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Journal articles on the topic 'Ethnic Russians'
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1
Lankina, Tomila. "The Cossacks: A Guarantor of Peace or a Land-Mine in Russia's Federalism?" Nationalities Papers 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 721–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408480.
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Russia's policy towards the Cossacks may prove detrimental to the development of federalism in Russia. Their rehabilitation is important for the rebirth of Russian culture. Yet, the Cossacks as a social-military institution, may further harm the relations between ethnic Russians and non-Russians in the Caucasus, which may revive the dispute over the preservation of the ethnic principle in Russia's federalism.
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Bakharev, Dmitry Sergeevich. "PERM’ PROVINCE ETHNIC LANDSCAPE IN THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY: MAPPING INTER-ETHNIC CLUSTERS." Yearbook of Finno-Ugric Studies 14, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 688–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2224-9443-2020-14-4-688-698.
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This article aims to reconstruct the ethnic landscape in early 20th century Perm’ province. The methods used by the author were cultural landscape studies, cross-cultural psychology, cartography and historical statistical analysis. The sources were mainly published statistics and maps from the late 19th to the early 20th centuries. The author analyzed the province’s ethnic makeup and proposed four wide ethnic groups - Russians, Finno-Permians, Turks and Mansi. This general dataset was decomposed by 482 districts (volost’, the smallest contemporary administrative unit) and was connected with the administrative province map. The visual analysis of this ethnic map enabled the reconstruction of spatial distribution of the peoples of the Middle Urals in the early 20th century, uncovered inter-cultural communication zones, and described the size and character of inter-ethnic contacts. We can conclude that Perm’ province was more ethnically heterogeneous than is shown by published aggregates. According to the 1897 census, the non-Russian population in the province totaled less than 10%. At the same time the districts with fully or partly non-Russian population made up 18,5%. Only two counties out of twelve in Perm’ province were homogeneously ethnic Russian. Others were parts of three big inter-ethnic clusters - western (mainly Finno-Permians and Russians), southern (mainly Russians, Turks and Finno-Permians) and eastern (mainly Russians and Mansi) or had non-Russian enclaves inside themselves.
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Hryshchuk, Eliso, and Alla Kovalenko. "Features of Ethno-Linguistic Identity Characteristic for Representatives of Different Ukrainian Linguistic Groups." PSYCHOLINGUISTICS 25, no. 1 (April 18, 2019): 49–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2309-1797-2019-25-1-49-71.
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The article analyzes features of ethno-linguistic identity characteristic for representatives of the main Ukrainian language groups: Ukrainian-speaking Ukrainians, Russian-speaking Ukrainians and Russian-speaking Russians. The main concepts of the ethno-linguistic identity theory and ethnic group vitality are examined; individual and collective strategies maintaining positive identity through language are described; the factors influencing language expressiveness in the structure of ethnic identity are presented. The article shows that Russian-speaking Ukrainians are more competent in both languages(Ukrainian and Russian); Ukrainian-speaking Ukrainians are highly proficient in their ethnic language and have predominantly an average level of Russian language proficiency; Russian-speaking Russians are characterized by good understanding and knowledge of their ethnic language only, at the same time they are low proficient in Ukrainian. As for Ukrainian-speaking Ukrainians and Russian-speaking Russians, their ethnic language competence coincides with their linguistic behaviour and attitudes. Russian-speaking Ukrainians do not show such coincidence; they are characterized by a discrepancy between the prevailing positive attitude to their ethnic language and their real linguistic behaviour. The data shows that the respondents do not choose mainly a language as a main ethnic-determining characteristic, however, in the system together with other distinctive features, it still occupies uppers rank positions for Ukrainian-speaking and Russian-speaking Ukrainians; family ties and psychological choices are more important for ethnic identification of Russian-speaking Russians. The vast majority of the respondents do not focus on their own ethnic status, paying more attention to personal, family and professional social characteristics. Ukrainian-speaking Ukrainians have the most steadfast ethnic identity, and marginal ethnic identity is predominantly observed among Russian-speaking Ukrainians. The relation between language and ethnic identity is described: correspondence between mother and ethnic language determines the respondents’ positive ethnic identity, and vice-versa, their mismatch leads to appearance of ethno-nihilistic tendencies.
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Włodarska-Frykowska, Agata. "Ethnic Russian Minority in Estonia." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 18, no. 2 (December 30, 2016): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ipcj-2016-0015.
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The article examines the position of Russians in Estonia and their relation with ethnic Estonians. The author analyzes models of the society integration introduced by Tallinn after 1991. The results raise questions regarding language education in Estonia, the proficiency level of Estonian is getting widely known by Russians, but on the other hand, there is still a significant part of the population that cannot communicate in Estonian. Those who have a good command of Estonian tend to be better integrated and to coexist with both Estonians and Russians. Russians living in Estonia are supposed to be equally involved in social and political life of the state. The potential of all residents has to be effectively and considerably used, especially when the number of population is decreasing. The position of Russians in Estonia is a major domestic and bilateral issue in the relations with the Russian Federation.
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Shlapentokh, Dmitry. "History and Interethnic Conflicts in Putin's Russia." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 1, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2009.010110.
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Events of the distant past can become the subjects of animated online debates, revealing high levels of ethnic tension between ethnic Russians and minorities. This has been the case with disputes about a recent Russian movie on Genghis Khan, for instance, which is nearing completion in Yakutia. The Internet debate forum has revealed several models of the relationship between ethnic Russians and minorities. First, there is the Eurasian model, which implies a "symbiosis" between these two groups with ethnic Russians playing the lead roles. Second, there is the Asiatic version of Eurasianism, where the Asian minorities play the roles of leaders. Third, there is the concept of Russia for Russians.
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Yekelchyk, Serhy. "The Crimean Exception: Modern Politics as Hostage of the Imperial Past." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 46, no. 3 (August 12, 2019): 304–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04603005.
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The author proposes a new perspective on the political mobilization of ethnic Russians in the Crimea as reactive settler nationalism. After the Russian imperial conquest of the peninsula and the gradual displacement of the Crimean Tatars, the 1917 Revolution galvanized the Tatar national movement, which entered into an alliance with the Ukrainian one. A similar situation developed in the late 1980s, when the peninsula’s Russian ethnic majority found itself threatened by the loss of status and land in what could become a Tatar autonomy within Ukraine. Based on the implicit approval of Stalin’s genocidal deportation of the Crimean Tatars in 1944, the political mobilization of ethnic Russians in the 1990s made the Crimea an easy target for Russian annexation, which, however, took place twenty years later because of Russia’s internal reasons and the Euromaidan Revolution being perceived as a threat to the Putin regime.
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Merenkov, A. V., K. Yu Scriabina, and N. L. Antonova. "ETHNIC IDENTITY: VIEWS OF RESIDENTS OF A LARGE CITY ON RUSSIAN ETHNOS." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 1 (April 7, 2020): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-1-20-25.
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On the basis of a sociological study, the article considers the views of the population of a large industrial city on ethnic identity. The survey was conducted in 2019 in the city of Yekaterinburg. The methods of collecting information were online survey (n = 259) and in-depth interviews (n = 16). The results of the study indicate that the concept of Russians (as an ethnic group), both among foreign ethnic groups and among citizens who attribute themselves to Russians, is determined on the basis of cultural and historical facts. According to the respondents, the main characteristics defining the “Russian character” are openness, friendliness, hospitality, kindness, simplicity, and straightforwardness. Interviewees who identify themselves as belonging to the Russian people form a positive image of the Russian person, and representatives of other ethnic groups note ethnic traits such as sullenness, severity, unfriendliness, selfishness. Ethnic identity is actualized in a foreign language environment and contributes to the affirmation of belonging to Russian culture, primarily through the preservation of the Russian language, as well as the reproduction of everyday practices and event actions that demonstrate differences from other ethnic communities and involvement in Russians as an ethno-national education.
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Senggirbay, Mukhtar. "Ethnic Identity of Kazakhstani Russians: The Dynamics of Change and the Place of Russia as a Kin State." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 13, no. 1 (July 12, 2019): 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2019-0004.
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Abstract The aim of this paper was to find out how the ethnic identity of Russians residing in Kazakhstan has changed since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. What qualities and characteristics distinguish ethnic Russians in Kazakhstan now? What are the main factors shaping their identity? To what extent Russians see aligned with their homeland and with the mainstream Kazakh society. What is the role of Russia in promoting a sense of attachment to the homeland? The case of Kazakhstani Russians was analyzed applying the various methods of qualitative research, including surveys, in-depth interviews, content analysis of the publications, and the speeches of political figures and activists. In addition, the methods of participant observation helped in understanding the cultural differentiation of the Russian religious organizations in Kazakhstan. The research revealed the significant changes in the identity patterns of ethnic Russians in Kazakhstan, which resulted from the process of consolidation of the vigorous state-protected ethnic Kazakh identity. Losing the previous dominant position in demography, the Russians bowed to the inevitable Kazakhification of the society. The change in the language preferences shows that the new generation of Russians is gradually accepting the new trend – Kazakh–Russian bilingualism – which is being promoted and implemented by the government of Kazakhstan and by the overwhelmingly ethnocratic Kazakh political elite.
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Ryzhova, Svetlana V. "Ethnic Identity in the Social Dimension." Sociologicheskaja nauka i social naja praktika 8, no. 3 (2020): 165–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/snsp.2020.8.3.7497.
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The level of ethnic identity, the measure of its actualization, and the nature of ethnic attitudes that reflect the attitude of Russians to the ethno-cultural diversity of public space are considered on the basis of data from representative national research and researches in Tatarstan and Sacha (Yakutia). It is concluded that the high values of ethnic identity and the ethnic solidarity (formed on its basis) indicate the most important role of culture in the formation of all-Russian unity. The actualization of ethnic identity and interest in protecting ethnic and cultural diversity vary at the Federal districts: the highest values were obtained in the North Caucasus Federal district. Also, the risks of possible inter-ethnic and inter-religious tensions in the North Caucasus Federal district are perceived more acutely than in the Russian Federation on average. Orientations that recognize the right of all Russian peoples to state support for their cultures and religions are very widely represented, but at the same time alternative orientations that are aimed at priority support for the culture and religion of the Russian majority are also supported in public opinion. Research shows the trend of participation of ethnic identity of Russians in the formation of state-civil unity; there is a consensus in the society in the field of interethnic relations. Along with the actualization of ethnic identity, all-Russians have a high level of ethnic tolerance; however, violations of justice against the people or faith can be a destabilizing factor in inter-ethnic relations.
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Manakov, Andrei G., and Jaak Kliimask. "Russian-Estonian border in the context of post-soviet ethnic transformations." GEOGRAPHY, ENVIRONMENT, SUSTAINABILITY 13, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24057/2071-9388-2019-68.
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The authors explore the main trends and regional peculiarities of ethnic transformations during the post-Soviet period in the Russian and Estonian borderlands. Special emphasis is placed on the dynamics of the share of two dominant ethnic groups – Russians and Estonians. It is argued that the main trend of ethnic transformations is an increase of the share of the dominant ethnic groups in the structure of population. The almost Russian-speaking Ida-Viru county in Estonia is an exception, where together with a small growth in the share of Estonians, there was growth in the number of Russians. The authors analyse the dynamics of smaller Baltic-Finnic nations – Ingrians and Setus (Setos), living in the Russian border area with Estonia.
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Lanko, Dmitry A., and Irina S. Lantsova. "Party system nationalization in Estonia." Baltic Region 12, no. 1 (2020): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2020-1-2.
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This article explores the Estonian ‘integration’ project, which was launched in the early 1990s to bridge the differences between ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians by assimilating the latter with the former. Since the project will soon turn thirty, it is timely to ask whether it has been a success. This article employs Grigorii Golosov’s index of political party nationalization to understand whether the ‘integration’ project has helped to narrow the ideological divide between ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians. In other words, the study asks whether ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians vote for the same political parties in comparable proportions or there are ‘Estonian’ and ‘Russian’ parties in the country. The analysis of the outcomes of four local and four parliamentary elections that took place in Estonia in 2005—2019 shows that by the mid-2000s Estonia achieved a considerable level of political party system nationalization at both national and local levels. At the national level, political party system nationalization remained high in 2007—2019 despite significant changes in the country’s political party system. At the local level, however, political party system nationalization has been diminishing since 2013, leading one to conclude that the Estonian ‘integration’ project has failed to close the ideological divide between ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians.
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Shlapentokh, Dmitry. "Russian Nationalists as Georgian Allies." Iran and the Caucasus 16, no. 3 (2012): 337–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20120021.
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The internet discussions focused on the Russo-Georgian War of 7-12 August 2008 provide the insight into the mood of Russian public, including those ethnic Russians, who espouse nationalistic view. Some of them support the idea of Russian imperialism and punishing Georgia as the proxy of the USA. Still, the majority demonstrated quite different approaches. They had no interest in imperial build up and see in empire liability, which prevents ethnic Russians to live well. Putin’s regime was regarded as the manifestation of the imperialism, and these explain—in their view—why the regime was hostile to ethnic Russians. To understand the image of the war, in the minds of many Russians, requires describing several specifics of the present regime, which are quite crucial from their perspective. First, although Putin came to power with a programme to end the abuses of the Yeltsin era, his regime was actually a continuity of Yeltsin’s rule. Its most important socioeconomic element— robber-baron privatisation—was preserved. A few of the most notorious “oligarchs” either pushed for exile or ended their careers in prison, but most of them continued to prosper. The corrupt and hedonistic aspects of the post-Soviet regime continued to be prominent, yet the basic pro-Western orientation of Putin’s foreign policy remained unchallenged. These features of Putin’s regime made it as alien and hostile to many ethnic Russians, especially provincial people, as the Yeltsin’s regime had been. Its anti-Western actions, and especially proclamations, were not taken seriously; indeed, they were understood as limited in scope and practically sham. The hostility to the regime by many disenfranchised ethnic Russians was also increased by its tolerance of ethnic minorities, especially Jews. Despite its slogans, the regime was reluctant to press the most brazen form of Russian nationalism, its emphasis on the racial/biological aspects of Russianness. However, it did not demonstrate just tolerance to Jews, but even a Judeophilism that had been unknown in Russia since the early Soviet era.
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George, Julie A. "Contingent Communities: Regional Ethnic Mobilization in the Yeltsin Era." Russian History 39, no. 3 (2012): 379–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-03903007.
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Scholars disagree regarding the interests and impulses that drive secessionist ethnic nationalism. In Constructing Grievance: Ethnic Nationalism in Russia’s Republics, Elise Giuliano argues that, in the first decade of the Russian Federation’s independence, nationalist groups that highlighted economic discrimination by ethnic Russians against titular ethnic minorities were more able to spark ethnic and territorial separatist demands. She argues that the precise nature of economic experience, where often the actual economic discrimination was more ambiguous than that perceived, was less important than the nationalist groups’ message. In all, this book offers a compelling counterpoint to other work on ethnic separatism in Russia, which has emphasized long-standing historical grievances, institutional legacies, and the interests of political entrepreneurs rather than public interests.
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Statteika, E. "Ethnic Minorities (Russians) in Lithuania." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 2 (June 1995): 401–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408382.
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Shlapentokh, Dmitry. "Islam and Orthodox Russia: From Eurasianism to Islamism." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 1 (March 1, 2008): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.01.002.
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The growing and increasingly politically active Russian Muslims of diverse ethnic backgrounds provide various political models for their relationship with Russians. Some still accept Eurasianism but assume that it is Muslims not Orthodox Russians who should be the “older brothers” in the alliance or, in any case, that the very notion of older and younger brother should be put to an end. The others want complete separation from Russia or at least the minimization of their relationship with it. Finally, others believe in the Islamization of Russia. The models provide a glance at the possible scenarios for Russia’s future.
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Galyapina, Victoria, Nadezhda Lebedeva, and Fons J. R. van de Vijver. "A Three-Generation Study of Acculturation and Identity of the Russian Minority in the Republic of North Ossetia–Alania." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 49, no. 6 (April 5, 2018): 976–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022118767578.
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This article examines relationships between social identities and acculturation strategies of Russians (the ethnic minority) in the Republic of North Ossetia–Alania (RNO-A). The sample included 109 grandparent–parent–adolescent triads from ethnically Russian families ( N = 327). We assessed acculturation strategies, ethnic and national identities (identification with the Russian Federation), republican identity (with the RNO-A), regional identity (with North Caucasus), and religious identity. EFA combined five identities in two factors, labeled Russian ethnocultural identity (comprising ethnic, national, and religious identities) and North-Caucasian regional identity (comprising identities involving the republic and region). The means of the identity factors remained remarkably stable across generations, with a somewhat stronger Russian ethnocultural identity. A structural equation model revealed that Russian ethnocultural identity was a negative predictor of assimilation (the least preferred acculturation strategy), whereas North-Caucasian regional identity was a positive predictor of integration (the most preferred strategy) in all generations. We concluded that Russian ethnocultural identity is important for maintaining the heritage culture whereas North-Caucasian regional identity promotes participation of ethnic Russians in the multicultural North-Ossetian society.
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Fedorinov, Denis S., Karin B. Mirzaev, Dmitriy V. Ivashchenko, Ilyas I. Temirbulatov, Dmitriy A. Sychev, Nadezda R. Maksimova, Jana V. Chertovskih, Nyurguiana V. Popova, Ksenia S. Tayurskaya, and Zoya A. Rudykh. "Pharmacogenetic testing by polymorphic markers 681G>A and 636G>A CYP2C19 gene in patients with acute coronary syndrome and gastric ulcer in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)." Drug Metabolism and Personalized Therapy 33, no. 2 (June 27, 2018): 91–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/dmpt-2018-0004.
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Abstract Background: The focus of the study is to determine the prevalence of CYP2C19 alleles, associated with the risk of changes in the pharmacological response to clopidogrel and proton pump inhibitors in patients with acute coronary syndrome (ACS) and gastric ulcer from Russian and Yakut ethnic groups. Methods: The research included 411 patients with ACS (143 Russians and 268 Yakuts) and 204 patients with histologically confirmed gastric ulcer (63 Russians and 141 Yakuts). Genotyping of 681G>A and 636G>A polymorphisms was performed by using polymerase real-time chain reaction. Results: In both ethnic groups, Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium was followed in a distribution of alleles and genotypes in the population (p>0.05). The 681A allele frequency in the Yakut ethnic group was higher than in the Russian group: 17.53% vs. 8.39% (p=0.001). No statistically significant difference was found in the frequency of 636A in Yakuts and Russians with ACS: 3.92% vs. 3.50% (p=0.840). While comparing the frequency distribution of alleles 681A (13.49% vs. 14.54%, p=0.878) and 636A (7.94% vs. 7.80%, p=1) in patients with a gastric ulcer from Russian and Yakut ethnic groups, no significant difference was found in carrier frequency. Conclusions: The results of the present study may be helpful for developing guidelines for CYPC19 genotype-directed antiplatelet therapy for Yakut and Russian patients.
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Weaver, Dorothy. "Neither Too Scientific nor a Spy: Negotiating the Ethnographic Interview in Russia." Comparative Sociology 10, no. 1 (2011): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913310x493069.
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AbstractThe value of qualitative research is contingent upon clear and open communication between researcher and informants. During a comparative study of Russian Orthodox believers in New Jersey and St. Petersburg, ethnic Russians and ethnic Americans responded very differently to the research apparatus themselves. While Americans accepted participant observation, for Russians the history of Soviet surveillance has resulted in expectations that “competent” social research consists of surveys, and that such surveys are invasive. Meanwhile, American-style unstructured interviews, designed to let an informant lead, resembles behavior Russians associate with spies. Informants in post-industrial societies have expectations about how social research should be conducted, and these cultural differences must be incorporated in research design.
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Minaeva, Eleonora, and Petr Panov. "Localization of Ethnic Groups in the Regions as a Factor in Cross-Regional Variations in Voting for United Russia." Russian Politics 5, no. 2 (June 16, 2020): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00502001.
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Abstract In the context of electoral authoritarianism, political mobilization is likely to be a more reasonable explanation of cross-regional variations in voting for the party of power than the diversity of the regions’ policy preferences. In the Russian Federation, the political machines which coordinate various activities aimed at mobilizing people to vote for United Russia demonstrate different degrees of effectiveness. This article examines the structural factors that facilitate machine politics focusing on ethnic networks. Although strong ethnic networks are more likely to arise if the members of an ethnic group live close to each other, and at the same time separately from other ethnic groups, so far researchers have neglected to consider the localization of ethnic groups within the territory of an administrative unit as a factor. In order to fill the gap, we have created an original geo-referenced dataset of the localization of non-Russian ethnic groups within every region of the Russian Federation, and developed special GIS (geographic information systems) techniques and tools to measure them in relation to the Russian population. This has made it possible to include the localization of ethnic groups as a variable in the study of cross-regional differences in voting for United Russia. Our analysis finds that the effect of non-Russians’ share of the population on voting for UR increases significantly if non-Russian groups are at least partially geographically segregated from Russians within a region.
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Cara, Olga. "Lives on the border: language and culture in the lives of ethnic Russian women in Baltinava, Latvia." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 1 (January 2010): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903394474.
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This study draws on ethnographic research conducted in a small village, Baltinava in Latvia, 2.5 kilometres from the border with Russia. The research examines how ethnic Russian women create a specific Latvian Russian identity by contrasting themselves from ethnic Latvians and Russians who live in Russia and identifying with both groups at the same time. To narrate their lives and to make them meaningful, real and/or perceived “attributes” are combined to draw boundaries between “us” and “them.” Thus, the same thing such as language can be used not only both to distinguish themselves from Russians in Russia or Latvians but also to form coherent identities and to emphasize similarities. This study suggests that ethnicities cannot be reduced to a list of set ethnic groups that are very often used in official government statistics. Ethnic identities have to be viewed as fluid and situational. Moreover, this study shows the dialectic nature of ethnicity. On the one hand, external political, historical and social processes create and recreate ethnic categories and definitions. Yet, on the other hand, the women in this study are active agents creating meaningful and symbolic ethnic boundaries.
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Vojtěch, Vladimír. "Ethnic Processes in Russia During the 1990s." Geografie 116, no. 1 (2011): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2011116010046.
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This paper explores changes in the ethnic composition of Russia’s 89 federal regions, which resulted from the dissolution of the Soviet Union, during the 1990s. Based on the 1989 and 2002 censuses, the paper analyzes changes in the proportion of Russians to the titular nations from a geographic perspective. It also identifies dominant ethnic processes taking place in Russia, during the 1990s.
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Markovina, Irina Yu, Alexey A. Matyushin, Istvan Lenart, and Hien Pham. "Perception of Russians and Vietnamese by Russian respondents: an experimental study." Journal of Psycholinguistic, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 74–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.30982/2077-5911-2021-48-2-74-85.
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The authors view the research presented in the article as the further elaborating on the investigational approaches to ethnic identification and self-identification processes developed by Yu. Sorokin (a series of works under the title of “Ethnic conflictology”). The article describes preliminary results of the experimental study aimed at investigating the Russian-Vietnamese mutual perceptions found in the corresponding languages and cultures. Students of Sechenov University (n=109) took part in the questionnaire-based pilot study providing qualitative data for the reconstruction of ethnic “self-portraits” and “portraits” of Russians and Vietnamese. The study group was regarded homogeneous in terms of their linguistic and cultural background. The comparative analysis of the results obtained showed both common and specific characteristics that comprised characterological “portrait” of the Vietnamese and “self-portrait” developed by the Russian respondents. For instance, kindness turned out to be theonly common characteristics included by the respondents in both “portraits”. The most frequent mentions in the Russian self-identification were patience and courage, while the Vietnamese were described as hard-working and joyful. Specific appearance, national food, and material culture were mentioned to make up for the lack of ideas about the Vietnamese generalized (collective) character traits. The Russian anthroponymic “self-portrait” included the following categories: writers and poets (Russian literature), scientists, political leaders, and cosmonauts. The authors point out that historical figures of Russia were mentioned by the respondents more often than contemporary anthroponyms. Personified “portrait” of the Vietnamese nation was substantially undercharacterized; as the majority of respondents stated lack of knowledge about the Vietnamese culture and provided no names at all.It is believed that this large-scale international research project will provide new data on the Russian-Vietnamese mutual perceptions as a result of the processes of ethnic identification and self-identification. The research aims to develop Yuri Sorokin’s hypothesis that ethnic “portraits” and “self-portraits” demonstrate axiological and cognitive attitudes of their authors and have reduced and attributive nature.
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Li, Wei, and Xiao Hu Jia. "Mukeden: Log Houses of Ethnic Russians in Hulunbuir." Applied Mechanics and Materials 638-640 (September 2014): 2231–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.638-640.2231.
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The Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region boards many other regions, and was influenced by various regional cultures of Shaanxi, Shanxi (two nearby provinces of names sounding very similar), Tianjin and Beijing, and the Northeast Provinces accordingly. This research will discuss the history of Mukeden, or log house building by ethnic Russians of Hulunbuiur Municipality in northeast part of Inner Mongolia, and the impacts of modern city building on the log house tradition, to offer some insights on Russian culture in China and preservation of cultural heritage in rapid modernization.
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Gutarin, Maksim Mikhaylovich. "REVIEW ON THE ARTICLE BY Y.M. POLYAKOV “THE DESIRE TO BE RUSSIAN”." Neophilology, no. 16 (2018): 85–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/2587-6953-2018-4-16-85-89.
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We analyze journalistic article “The Desire to be Russian” by Y.M. Polyakov. We notice that demand reconsideration on “Russian issue” on the state level. Non-priority and belittled position of Russians in Russia which existed for several centuries. In times of tsarist power and especially in the era of the USSR in the country there was no desire to deal with the “Russian” issue. It’s simply sought not to notice. Most of the peoples of Russia had the opportunity to open ethnic self-identification, but the Russian people do not have it in full now. It is stated that Y.M. Polyakov considers as “Russian caretaker” that “being Russian in our country publicly is somehow awkward”. The author is also concerned about national issues: why Russian experience some discomfort in Russia. So, the issue arises on such important discipline as ethnic ethics.
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Evans, Geoffrey. "Ethnic Schism and the Consolidation of Post-Communist Democracies: The Case of Estonia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 1 (March 1, 1998): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(97)00026-3.
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The collapse of the Soviet Empire provides several instances where the presence of Russian-speaking minorities constitute a potential challenge to the consolidation of former Soviet Republics as independent democracies. This paper uses national sample surveys undertaken in 1993 and 1995 to examine ethnic relations in Estonia. Using the framework of exit, voice and loyalty as a basis for interpreting reactions to the choices presented in this context, it is shown that several years after the break-up of the Soviet Union, the two main ethnic groups remained firmly opposed over issues of citizenship and minority rights, an opposition accentuated by their relatively limited degree of internal differentiation. Assimilation of Russian-speaking minorities was not accepted by ethnic Estonians, and was not sort by Russians. For several reasons, however, Russians showed no strong signs of reacting by endorsing either secession or emigration as a solution to the exclusion of many of them from full citizenship. The analysis points to a continuing tension in the position of Russian-speakers within the new state, with the eventual emergence of a mobilized ethnic political voice within Estonia as a likely outcome.
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McNamee, Lachlan, and Anna Zhang. "Demographic Engineering and International Conflict: Evidence from China and the Former USSR." International Organization 73, no. 02 (2019): 291–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818319000067.
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AbstractWhen and where do states coercively alter their internal demography? We build a theory that predicts under what conditions states alter the demographic “facts on the ground” by resettling and expelling ethno-national populations. We predict that, under particular scope conditions, states will employ demographic engineering to shore up control over (1) nonnatural frontiers, and (2) areas populated by ethnic minorities who are co-ethnics with elites in a hostile power. We then substantiate our predictions using new subnational data from both China and the USSR. Causally identifying the spatially differential effect of international conflict on demographic engineering via a difference-in-differences design, we find that the Sino-Soviet split (1959–1982) led to a disproportionate increase in the expulsion of ethnic Russians and resettlement of ethnic Han in Chinese border areas lacking a natural border with the USSR, and that resettlement was targeted at areas populated by ethnic Russians. On the Soviet side, we similarly find that the Sino-Soviet split led to a significant increase in expulsion of Chinese and the resettlement of Russians in border areas, and that resettlement was targeted at areas populated by more Chinese. We develop the nascent field of political demography by advancing our theoretical and empirical understanding ofwhen, where, andto whomstates seek to effect demographic change. By demonstrating that both ethnic group concentration and dispersion across borders are endogenous to international conflict, our results complicate a large and influential literature linking ethnic demography to conflict.
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Shulman, Stephen. "Competing versus Complementary Identities: Ukrainian-Russian Relations and the Loyalties of Russians in Ukraine*." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 4 (December 1998): 615–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408591.
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The huge Russian diaspora created in the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse creates a great challenge to nation builders throughout the “near abroad.” Especially in Lithuania, Kazakhstan, Moldova, Ukraine, by virtue of their size, Russian populations must be integrated into new political communities where they now have minority status. The building of cohesive, unified nation states requires that the identities and loyalties of these Russians be directed toward their new states. If Russians can identify with the broader community dominated by the titular ethnic group and simultaneously maintain a strong ethnic consciousness and loyalty toward the Russian Federation, then national integration can proceed in a relatively straightforward manner. But if creating a state-wide, national identity entails the weakening of Russian ethnic identity and the breaking of emotional and physical attachments to Russia, then national integration will be a much more conflictual and difficult process. Unfortunately, social scientists have paid little theoretical and empirical attention to the question of whether ethnic and national identities complement one another or compete with one another. Likewise, we do not know how a diaspora's relations with its homeland affects its ability to adopt loyalties to its host state. And if scholars are uncertain about these issues, then so likely are ethnic groups themselves; logically the political consequences of this uncertainty also merit study.
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Nurgaliyev, N. S. "Ethnic variability of bladder cancer in the Republic of Kazakhstan." Kazan medical journal 97, no. 1 (February 15, 2016): 120–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17750/kmj2016-120.
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Aim. To study the bladder cancer incidence in ethnic groups of the Republic of Kazakhstan.Methods. The study, covering the period from 2004 to 2013, included patients with newly diagnosed and registered cases of bladder cancer. Statistical methods of cancer incidence descriptive epidemiology were used. Besides, age-specific, crude and standardized indices of bladder cancer incidence were calculated.Results.In total in 10 years 4887 patients with bladder cancer were registered in Kazakhstan. Crude incidence rate of bladder cancer among the Kazakh ethnic group was the highest in Akmola (2.2) and Kostanay (2.2) regions, as well as in Almaty (2.1 per 100 thousand population). The lowest incidence rate among indigenous ethnic groups was registered in South Kazakhstan region - 0.8 per 100 thousand population. The highest average annual incidence of bladder cancer among Russians was registered in Almaty - 11.4 per 100 thousand population. The same high figures were registered in West Kazakhstan (11.0), North Kazakhstan (10.5), Kyzylorda (10.5) and Aktobe (10.0 per 100 thousand population) regions. The lowest incidence was observed among persons of Russian nationality in the Atyrau region (4.0 per 100 thousand population). In general, the incidence among the Kazakh ethnic group was 1.59±0.41 per 100 thousand, that was significantly less than among Russians - 8.25±1.88 per 100 thousand population (pConclusion. There is considerable ethnic variability in bladder cancer incidence in Kazakhstan: the incidence among Russians 5 times higher than among Kazakhs.
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Гайнанова, А., and A. Gaynanova. "Dynamics of Ethnic Stereotypes of Russian and Ukrainian Youth under the Changing Social and Political Situation." Scientific Research and Development. Socio-Humanitarian Research and Technology 8, no. 1 (March 27, 2019): 47–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_5c8f4f148eb463.92696534.
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The article addresses the concept of ethnicity, interethnic relations. There has been made an analysis of the concept of ethnic stereotype, identification of its components, determination of types of ethnic stereotypes, study of the reasons for the transformation of ethnic stereotypes. The goal of this study is to evaluate the changes in social and political situation on ethnic stereotypes of Russian and Ukrainian students. The article features results of an empiric study which reveals changes in contents, quantity and orientation of ethnic stereotypes of Russian and Ukrainian students in connection with the social and political situation between the Russian Federation and the Ukraine. The number of genuine stereotypes both at Russian and Ukrainian students has decreased. The contents and number of auto stereotypes has changed: increased at the Russians, decreased at the Ukrainians. The number of heterostereotypes has declined, the attitude towards members of its own ethnic group has remained positive, while towards members of another ethnic group has become less positive.
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Shlyakhova, Svetlana S. "Perception and Verbalization of Somatic (Bodily) Codes of Culture in the Conditions of Bilingualism and Biculturalism." PSYCHOLINGUISTICS 24, no. 2 (October 3, 2018): 359–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2309-1797-2018-24-2-359-378.
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The article is devoted to the perception and verbalization of somatic (bodily) codes of culture in the conditions of bilingualism and biculturalism. The ability of Komi-Permian bilinguals to identify somatic codes of their culture was revealed. The experiment was conducted in the form of an individual questionnaire in the Komi-Permyak district of the Perm region of the Russian Federation. The experimental material was created using the method of generalized portrait. Two images of real girls (Komi-Permyak and Russian) were superimposed on each other with the help of Face Morph program. “Artificial” person is obtained as a result, which combines somatics representatives of two non-related ethnic groups (Indo-European and Finno-Ugric). Three images (Russian, Komi-Permyak and “artificial” faces) were presented to respondents. It is established that the Komi-Permians recognize faces somatic code well. In the conditions of bilingualism and biculturalism somatic codes of culture in the consciousness of Komi-Perm change more slowly than in Russian. 62% of Komi-Permyaks choose the face of their ethnic group. The Komi-Permians “artificial” person likes least of all (9% of respondents). 29% of the Komi-Perm choose Russian face. Interpretation of the code is a subjective process and often depends on personal perception in the control groups of Russians. Russians choose an “artificial” person is 4 times more often than the Komi-Permians. Choose more often (52%), Komi-Permyatskiy face the Russians, who constantly live in the Permian Komi district. Russians who are not affected by Komi-Permyak culture choose Komi-Permyak face in 42% of cases. Russians Komi-Perm district choose the Russian face 6 times less likely (8,7%) than face of Komi-Permyaks (52%). Komi-Permians choose a Russian face 3 times more often (29%) than the Russians themselves. The analysis of verbal responses showed that the physicality in the minds of the Komi-Perm with mental and moral characteristics, not physical. These characteristics are actual bodily identifiers for the Komi-Permians.
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Maximova, Svetlana G., Daria A. Omelchenko, and Oksana E. Noyanzina. "THE ETHNIC IDENTIFICATION OF RUSSIANS IN MONO- AND POLYETHNIC REGIONS: REPERTORY GRID ANALYSIS." Society and Security Insights 3, no. 2 (April 8, 2020): 13–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/ssi(2020)2-01.
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The identity of ethnic Russians has been shaped in co-habitation with various ethnic groups and implementation of nation-building projects, where they always had special status and mission. Its peculiarities are important for understanding the actual inter-ethnic relations in Russia and perspectives of their development. A study based on the of repertory grid approach was conducted in two border regions with different ethnic composition – the Altai territory (mono-ethnic region, n = 543, 16 to 75 years) and the Republic of Altai (poly-ethnic region, n = 354, 16 to 75 years). It was found, that the most important characteristics for identification and evaluation of ethnic groups are related to security, social and economic position, mental similarity. In mono-ethnic region the image of Russians is constructed on the base of positive stereotypes and opposed to ethnic groups, perceived as different. In poly-ethnic region the self-perception is more differentiated, the ethnic identity acquires additional traits, bringing Russians and cohabitating groups closer. Our study has implications for theories of social identity and interethnic cooperation, as well as for the literature on national policy under cultural and ethnic diversity. It could be used for replication in the repertory grid analysis aimed at ethnic identity issues.
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Kaziev, Sattar S., Marina V. Mogunova, and Sergey V. Mogunov. "Межэтнические браки в среде городских русских и казахов Северного Казахстана." Вестник антропологии (Herald of Anthropology) 51, no. 3 (September 20, 2020): 136–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33876/2311-0546/2020-51-3/136-152.
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The article discusses the main trends in the marriage relations between urban Kazakhs and Russians in the North Kazakhstan region in the period between 1996 and 2016. The authors aim not only to show the quantitative changes taking place in the field of family and marriage, but also to analyze the main factors that affect the overall development of inter-ethnic marriages. Inter-ethnic marriages are relevant predictors of the inter-ethnic relations in general and allow to assess the existing ethno-cultural distances. In this regard, the main attention was paid to marriages between Kazakhs and Russians of the region. The research was based on the materials of the City Civil Registry Office as well as on the ethno-sociological surveys. A comparative analysis of the development of family and marriage relations in other regions of Kazakhstan was made based on data from published literature. The study of inter-ethnic marriages between 1996 and 2016 revealed an obvious positive shift in the attitudes both among local Kazakhs and Russians. This is largely due to the accelerated urbanization of the Kazakh population and the widespread system of European social attitudes, including individualization of conscience and the prevalence of the egalitarian family. Based on empirical data, further increase in the number of marriages of Kazakhs and Russians in the region is predicted. Despite the fact that the main share of marriages is currently mono-ethnic marriages, an ethno-sociological survey in April 2020 revealed a tolerant attitude of the majority of Kazakh and Russian youth to the idea of creating a family with representatives of another ethnic group. The study also demonstrated that in Northern Kazakhstan, the two leading ethnic groups avoided the scenario of "communization" and turned out to be "open" in inter-ethnic relations, and in future, this can level out ethno-cultural differences and block inter-group conflicts. This trend has been identified so far at the local level and contrasts with the trends of family and marriage relations in the southern region, which show the rigidity of inter-ethnic "partitions" and the strength of traditional attitudes.
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Peregudov, Sergei P. "The "Question of the Ethnic Russians" in the Context of Ethnic Relations in the Russian Federation." Russian Politics & Law 52, no. 1 (January 2014): 6–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rup1061-1940520101.
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Peregudov, Sergei P. "The “Question of the Ethnic Russians” in the Context of Ethnic Relations in the Russian Federation." Russian Social Science Review 56, no. 4 (July 4, 2015): 52–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10611428.2015.1074013.
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Batyanova, E. P. "The Teleuts: from non-Russians to Indigenous Minority of the North’." VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII, no. 3 (50) (August 28, 2020): 170–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2020-50-3-14.
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This paper concerns the study of the specifics of self-consciousness and self-identity of one of the indige-nous minorities of Siberia — the Teleuts, in different periods of their ethnic history from the mid. 18th century until the present time. Main forms of Teleuts’ identity are considered: national; class; ethnic; ancestral and local. The instances of using various ethnonyms, genonymums and class attributes by Teleuts are analyzed. Identity multi-variance is considered as a mechanism of minority self-preservation and adaptation to the continuous assimilative influence of the nonethnic majority. The paper is based on the archival sources and field materials of the author collected during the expeditions to Teleuts in 1978–2014. The field materials include samples of the folklore, writ-ten folk literature, records of biographies, family chronicles and narratives about other societies recorded by the author. It has been shown how Teleuts ideas about other societies adjusted in the course of their adaptation to the new social and cultural environment within the Russian state. The attention has been drawn to how the ethnic consolidation of the Teleuts in the 19th–20th cc. transformed the local self-consciousness and self-identity. The names associated with small territorial communities often acquired derogatory sense and transferred from endo- to exo-type. It has been deduced how the legal status of the ethnic group within the state influences development of their ethnic culture. Notably, the non-Russians status of the Teleuts brought to them some rights and privileges in terms of the land tenure, taxes and exemption from the compulsory military service. On one hand, this has been helping to strengthen the national identity of the Teleuts, but on the other hand, it facilitates their ethnic self-affirmation. Teleuts have always been proud with their non-Russians status within the Russian state. The ethnic status of the Teleuts in the post-Soviet period is protected by their official recognition in 1989 as a separate ethnic group and subsequent affiliation with the indigenous minorities of the North.
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Pulkkinen, Oili. "Russia and Euro-Centric Geography During the British Enlightenment." Transcultural Studies 14, no. 2 (December 12, 2018): 150–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23751606-01402003.
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In this article, I shall examine the European part of the Russian Empire, Russian culture and Russians in eighteenth century handbooks of geography when “the Newtonian turn” took place in that discipline. Thanks to travel literature and history writing, we are used to thinking of the Russians as representing “otherness” in Europe. Still, in handbooks of geography, Russia was the gate between Asia and Europe. This article will explicate the stereotype(s) of the British characterisations of the Russian national character and the European part of the Russian Empire (excluding ethnic minorities in Russia), in order to reconstruct the idea of Russia in the British (and Irish) geography books.
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Mironov, B. N. "Ethnic Discrimination in the Formation of State Bodies of the USSR." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 1 (2021): 149–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.110.
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The level of ethnopolitical inequality is estimated as the ratio of the share of an ethnic group employed in public authorities to the share of this ethnic group among the entire employed population. This indicator can be called the coefficient of ethnopolitical representativeness. In Imperial Russia, almost all major non-Russian ethnic groups had representatives in power structures, although in most cases this was unrepresentative; the number of nominees from an ethnic group did not correspond to its population size. During the entire Soviet period, 1917–1990, there was a steady and systematic decrease in the inequality of ethnic groups in power structures. In 1989, discrimination in the authorities as a whole practically disappeared. The advantages of Russians in forming the Soviet government were minimized; their percentage in government corresponded to their share in the population. In some areas of government, ethnic inequality was leveled at different rates. In the state apparatus, equality in representation was already achieved in 1959. In the apparatus of party and public organizations, there was also a tendency to overcome discrimination, but in this area, by 1990, the percentage of non-Russians remained slightly lower than their share in the population. Minimization of ethnic inequality was a natural consequence, on the one hand, of the national policy of the country’s leadership, on the other — the desire of ethnic elites for equality in political rights.
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ROCCHI, T. "REVOLUTION FROM THE RIGHT: THE RUSSIAN BLACK HUNDREDS MOVEMENT AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF EUROPEAN FAR RIGHT PARTIES AND MOVEMENTS Part II-I: the Black Hundred understanding of Russianness in the general European context of the history of nationalism and the consolidation of nations: origins and development of varieties of nationalism in the Russian Empire and Europe." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 3/2 (August 4, 2018): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-3/2-54-71.
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This series of articles investigates the Black Hundreds’ understanding of Russianness in the general European context of the history of nationalism. In brief, Russianness is the totality of nationally specific characteristics that define Russians as Russians and that distinguish Russians from other peoples. Through Russianness, according to the Black Hundreds, Russians should form a cohesive, selfidentifying community united in loyalty to the triple formula “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality”. The Black Hundred understanding of Russianness strongly differed from the definition of Russianness by other Russian nationalists of the period. Several historians have noted that the Black Hundreds’ definition of a “true Russian” indicated not an ethnic but rather a political affiliation - loyalty to the triple formula “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality”. The Black Hundreds’ understanding of Russianness had contradictory applications. The Black Hundreds emphasized the allembracing nature of the Russian people and considered many members of the non-Russian peoples as members of the Russian nation. However, they also excluded entire categories of Russians from the ranks of the Russian people and divided the non-Russian peoples of the Empire into the categories of “friendly to Russia” and “hostile to Russia”. The Black Hundreds also often used eschatological themes of demonization of external and especially internal enemies of Russia and the Russian people. Note that the Black Hundreds followed general European trends in political eschatology. It is important to note that the debates about Russianness were an integral part of the general European process of the consolidation of both ethnic and political nations against the background of competing understandings of identity of individuals, groups, and societies. The articles will give a comparative analysis of the Black Hundreds’ concept of Russianness with the concepts of Frenchness in the French Revolution and Germanness in Nazi Germany. The articles’ theme has a huge contemporary relevance in light of debates about national identities and values in the Russian Federation and many European countries.
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Sahadeo, Jeff. "Epidemic and Empire: Ethnicity, Class, and “Civilization” in the 1892 Tashkent Cholera Riot." Slavic Review 64, no. 1 (2005): 117–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3650069.
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A cholera epidemic that swept through Central Asia on its way to Russia and Europe in 1892 transformed visions and practices of empire in Tashkent, the capital of the Russian province of Turkestan. Jeff Sahadeo argues that the epidemic revealed interdependencies between Russian colonizers and the predominandy Muslim local population, even as it produced ethnic violence. Tsarist officials and Russian settlers ruthlessly suppressed a June 1892 protest against anticholera measures that violated principles of local culture, based on Islam. Central Asian and Russian elites sought accommodation to prevent further violence; poor Russians, meanwhile, received censure for their own opposition to anticholera regulations and violence during the riot. Hopes that anticholera measures based on new advances in medicine pioneered by Robert Koch would display the superiority of European “civilization” evaporated. Tsarist administrators and Russian elites saw in the behavior of Central Asians and poor Russians proof of their inherent backwardness. The city remained under emergency statute until 1917, with administrators convinced of the danger of a revolutionary coalition across ethnic lines.
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Goloeva, R., and Z. Alekberova. "AB0765 PHENOTYPES OF BEHCET’S DISEASE IN DIFFERENT ETHNIC GROUPS." Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 80, Suppl 1 (May 19, 2021): 1409.2–1409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2021-eular.1373.
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Background:Early diagnosis and identification of predominant organ system involvement in Behcet’s disease (BD) is crucial for identifying most optimal treatment. The study evaluates 6 described phenotypes of BD - cutaneous-mucous, articular, ophthalmic, vascular, neurological and intestinal in different ethnic groups.Objectives:To assess the occurrence of Behcet’s disease (BD) phenotypes in different ethnic groups.Methods:The study included 202 patients with BD from the 5 most common ethnic groups.The male-female ratio was 2.4:1. Patients’ mean age was 31 years [24;37], mean age at the disease onset was 21 years [15;28]; and mean disease duration was 7 years [3;14]. The severity of BD (mild, moderate and severe) was assessed based on the I. Krause’s Clinical Severity Scoring for BD.Results:Severe BD was more often diagnosed in Azerbaijanis and indigenous residents of Dagestan compared to Russians (75 and 70.4% vs. 36.2%), in Armenians - 50% and Chechens - 54.5% out of all BD cases.Russians were significantly more likely to have a neurological phenotype (15.5% vs. 0-9.4% in all other ethnic groups) and intestinal phenotype (36.2% vs. 13.8-22.7 in all other ethnic groups). Azerbaijanis demonstrated higher prevalence of ocular involvement (68.7% versus 36.2% in Russians, 50% - in Chechens and Armenians, and 57% - in Dagestanis). Dagestanis were more likely to have a vascular phenotype (40.7% versus 15.6% in Azerbaijanis and 18.9% in Russians). The male/female ratio among Russian patients was 1:1, among Dagestanis 4.4:1, Azerbaijanis 3.5:1, Chechens and Armenians 2.6: 1.Conclusion:BD phenotypes vary and demonstrate significant association with the patient’s ethnic affiliation therefore, ethnicity should be viewed as the prognostic marker of specific organ-system involvement in case of a disease.Disclosure of Interests:None declared
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DUNCAN, PETER J. S. "CONTEMPORARY RUSSIAN IDENTITY BETWEEN EAST AND WEST." Historical Journal 48, no. 1 (March 2005): 277–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004303.
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This is a review of recent English-language scholarship on the development of Russian identity since the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The first part examines literature on the economic and political changes in the Russian Federation, revealing how scholars became more sceptical about the possibility of Russia building a Western-type liberal democracy. The second part investigates approaches to the study of Russian national identity. The experience of empire, in both the tsarist and Soviet periods, gave Russians a weak sense of nationhood; ethnic Russians identified with the multi-national Soviet Union. Seeking legitimacy for the new state, President El'tsin sought to create a civic identity focused on the multi-national Russian Federation. The Communist and nationalist opposition continued to promote an imperial identity, focused on restoring the USSR or creating some other formation including the Russian-speaking population in the former Soviet republics. The final section discusses accounts of the two Chechen wars, which scholars see as continuing Russia's imperial policy and harming relations with Russia's Muslim population. President Putin's co-operation with the West against ‘terrorism’ has not led the West to accept Russia as one of its own, due to increasing domestic repression and authoritarianism.
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Marcinkevičius, Andrius, and Monika Frėjutė-Rakauskienė. "The Reasons of Emigration of Russians from Lithuania: Research Overview, Analysis of Press and Interview Data." Informacijos mokslai 91 (April 14, 2021): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2021.91.52.
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The causes of the emigration of the members of the Russian ethnic minority from Lithuania in the last two decades are analyzed in the article. There is a lack of official statistics about the scale (numbers) and reasons for the emigration of ethnic minority groups from Lithuania. Therefore, the qualitative data analysis of Lithuanian press in the Russian language and interviews with informants of Russian nationality is presented in the article. The qualitative data analysis allows to look at the aspects on emigration from the Russian ethnic minority group perspective. The topics of articles about emigration and emigration aspects reflected in informants’ interviews are analyzed. It is considered how emigration of Russians from Lithuania is related to socio-economic, socio-psychological and other factors important to the country’s development.
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Petrova, Nika V., Nataliya Y. Kashirskaya, Tatyana A. Vasilyeva, Elena I. Kondratyeva, Elena K. Zhekaite, Anna Y. Voronkova, Victoria D. Sherman, et al. "Analysis of CFTR Mutation Spectrum in Ethnic Russian Cystic Fibrosis Patients." Genes 11, no. 5 (May 15, 2020): 554. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genes11050554.
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The distribution and frequency of the CFTR gene mutations vary considerably between countries and ethnic groups. Russians are an East Slavic ethnic groups are native to Eastern Europe. Russians, the most numerous people of the Russian Federation (RF), make about 80% of the population. The aim is to reveal the molecular causes of CF in ethnic Russian patients as comprehensively as possible. The analysis of most common CFTR mutations utilized for CF diagnosis in multiethnic RF population accounts for about 83% of all CF-causing mutations in 1384 ethnic Russian patients. Variants c.1521_1523delCTT (F508del), c.54-5940_273+10250del21kb (CFTRdele2,3), c.2012delT (2143delT), c.2052_2053insA (2184insA), and c.3691delT (3821delT) are most typical for CF patients of Russian origin. DNA of 154 CF patients, Russian by origin, in whom at least one mutant allele was not previously identified (164 CF alleles), was analyzed by Sanger sequencing followed by the multiplex ligase-dependent probe amplification (MLPA) method. In addition to the 29 variants identified during the previous test for common mutations, 91 pathogenic CFTR variants were also revealed: 29 missense, 19 nonsense, 14 frame shift in/del, 17 splicing, 1 in frame ins, and 11 copy number variations (CNV). Each of the 61 variants was revealed once, and 17 twice. Each of the variants c.1209G>C (E403D), c.2128A>T (K710X), c.3883delA (4015delA), and c.3884_3885insT (4016insT) were detected for three, c.1766+1G>A (1898+1G>A) and c.2834C>T (S945L) for four, c.1766+1G>C (1898+1G>C) and c.(743+1_744-1)_(1584+1_1585-1)dup (CFTRdup6b-10) for five, c.2353C>T (R785X) and c.4004T>C (L1335P) for six, c.3929G>A (W1310X) for seven, c.580-1G>T (712-1G>T for eight, and c.1240_1244delCAAAA (1365del5) for 11 unrelated patients. A comprehensive analysis of CFTR mutant alleles with sequencing followed by MLPA, allowed not only the identification of 163 of 164 unknown alleles in our patient sample, but also expansion of the mutation spectrum with novel and additional frequent variants for ethnic Russians.
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Mironova, V. P., and L. I. Ivanova. "“THERE HAVE NEVER BEEN ANY KARELIANS OR VEPS HERE”: MAIN FINDINGS OF A FIELD SURVEY IN LADVA VILLAGE, PRIONEZHSKY DISTRICT, THE REPUBLIC OF KARELIA." Culture and Text, no. 43 (2020): 281–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.37386/2305-4077-2020-4-281-294.
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Russians and Baltic Finns have been neighbours in the Republic of Karelia for centuries. Furthermore, now totally Russian-speaking Zaonezhye and Prionezhye areas used to have a Karelian and Veps population. The vicinity and constant contacts reveal themselves clearly in the vocabulary, place names and culture of sub-ethnic groups of Russians, Veps, and Karelians. The Russian traces in Balto-Finnic languages and culture are the most obvious, and locals are not in dispute over the influence. An opposite situation is observed among contemporary Russian residents of Karelia, who have not only lost all connection to Karelians and Veps, but even refute the possibility of any contacts in the past.
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Wiśniewski, Rafał. "Etniczny wymiar depopulacji w Rosji w ujęciu regionalnym." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 8, no. 2 (November 1, 2018): 125–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3575.
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The paper addresses the issue of depopulation in Russia, especially the ethnic aspect of this process considering the regional approach. Two essential aspects of depopulation were discussed i.e., the quantitative aspect resulting from the rate of natural increase or decrease and migration, as well as the qualitative aspect exerting impact on changes in the number of ethnic groups, namely the shift in ethnic self-identification. The analysis was conducted for the period of 1989–2010 (the last census in the USSR and the last census conducted in the Russian Federation). Population change in Russia has acquired a specific meaning in regional terms, leading to significant quantitative and structural transformation. On the one hand, there is a depopulation of native Russian regions and ethnic structured regions dominated by the Russians (or more broadly by the Slavs), and on the other, demographic expansion of non- Slavic ethnic groups, especially of North Caucasus. Changing the mutual relations between ethnic groups may cause tension or escalation of ethnic conflicts.
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Savin, Sergey, and Elisaveta Rodionova. "Ethnic Inequality in the Mass Consciousness of Russians, 1960–2010s." Russian History 44, no. 1 (April 28, 2017): 68–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04401002.
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The study of the problem of ethnic inequality in historical perspective provides the opportunity to trace the processes of the integration/disintegration of society with respect to interethnic relations. The social and structural characteristics of ethnic inequality are reflected in the population’s mass consciousness and acquire the force of social attitudes. Social tension arises in society from the objective and subjective causes of ethnic inequality, and this tension, in turn, can develop into ethnic conflicts. The politicization of ethnic conflicts fractures society even more along the lines of ethnic inequality, and the escalation of these conflicts can lead to the disintegration of society and the formation of new states in accordance with the ethno-nationalist principle. This predictable pattern was realized in the historical process of the ussr in the period of the 1960s–1991, and contemporary Russian society experiences to this day the consequences of ethnic tensions that resulted in the collapse of the Soviet Union. The historical experience of national identity formation cannot occur without recognizing the dynamics of problems of ethnic inequality. These issues are considered through the empirical findings of ethnic and sociological research in which periods of development with new scientific formulations and approaches become apparent. The findings of the authors’ own sociological research in the form of an opinion survey conducted in St. Petersburg in 2015–2016 confirm the importance of the challenge of ethnic inequality in contemporary Russian society and permit an evaluation of the issue’s current state in mass consciousness.
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Crowe, David M. "The Kazaks and Kazakstan: The Struggle for Ethnic Identity and Nationhood." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 3 (September 1998): 395–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408574.
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In a recent article in Ulitsa, Moscow journalist Denis Dragunsky asked whether Russia was an Asian or a European country. Much the same question could be asked about Kazakstan (the land of the Kazaks), particularly given its long historical ties with Russia. And it is not an easy question to answer. While Kazakstan's history is a blend of Mongol, Turkic, Islamic, and Russian heritages, there are Cossacks and Russians both in and outside of Kazakstan who feel that parts of Kazakstan belong historically to Russia. While such claims have been long and vocal, the Kazak response has been forcibly silent during most of this century. However, with the emergence of Kazakstan as not only an independent country, but a potentially powerful regional player, Kazaks have begun to reclaim their history from the Russians. And with questions about how to construct a nation come queries about ethnicity and history. What is a Kazak? Given that the Russians referred to them as the Kirgiz during most of the period that they dominated the Kazaks, and thus robbed the Kazaks of their most basic linguistic identification term, there is much to be explored and reclaimed before this people and nation can truly define itself in the context of its rich history.
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Sikevic, Zinaida V., and Anna A. Fedorova. ""We are Russians” (Associative Ethnic Images of Young St. Petersburg Residents)." Sociologicheskaja nauka i social naja praktika 7, no. 3 (2019): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/snsp.2019.7.3.6688.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the study of ethnic identity of young people of Russian nationality (on the example of St. Petersburg), by means of associative method (verbal and non-verbal projections). The study found that the ethnic identity of Russians was positive in nature, which was revealed by both verbal and non-verbal associations. Men’s ethnic identity is much stronger than that of women, which is particularly evident in verbal images. This applies to both positive and negative opinions of social nature. The social character of men’s ethnic identity allows us to speak of its transition to the national stage of development, while “female” identity has predominantly ethnocultural orientation. Ethnic images, both verbal and especially non-verbal, are traditional, patriarchal and oriented to the past. The images are stereotypical, firm and weakly subject to dynamics, as evidenced by the similarity of associations in studies of 2001, 2009, 2016 and 2019. The associative method in the form of open questions with subsequent content analysis of characteristics, as well as incomplete proposals, allows us to look beyond controlled reflection, affecting the unrecognized mechanisms of formation of ethnic images.
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KVASHNIN, Yuriy N. "Yurak-Samoyeds: Problems of Ethnic Identification." Arctic and North, no. 44 (September 24, 2021): 250–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/issn2221-2698.2021.44.250.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the poorly studied problem of the origin of the name Yuraki, which the Russians, as well as the Enets and Nganasans, called the group of the Samoed-speaking population that wandered along the northern outskirts of Western Siberia in the 17th — first half of the 20th century. On the basis of published and unpublished archival materials, information from the works of Russian and foreign scientists, as well as dictionaries of the peoples of the North, we attempted to identify the ethnic composition of the Yuraks, the boundaries of their settlement, determine the chronological framework for the emergence and existence of this name and clarify its origin. The research has resulted in a number of reasonable conclusions and assumptions. The name Yuraki appeared in the 17th century, when the tax policy of the tsarist administration in the north of Western Siberia provoked active resistance of certain groups of the nomadic Samoyed population. Russians called the Yoraks / Yuraks nomadic in the deep tundra, who did not pay a permanent tax, tundra and forest Nenets and Enets, as well as a mixed Nenets-Enets group. This name comes from the Nenets word Yor meaning "depth". By the 19th century, the Nenets of the Yenisei province began to be called Yuraks, regardless of the tax system. In the Soviet household documents of the Dolgan-Nenets National District, this name appeared until the middle of the 20th century.
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Chemchieva, A. P. "Northern Altaian Ethnic-Cultural Identity in Urban Context: Symbolic Renaissance." Archaeology and Ethnography 17, no. 7 (2018): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2018-17-7-135-145.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose. The article contributes to the study of urban life of Russian ethnic minorities. Our research was based on three groups of Northern Altaians: the Kumandins, the Tubalars, and the Chelkans, the indigenous ethnic minorities of Siberia. Results. Our research shows that Northern Altaians vary according to the degree of their urbanization with the Kumandins being the most urbanized ones. The main reason for an increase in number of Northern Altaians in cities is migration from village areas. They migrate primarily for the sake of education, job search, better living conditions, as well as a result of the state policy of eliminating ‘unpromising’ villages. However, in urban environments they tend to lose their traditional culture and native language, and their family identities become less distinct. Their lifestyles are essentially the same as the lifestyles of Russians city dwellers. Many Altaians remain loyal to their traditional cuisine, enjoy national holidays and gladly participate in celebrations. Conclusions. The ancestors of the Northern Altaians had earlier contacts with the Russians and Russian culture (in the 17th century) than Southern Altaians (in the 18th century). Due to the policy of Christian prozelytism, close contacts with Russians, mixed marriages and a strong process of Russification took place. In the late 19th century, assimilation continued to develop. Because of this, the Northern Altaians were often unable to resist the weakening of their ethnic and cultural identities as they migrated. In the 1990s, the Northern Altai intelligentsia admitted a certain degree of separation between their fellow Altaians and the cultural heritage of their ancestors. It was the period when a concept of national-cultural renaissance became popular among the Northern Altaians. The ethnic renaissance affected selfperception of urban Northern Altaians in a significant way. Nowadays, the Northern Altaians who live in cities possess strong cultural identities. However, these identities are beginning to get new shapes. They are no longer related to the degree of their language competence or common ethnic-cultural knowledge; rather, it is the symbolic component of cultural identities that is perceived as the most important one.