40

Shkliaev, Aleksandr, and Eva Toulouze. "The Mass Media and the National Question in Udmurtia in the 1990s." Nationalities Papers 29, no. 1 (2001): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990120050811.

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The so-called “national,” or ethnopolitical questions, whose existence has long been denied in Russia, is a significant issue in the Udmurt Republic. The Soviet propaganda machine long advanced the theme of friendship among all the peoples of the multinational USSR until glasnost', when this notion began to be questioned by society. In the minority areas ethnic questions finally emerged at the end of the 1980s and since then have occupied a prominent place in the mass media, in Udmurtia and elsewhere. This article highlights the polemic character of the debate on ethnic issues in Udmurtia, which is located in the Volga-Urals region, against a background of the particular local historical and demographic factors.

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41

Ossenkop, Carolin, Claartje J. Vinkenburg, Paul G. W. Jansen, and Halleh Ghorashi. "Ethnic diversity and social capital in upward mobility systems." Career Development International 20, no. 5 (2015): 539–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cdi-12-2013-0148.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a better understanding of the complex relationship between ethnic diversity, social capital, and objective career success in upward mobility systems over time. The authors conceptualize the underlying process of why intra-organizational career boundaries are more permeable for dominant ethnics compared to minority ethnics. Design/methodology/approach – The authors conceptually explore and model this relationship by elaborating on three mechanisms of social capital return deficit proposed by Lin (2000), building the argument based on four underlying principles (stereotype fit, status construction, homophily, and reciprocity). Findings – Based on a proposed reciprocal relationship between social capital and objective career success, the authors suggest the development of an upward career spiral over time, which is continuously affected by ethnic group membership. Consequently, the authors argue that dominant ethnics do not only advance to a higher level of objective career success, but that they also advance exponentially faster than minority ethnics. Research limitations/implications – The conceptualization provokes the question to what extent the permeability of intra-organizational boundaries constrains careers of some, while enabling careers of others. Originality/value – The contribution lies in the exploration of the relationship between social capital and objective career success over time, of the permeability of intra-organizational career boundaries, and how both are affected by ethnic group membership.

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42

Meyer, Ilan H. "Identity, Stress, and Resilience in Lesbians, Gay Men, and Bisexuals of Color." Counseling Psychologist 38, no. 3 (2010): 442–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011000009351601.

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The author addresses two issues raised in Moradi, DeBlaere, and Huang’s Major Contribution to this issue: the intersection of racial/ethnic and lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) identities and the question of stress and resilience. The author expands on Moradi et al.’s work, hoping to encourage further research. On the intersection of identities, the author notes that LGB identities among people of color have been construed as different from the identities of White LGB persons, purportedly because of an inherent conflict between racial/ethnic and gay identities.The author suggests that contrary to this, LGB people of color can have positive racial/ethnic and LGB identities. On the question of stress and resilience, hypotheses have suggested that compared with White LGB individuals, LGB people of color have both more stress and more resilience. The author addresses the competing hypotheses within the larger perspective of minority stress theory, noting that the study of stress and resilience among LGB people of color is relevant to core questions about social stress as a cause of mental disorders.

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43

M, Kozlova. "Educational inclusion of migrant children in the ideological attitudes of school teachers." E-Journal of Dubna State University. A series "Science of man and society -, no. 4 (2020): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.37005/2687-0231-2020-0-12-3-17.

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The problems of inclusion of representatives of ethnic minorities in host societies in modern studies are often associated not so much with explicit discrimination, but with questions about the ways in which the majority understands cultural and ethnic diversity. The education, in particular the school, is one of the key channels for the inclusion of ethnic and cultural groups. In this regard, the article attempts to explicate the discursive practices of school teachers in relation to inclusive education of children with migration experience. We try to answer the question of how teachers' interpretation of cultural differences and of the goals of educational inclusion of migrant children affects the approach to the educational process and the nature of socio-cultural inclusion in general.

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44

Khan, Tariq Anwar, Adil Khan, and Muhammad Imran Mehsud. "Ethnic Diversity and Federation of Pakistan: A Societal Perspective." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 4, no. 2 (2020): 130–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/4.2.11.

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This paper aims to identify the factors responsible for reluctance of centre to decentralise power and imitation of the same trend in provinces while dealing with minority ethno-lingual identities. The paper explores questions: what is the nature of federalism in Pakistan? How federal question is dealt in the three constitutions of the republic? How differently ethnic groups responded to various federal arrangements orchestrated by the managers of the state over the years? Objectives of the study are to develop an understanding into the challenges posed to federalism in Pakistan and to develop a more inclusive approach for addressing the federal question. The discussion generated in this study is based upon qualitative analysis of existing published literature in the form of books, research articles, reports, and official documents. The narrative upon which the federation of Pakistan has been constructed is self-contradictory. The paper not only exposes the contradictions of this narrative but also includes societal perspective on the ethnic diversity and federation of Pakistan. It has been concluded that the crisis generated by over-centralisation of the state could only be resolved by ensuring the fundamental federal values like decentralization, provincial autonomy, and devolution within the provinces to the grass root level.

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45

Stokke, Kristian. "Political Representation by Ethnic Parties? Electoral Performance and Party-Building Processes among Ethnic Parties in Myanmar." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 38, no. 3 (2019): 307–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103419893530.

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What is the role of political representation by ethnic parties in a multi-ethnic state that has undergone a transition from military rule, and is seeking to resolve protracted intrastate conflicts? The present article examines this question through a contextual case study of ethnic parties in Myanmar – a state that is characterised by unresolved ethnic grievances and conflicts; a political transition that has created new opportunities for ethnic representation; and multiple ethnic parties making representative claims on behalf of ethnic groups. Based on a mixed methods approach, the article documents that ethnic parties have been relatively ineffective in ensuring formal and descriptive representation and have had limited possibilities for substantive representation of ethnic interests. The article also identifies key explanations for the weak electoral performance of ethnic parties, emphasising party fragmentation and vote-splitting as well as weak party institutionalisation and limited capacity to make representative claims. Finally, the article analyses strategies for party-building, in preparation for the 2020 election. Based on the common emphasis on vote-splitting, most ethnic states have seen initiatives to merge parties, while a few parties have also sought to develop their political platform and sector policies. The article concludes that ethnic parties may gain improved formal representation after the next election but questions about the parties’ capacity for substantive representation remains. The 2020 election will thus be a new test for how ethnic voters see themselves best represented, in the light of competing representative claims and past experiences: by ethnic parties or non-ethnic democracy parties?

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BARRERA, MANUEL, FELIPE G. CASTRO, and ANTHONY BIGLAN. "Ethnicity, substance use, and development: Exemplars for exploring group differences and similarities." Development and Psychopathology 11, no. 4 (1999): 805–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954579499002333.

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Epidemiological research shows some ethnic-group differences in the prevalence of substance use. This approach does not address the question of whether there are ethnic-group differences in the models that are needed to understand the development of substance use. For this question we need to understand the relations between psychological constructs and their trajectories over time. In this paper we describe some approaches to studying ethnic-group differences in the predictors of substance use that illustrate probing for mediators, multisample analyses of structural models, and an experimental trial of a preventive intervention. Our studies found some ethnic-group differences in the structure of constructs and the relations between variables, but many similarities. The challenge for researchers is using appropriate research methods for studying ethnicity, uncovering the basis for ethnic-group differences when they occur, knowing when statistical differences are meaningful, and acknowledging when developmental models are comparable.

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Hassan, Miaad. "Ethnic Politics in Minority Dominant Regimes." Ethnic Studies Review 43, no. 1 (2020): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2020.43.1.43.

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This article attempts to answer the question of why ethnic identity rather than national identity is more likely to be salient after an ethnic majority overcomes a dominant minority rule? Does an ethnic majority succeeding a dominant minority pursue an authentic representative government or does it reinvigorate its own ethnic identity through the pursuit of ethnic politics? Ethnic minority governance inevitably raises questions of legitimacy and inclusivity. Even in secular democracies, where courts protect citizen rights, democracy is far from perfect, but in countries that divide along ethnicity, religion, sector, or tribal loyalty, the history of all-inclusive governance is not encouraging. Typically, minority rule in non-democratic countries tends to despotism and autocracy. Therefore, the policies of dominant minority regimes scarcely differ from those of majoritarian governments, and outcomes can also vary dramatically. By comparing dominant minority rule in three cases—Iraq, Syria, and Bahrain1—I analyze how ethnic conflict is prevalent and prolonged in countries where ethnic minorities rule and how the outcome ultimately impacts state national identity. I maintain that ethnic identity issues and ethnic conflict do not resolve with majoritarian rule. In fact, if a majoritarian party assumes power after a dominant minority government, it will likely consolidate its own identity and pursue ethnic politics by way of an ethnocultural form of self-determination. Theoretically, this article contributes to the debate on the incompatibility of ethnicity and nationalism on the one hand, and with nation and state building on the other.

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Dallo, Florence J., Kristine J. Ajrouch, and Soham Al-Snih. "The Ancestry Question and Ethnic Heterogeneity: The Case of Arab Americans." International Migration Review 42, no. 2 (2008): 505–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2008.00133.x.

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Kagitcibasi, Cigdem. "The family in question: immigrant and ethnic minorities in multicultural Europe." Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 32, no. 4 (2011): 415–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434632.2011.580087.

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Sillitoe, K., and P. H. White. "Ethnic Group and the British Census: The Search for a Question." Journal of the Royal Statistical Society. Series A (Statistics in Society) 155, no. 1 (1992): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2982673.

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