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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Ethnic Separatism'
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McKinney, Evan W. "China's Muslims separatism and prospects for ethnic peace." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FMcKinney.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Alice Lyman Miller, Tuong Vu. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-78). Also available in print.
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Hitchcock, Bradley D. "The fracturing of China? ethnic separatism and political violence in the Xinjiang Uyghur autonomous region." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Sep%5FHitchcock.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Croissant, Aurel S. ; Twoney, Christopher P. "September 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 22, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p.65-68). Also available in print.
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Bajalan, Djene Rhys. "Between accommodationism and separatism : Kurds, Ottomans and the politics of nationality (1839-1914)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:19df6c44-b55c-4807-8d8b-bf202184bcda.
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This dissertation examines the origins and development of ethno-national mobilisation amongst the Kurds of the Ottoman Empire in the decades leading up to the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. It argues that, like other elements of Ottoman community, over the course of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century the idea that the Kurds constituted a 'nation' gradually proliferated amongst Kurdish intellectual and political leaders. This nascent 'national consciousness' found concrete expression in the establishment of a series of newspapers, journals and organisations claiming to represent the views and interests of the Ottoman Kurdish community. However, while a growing number of Kurds began to see themselves as part of a 'Kurdish nation', the political implications of Kurdish 'nationhood' remained controversial. Indeed, from its inception the Kurdish movement contained within it a number of factions which held very different opinions on what precisely constituted the Kurds' national interests. This included some who attempted to secure the advancement and development of their people within the framework of the empire (accommodationists) and others who sought national independence (separatists). This study seeks to highlight the diversity within the Kurdish movement and, more importantly, shed light on the reasons behind it. In doing so, it will become possible to create a more nuanced historical narrative of the origins and nature of the Kurdish question, a question which remained a major political issue facing Middle Eastern leaders and statesmen today.
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Turgut, Arzu. "Comparative Analysis Of Domestic Security Issues Of Kazakhstan And Uzbekistan In The Post-soviet Era." Master's thesis, METU, 2013. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615378/index.pdf.
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This thesis examines the main domestic security issues of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan and the impact of their securitization processes on the domestic and regional security policies of these countries in the post-Soviet era. Two outstanding issues that have been securitized in these countries, separatism and ethnic conflict for Kazakhstan and radical Islam for Uzbekistan, are scrutinized in detail with a comparative analysis. This thesis argues that Kazakh and Uzbek leaders, Nursultan Nazarbayev and Islam Karimov, as the main securitizing actors in their countries have securitized the above-mentioned issues for certain political objectives in the chaotic order of the post-Cold War era. However, these securitization processes for both of these countries have become an obstacle to find permanent solutions to their domestic security problems and develop more effective security policies at the regional level. Kazakh and Uzbek leaders should renounce manipulating these problems and produce more comprehensive policies by paying equal attention to all other problems of their countries. In addition, Astana and Tashkent should try to ensure regional security rather than overemphasizing domestic one(s) if the aim is to benefit from an effective regional integration on Central Asian security. Contrary to the most of existing studies on the subject, the thesis argues that Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are accepted as the active players that could contribute to the solution of their own security problems to a great extent, rather than being passive subjects of the &ldquoNew Great Game&rdquo
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Seloom, Muhanad. "The label 'terrorist' : PKK in Turkey." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/31146.
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This thesis examines how the ‘terrorist’ label affects those that are labelled by this designation, particularly with reference on a subsequent choice to use violence in the context of an ethno-nationalist conflict. Drawing on the PKK as a case study, the study asks: what effect did the labelling of the PKK as a ‘terrorist organisation’ by the Turkish government have on the use of violence by Kurds in the Turkish-Kurdish ethno-nationalist conflict? The invocation of the label terrorist in any conflict often means both the labeller and the labelled are predisposed to use violence. This study argues that this process of labelling leads the labeller and the labelled to frame one another as an existential threat. To date, the effects of using the label ‘terrorist’ in an ethno-nationalist conflict context remain relatively understudied in both social and political sciences. The period under analysis extends from 1992 to 2015, corresponding to the period during which the Turkish government continuously designated the PKK as ‘terrorist’. In conflict discourse, belligerents use demeaning labels against each other to gather support, legitimacy or simply to increase combatants’ morale. The study argues that the label terrorist is a constituent element of the conflict. The Turkish government uses the label terrorist as a tool to securitise the Kurdish-Turkish ethno-nationalist conflict. The Turkish government’s labelling of the PKK as ‘terrorist’ places the Kurdish issue in the broader framework of securitisation, a theory in International Relations. While securitising the Kurdish issue has bestowed more powers to the Turkish government to combat violence described as ‘terrorist’, the resolution of the ethno-nationalist conflict became increasingly more complex leading to protracted waves of violence. Analysing data collected through semi-structured qualitative interviews with Kurds from Turkey, the study reveals that the impact of the label terrorist is far more complex than previously assumed in the existing academic literature. The specific effects of the label terrorist on any given conflict, however, are the subject of an empirical question to be settled through rigorous research. Drawing on the Labelling Theory of Deviance fathered by Howard S. Becker and complemented by discourse analysis, this study finds that the application of the label terrorist against the PKK increases the perception of victimization among its wider Kurdish community. Secondly, the research demonstrates that the invocation of the label terrorist against the PKK places the group’s actors and sympathizers in a situation that makes it harder for them to engage in peaceful means of resolving the conflict. The interplay between these two consequential effects of victimisation and political exclusion leads to the conclusion that there is an indirect relationship between designating an ethno-nationalist armed group ‘terrorist’ and the choice to use violence.
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Metsner, Michael. "“Save the Young People”: The Generational Politics of Racial Solidarity in Black Cleveland, 1906–1911." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1270058042.
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Gumustekin, Deniz. "Patterns of Support of Ethnic Violent Groups by Co-Ethnic Groups." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/53.
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Most studies examine how homeland policies influence the host state and what role the homeland plays for diaspora. In this paper, I will examine the reasons and conditions for why ethnic groups do or do not support violent ethnic groups. This study tests how external threats impact the level of support within the same ethnic groups. I will examine the causal relationship between external pressure and non-cooperation through a structured, comparative study of Kurdish ethnic groups.
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Broh, Beckett A. "Racial/ethnic achievement inequality separating school and non-school effects through seasonal comparisons /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1069794238.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xii, 107 p.; also includes graphics (some col.). Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Douglas B. Downey, Dept. of Chemistry. Includes bibliographical references (p. 92-98).
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Broh, Beckett A. "Racial/ethnic achievement inequality: separating school and non-school effects through seasonal comparisons." The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1069794238.
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Nicol, Estelle Patricia Raymonde. "A separatist issue in post-colonial Africa : the case of the Casamance (Senegal)." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340443.
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Corntassel, Jeffrey Jay. "Remapping territorial faultlines: Conflicts between separatist groups and host states." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284616.
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Contemporary military conflicts are not likely to occur between states but rather within states. Recent examples, such as the ongoing Chechen-Russian war, Kosovar resistance to Serbian ethnic-cleansing, Mayan (Zapatistas) autonomy claims in Mexico, and the Ogoni struggle for land control in Nigeria testify to the diversity and scope of ongoing state versus nation conflicts. Since most states "host" several ethnonational or indigenous groups within their borders, an examination of the conditions under which internal geopolitical faultlines (or historical/cultural divisions) transform into militarized disputes is warranted. Several theories of separatism guide the two general research questions for this project. First, what prompts some separatist groups to demand secession from the host state(s) while other groups seek greater autonomy within the host state(s)? Second, what specific group characteristics contribute to a separatist group's involvement in intrastate war? Using logistic regression analysis, the findings suggest that when a group is highly concentrated on the homeland, is represented by a political party, and has more than one host state, groups tend to demand exit over autonomy. Also, political parties appear to be a very important indicator in determining a separatist group's mobilization toward intrastate war, essentially exposing ethnonationalist faultlines and further dividing the electorate. Finally, high group concentration can lead to involvement in interstate crises, which demonstrates how intrastate conflicts can transcend state borders. Specific conflict resolution techniques are offered in conclusion to promote accommodation by both separatist groups and host states. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Eichhorst, Kristina. "Ethnisch-separatistische Konflikte in Kanada, Spanien und Sri Lanka : Möglichkeiten und Grenzen institutioneller Konfliktregelungen /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/496532111.pdf.
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McNair, David Andrew. "Social and spatial segregation : ethno-national separation and mixing in Belfast." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.437480.
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Crosland, J. Grady. "The separation of craniopagus conjoined twins : a bioethical analysis." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Access this title online, 2007. http://www.tren.com.
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Musat, Jana. "République de Moldavie : Quel territoire pour quelle population ? : Origine, toponymie, frontières, peuplement." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30006.
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Le 27 août 1991, l’opinion publique internationale prenait acte de la naissance de la République de Moldavie, dont deux tiers du territoire ont constituées jusqu’en 1941 la province roumaine de Bessarabie. Depuis toujours, la Principauté de Moldavie se trouve dans une confluence de trois grandes cultures : slave, latine et orientale ; trois grandes religions : orthodoxe, catholique et musulmane ; trois grands peuples : slave, latin et turc et trois courants idéologiques : panslavisme, panturquisme et pan-latinisme. C’est pourquoi, à travers les siècles, la Principauté de Moldavie a manœuvré constamment entre ces Puissances et ces courants pour garder son identité nationale. Aujourd’hui, en principe, la Moldavie est toujours dans la situation de jongler entre la CEI et l’UE, entre Est et Ouest, sa situation géopolitique étant la même.Dans la Première partie de notre thèse nous avons étudié l’origine, la toponymie et les frontières de la Bessarabie, mais aussi l’engouement des Grandes Puissances pour ce territoire. Nous traiterons aussi les guerres et les négociations de paix qui la caractérisent, allant de la guerre russo-turque jusqu’au régime tsariste qui y régnait. Nous avons ensuite suivi les changements subis par la Bessarabie pendant la Première guerre mondiale, avec la création de la République Démocratique Moldave, tout en s’attardant sur le processus de la création de l’URSS avec ses répercussions sur l’évolution de la Moldavie soviétique poststalinienne. Nous avons finalement, étudié ici-même la question des nationalités, et les concepts de « nation », « nationalisme », « dénationalisation », « russification », « collectivisme », « moldovenisme » etc.La Deuxième partie démarre avec des questions sur l’identité nationale moldave, et l’éclatement des conflits régionaux. Nous décrivons les minorités séparatistes de Gagaouzie et de Transnistrie, qui n’acceptent pas la souveraineté de la Moldavie. Le régime de Tiraspol est un régime oppressif et totalitaire, qui doit être éloigné par l’action des facteurs externes. De plus, nous étudions la création de la CEI et GUAM, l’implication de l’OSCE, de l’UE, de la Russie, de l’Ukraine et de la Roumanie dans le processus de négociation pour la résolution du conflit transnistrien. Finalement, nous examinons la manière avec laquelle la « fédéralisation », et la « régionalisation » peuvent résoudre les conflits ethniques en Moldavie. En conclusion nous répondons aux questions centrales sur le territoire et la population moldaveOn August 27 1991, the international public opinion acknowledges the birth of the Republic of Moldova, which has represented two-thirds of the Romanian province of Bessarabia until 1941. During the history, Principality of Moldova is parting of the ways of three cultures: Slavic, Latin and Eastern; three great religions: Orthodox, Catholic and Muslim; three populations: Slavic, Latin and Turkish; and three ideologies: Pan-Slavism, Pan-Turkism and pan-Latin. Therefore, over the centuries, the Principality of Moldova has continuously handled these Great Powers and ideologies to keep its national identity. Nowadays, Moldova is still able to pursue between CIS and EU policies and between East and West geopolitical situation.In the first part of the thesis, we study the origin, toponyms and borders of Bessarabia, and we characterize the interest of the Great Powers for this territory. For it we describe, the wars and peace negotiations, starting with the Russo-Turkish war until the period of Bessarabia under the tsarist rule. Moreover, we treated the period of Bessarabia during the First World War, but also the creation of the Moldavian Democratic Republic, describing the process of foundation the USSR and its impact on the evolution of the post-Stalin Soviet Moldova. Finally, we studied the nationality question and the concepts like the "nation", the "nationalism", the "denationalization", the "Russification", the collectivism", the "moldovenism" etc...The Second Part starts with questions about the Moldovan national identity and the outbreaks of regional conflicts. We raise the issue of the separatist minorities of Gagauzia and Transnistria, which do not accept the sovereignty of Moldova. The Tiraspol regime is a totalitarian and oppressive regime, which must be removed by the action of external factors. Moreover, we study the creation of the CIS and GUAM and the involvement of the OSCE, EU, Russia, Ukraine and Romania in the negotiation process for the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict. Finally, we discuss the possibilities of how cans the "federalization" and "regionalization" solves the ethnic conflicts in Moldova. In conclusion, we answer to the questions dealing about the territory and the Moldovan population
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Mandic, Danilo. "Separatists, Gangsters and Other Statesmen: The State, Secession and Organized Crime in Serbia and Georgia, 1989-2012." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17467287.
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What role does organized crime play in determining the success of separatist movements? I explore the role of organized crime in the separatist movements of Kosovo in Serbia and South Ossetia in Georgia, two most similar cases that have generated different outcomes in levels of separatist movement success in 1989-2012 (inclusive). Through the comparison, I argue in six propositions that organized crime can both promote and retard separatist movement success. The explanatory propositions are: (1) organized crime can be formative of state structure, capacity and stability; (2) popular support for the separatist movement can directly depend on organized criminal activities; (3) organized criminal capacity can – through its relations to the host state and separatist movement – hinder or advance separatist success; (4) the ethnic heterogeneity/homogeneity of organized crime may determine its capacity and willingness to promote separatist success; (5) organized crime contributes to separatist movement success when it is (a) prepared and (b) predisposed to divert regional smuggling opportunities towards movement goals; and (6) whether host state repression helps or harms the separatist movement depends on the role that organized crime is fulfilling vis-à-vis the state and separatists. The argument is developed in four steps. First, I examine regional indicators of a connection between separatist success and organized crime, justifying a comparison of Serbia/Kosovo and Georgia/South Ossetia as most similar cases. Second, I process-trace changes in the relational triad of host state, separatist movement and organized crime over the 24-year history, contending that different trajectories in these relations account for different levels of success for the two separatist movements. Third, I examine under what conditions aggregate regional smuggling trends before critical junctures of movement success in fact contribute to that success; I model criminal “filtering” of the aggregate criminal flows as a determinant of whether separatist goals are advanced or hindered. Finally, I compare two nefarious criminal episodes – organ smuggling in Kosovo and nuclear smuggling in South Ossetia – that harmed the separatist movements; I show that superior organized criminal capacity in Kosovo (reflected in its infrastructure, autonomy and community) managed to contain the harm of exposure from the nefarious episode.Sociology
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Snell, Brandon Charles. "The Origins of Ethno/National Separatist Terrorism: A Cross-National Analysis of the Background Conditions of Terrorist Campaigns." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1244481182.
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Okorie, Ogbonnya. "The Ethical Implication of Separating Morality From Politics : Taking Cue From Machiavellian Political Ideas and The Nigerian Political Experience." Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-6776.
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The attention of this paper would be to assess critically the consequences of any conscious effort to separate morality from politics giving that morality constitutes an essential and integral part of any political culture. With this understanding it becomes controversial and worrisome for any one to suggest that morality can be divorced from politics and still make a success out of the entire business of governance. The concept of Machiavellianism presents a very big challenge to this possibility in politics. I would attempt to show the dangers inherent in such a calculated effort using the Nigerian political experience as a case study
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Chi, Chia-Lin. "Lee Teng-Hui’s political cross-straits policy and mainland china’s reaction." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28534.
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By the end of the twentieth century, there were many secessionist groups, but, the move towards Taiwanese secessionism has arguably been the most significant of these. It triggered the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis, which resulted in a historical military confrontation between Mainland China and the US. As will be shown, from 1988 to 2000, Lee Teng-hui, as president of Taiwan, manipulated the political Cross-Straits relationship to promote what was ultimately a secessionist policy. This caused Mainland China to react strongly and triggered sharp tension between Taiwan and Mainland China. This thesis considers what motivated Lee Teng-hui to implement a secessionist Cross-Straits policy and why he supported unification while adopting a substantive secessionist policy. It looks at how he was able to instigate Taiwanese hostility towards Mainlanders, to transform the hostility into a sense of Taiwanese national identity and ultimately into Taiwanese secessionist ideology. A historical approach was used in exploring the origins of secessionism, and descriptive and analytical methods to review systematically and comprehensively political developments in the ROC and its civil war, and to study Lee Teng-hui’s life; the national identity of Taiwan and Mainland China; the implementation of Lee Teng-hui’s political Cross-Straits policy; and the reaction of Mainland China. The study showed that the main cause of Taiwanese secessionism was ethnic conflict between Taiwanese and Mainlanders. It originated from the 228 Incident of 1947, in which Mainlander-led troops slaughtered many Taiwanese. Soon after, the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan from Mainland China, and many Taiwanese (including Mainlanders) were killed during the State of Emergency in the 1950s and 1960s. Since the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan in its original central government form, the Mainlander élite occupied key positions in the government during the 1950s and 1960s. It resulted in unfair power-sharing for Taiwanese, and caused the Taiwanese élite to believe that they had to establish their own government (nation). Lee Teng-hui had participated in the CCP and had been under political surveillance by the Mainlander-led government for over twenty years. He weathered these political difficulties, but by reasonable inference, there was a close relationship between the political oppression by the Mainlander-led government and his secessionist political Cross-Straits policy. Because Taiwanese residents were indoctrinated by Chiang Ching-kuo and his father, Chiang Kai-shek’s administration for about 40 years, Chinese ideology was dominant and Lee Teng-hui initially paid lip-service to Cross-Strait unification whilst working towards secessionism as reflected in the Chingdao-Lake Incident (1994); the private dialogue between Lee Teng-hui and Shiba Ryotaro (1994); the address at Cornell University (1995); and his two-state theory (1999). However, due to strong pressure from Mainland China, he did not reach his secessionist goal during his presidential term (1988-2000). In conclusion, this thesis shows that Taiwan Island’s geopolitical importance is at the heart of the US’ support for Taiwan’s secession from the Mainland. Therefore, Lee’s secessionist Cross-Strait policy aside, US national interests lie in containing Mainland China and it has, therefore, always played an important role in the secessionist issue and always will. From the perspective of Mainland China, either in terms of nationalism or national security, Taiwan’s secession is a life-and-death issue. If Taiwanese authorities were to declare independence, the only option for Mainland China would be to launch a unification war. For the US, Taiwan is only a pawn that it uses to contain Mainland China. Therefore, in the Cross-Strait issue, the US has more options than Mainland China, namely, to use military intervention in the future to deter Chinese unification or to decide to share common peaceful international relations with Mainland China by accepting Cross-Strait unification.Thesis (DPhil (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2004.
Political Sciences
unrestricted
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Harding, Tobias. "Nationalising Culture : The Reorganisation of National Culture in Swedish Cultural Policy 1970–2002." Doctoral thesis, Linköping : Department for Studies of Social Change and Culture, Linköping University, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-9896.
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Habiyambere, Gaspard. "Rwanda : les influences extérieures dans la politisation, la radicalisation et la reconstruction d'une société ethnopolitiquement conflictuelle." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013STRAA019.
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L’objet de cette thèse en science politique est de dégager, à partir de l’histoire politique du Rwanda et de ses influences ou relations extérieures africaines et internationales (notamment avec le Burundi, la RD du Congo, l’Ouganda, l’Allemagne, la Belgique, la France, le Royaume-Uni, les États-Unis, l’ONU, l’UE, l’UA), les causes de l’effondrement de l’État rwandais (lors du génocide de 1994) et les pistes de solutions qui pourraient aider à sa reconstruction et/ou reconstitution. Cela pourrait aussi servir d’exemple à d’autres pays (notamment d’Afrique, d’Asie et d’Amérique latine) qui utilisent l’appartenance ethno-raciale et/ou régionale de la population, la mobilisation des gens sur base de leurs identités réelles ou supposées, la politisation des races ou des différences, la racialisation de la politique, le copinage politique ou tout simplement les ‘’voies négatives’’ de l’ethnopolitique comme fondement intellectuel ou label idéologique du pouvoir. Une réponse durable aux sanglants affrontements et aux crises politiques incessantes qui agitent le Rwanda et le Burundi pourrait être un projet politique autre qu’ethno-racial (basé plutôt sur la paix, la démocratie et le développement humain), la séparation géographique de type "Hutuland" et "Tutsiland" « par des moyens pacifiques et par voie d'accord », (selon les accords d'Helsinki de 1975 de l’OSCE dans le prolongement de la Charte de l’ONU sur le droit des peuples à disposer d’eux-mêmes de 1945, art.1 et de 1966, art.1) dans le scénario de l’ancien Ruanda-Urundi, mais avec chacun une seule communauté, et l’intégration régionale à l’instar de l’Union européenne, tout en respectant le droit internationalThe purpose of this PhD thesis in political science is to pinpoint, based on the political history of Rwanda and its external influences or relations at african and international level (particularly with Burundi, the DR of Congo, Uganda, Germany, Belgium, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, the UN, the EU and the AU), the causes of the collapse of the Rwandan state (during the 1994 genocide) and the potential solutions that could help to rebuild and/or reform it. This could also serve as an example to other countries (particularly those in Africa, Asia and Latin America), which use the ethno-racial and/or regional affiliation of the population, the mobilization of people based on their real or supposed identities, the politicization of races or differences, racialization of politics, political cronyism or quite simply the “negative ways” of ethnopolitics as an intellectual basis or ideological label of power. A sustainable response to the bloody conflicts and endless political crises afflicting Rwanda and Burundi could be a political project rather than an ethno-racial one (based more on peace, democracy and human development), geographical separation in the style of "Hutuland" and "Tutsiland" “by peaceful means and through agreement” (according to the 1975 Helsinki Accords of the OSCE in the extension of the UN Charter on the right of peoples to self-determination in 1945, Art.1 and 1966, Art.1) in the setting of the former Ruanda-Urundi, but each with a separate community and regional integration in a manner similar to that of the European Union, while respecting international law
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George, Julie Alynn. "Separatism or federalism?: Ethnic conflict and resolution in Russia and Georgia." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1922.
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George, Julie Alynn Moser Robert G. "Separatism or federalism? Ethnic conflict and resolution in Russia and Georgia /." 2005. http://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/bitstream/handle/2152/1922/georgej75009.pdf.
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Gunawardena, Therese Suhashini. "Contesting Khalistan the Sikh diaspora and the politics of separatism /." 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/6181.
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Bodláková, Nina. "Teritoriální štěpení: vývoj vztahů mezi kontinentální Francií a jejími zámořskými územími v jižním Tichomoří." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-346822.
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This thesis examines the development of relations between mainland France (center) and its peripheries, French Polynesia and New Caledonia, which are located in the South Pacific. The thesis aims at answering the following questions: which factors have played a role in the mobilization of the peripheral cultures against the dominant center? How has the center reacted to the peripheral mobilization and its demands? Why has the separatism become much stronger in New Caledonia than in French Polynesia? The thesis examines the historical, societal and political developments in French Polynesia and New Caledonia since the dawn of their colonization till the present day in order to respond to the stipulated questions.
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Saygili, Aslihan. "Democratization, Ethnic Minorities and the Politics of Self-Determination Reform." Thesis, 2019. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-aza9-1c05.
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Conventional wisdom portrays ethnic minorities as likely victims of democratization who often fall prey to nationalist aggression fueled by power-seeking elites. Yet, history is replete with newly democratic states that have not only avoided targeted violence against ethnic "others" but also sought to reconcile with aggrieved ethnic minorities through concessions over self-determination. In light of conventional wisdom, this picture is puzzling and raises two important questions: 1) Why is self-determination reform so frequently observed during democratization periods? 2) Why do some democratizing states accommodate minority demands for self-determination while others continue to neglect minority grievances, or worse, become a breeding ground for exclusionary nationalism and minority repression?
This dissertation is dedicated to addressing these questions. To answer the first question, I develop a novel theory of self-determination reform that explains the conditions under which government leaders develop both the capacity and incentives to introduce policies that devolve some degree of autonomy to separatist minorities. The theory pinpoints early democratization as a critical juncture where two key conditions necessary for self-determination reform - limited institutional constraints to rule and threats to elite survival - are most likely to be observed together. During early democratization, newly democratic governments are able to push forward radical policy changes without the meddling of institutionally empowered veto players, who typically gain more leverage as the democratic regime consolidates. Matching this capacity for reform are democratizers' strategic incentives to co-opt ethnic separatists. The source of these incentives, I argue, is the emergence of threats to elite survival during the early democratization period, which may be posed by a number of anti-democratic forces including the loyalists of the authoritarian regime and coup-plotting military factions. Amidst political instability, extending an olive branch to separatist minorities helps threatened democratizers strengthen their hand vis-a-vis imminent threats to their survival by containing separatist violence in the periphery and preventing tactical alliances between center-seeking and separatist rebel groups. In certain paths to democracy, democratizers also develop reputational incentives for self-determination reform, which helps establish democratic credentials through signaling a clean break with authoritarian practices.
I test my hypotheses using a mixed-method research design, combining statistical analyses of large-N data with a detailed case study of the Philippines-Moro relations during the country's transition to democracy in the mid-1980s. The quantitative findings confirm my hypotheses about the domestic political conditions that are most conducive to minority accommodation, as well as the relationship between democratization and self-determination reform. The Philippines chapter illustrates how strategic and reputational incentives for minority accommodation drive self-determination reform in early democracies, drawing on evidence from secondary sources and semi-structured interviews conducted during fieldwork in Manila. In later chapters, I turn to my second research question and explore the variation in transition outcomes for separatist minorities across democratizing states. The key insight is that conciliatory steps towards ethnic separatists is a likely outcome in all types of transition paths marked by political instability, with the exception of coerced incumbent-led transitions where the incumbent views electoral competition as the primary threat to its survival prospects. In addition to this exception, non-conciliatory outcomes may also be observed in top-down transitions led by powerful autocrats who democratize voluntarily and do so without allowing the transition process to generate any threats to their survival. Case studies of Spain, Nicaragua and Turkey introduced in the last chapter help probe the generalizability of the theory and illustrate how different transition paths shape democratizers' policies towards separatists disputes.
Altogether, my dissertation project presents a novel theory of self-determination reform, as well as undertaking the first systematic analysis of the conditions under which democratization paves the way for state-minority reconciliation. More broadly, the theory and findings also add nuance to current thinking about democratization and ethnic minorities, providing evidence that transition processes are not closely associated with minority victimization and ethnic violence as is commonly assumed.
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Lee, Chao-Der, and 李照德. "Dispuutation on union aand independence between Ruussia and Chechnya--formulation and implementation of ethnic separation in Chechnya." Thesis, 1999. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/82462919918674527004.
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碩士淡江大學
俄羅斯研究所
87
Synopsis: This thesis is on disputation on union and independence between Russia and Chechnya based on an individual case of ethnic groups in Chechnya. I will discuss the formation and implementation of ethnic separation in six chapters. Summary of each chapter is as followed: Chapter 1: Introduction This chapter describes the motives and purposes behind, the structure andmethods employed, and the range and limitation within during the research. Chapter 2: On ethnic separation related concepts The ideas closely related to ethnic separation will be explored: (1) Definition of ethnic, (2) Significance of ethnicism and self-determination of an ethnic, (3) Distinguish and relation between ethnic and country (nation and state), (4) Research on meanings of ethnic separation by which further knowledge about ethnic separation will objectively be learned. Chapter 3: The formation process of ethnic separation Based on the axis of history, here will talk about the factors leading to ethnic separation in this chapter. In order to understand the factors of formation, enforcement, and intensification of ethnic separation in Chechnya, here will research on history relation between Russia and Chechnya with the focuses of policies employed and incidents occurred. Chapter 4: Launching the campaigns With the existing ethnic separation, separatists have to decide what the next move will be: This chapter will analyze this part from the perspectives of legitimate level, or incentives and impediment of separatists face; later here will integrate and account the separatist campaigns in Chechnya; and discuss the legitimacy of international recognition in order to know if Chechen separatist movement will obtain international recognition. Chapter 5: The results of the ethnic separatist campaign How the central government dealt with the separatist campaign is actually the pivotal factor of the failure or success of the movement. This chapter is divided into three sections. First, analyze the factors adopted by Russia to cope with the ethnic separation of Chechnya. Second, integrate and account how Russia copes with the methods and processes the separatist movement undergoes. The third part is to present an objective portray of the result following the ethnic separatist campaign. Chapter 6: Conclusion According to the chapters mentioned before and the individual case of ethnic separation of Chechnya, the conclusion will consist reviews of (1) the possibility of self-determination on ethnic separation (2) the comparison of priority of self-determination and of national interests (3) the possibilities of the long-term cure for ethnic separation when no self-determination is given to the ruled ethnic groups in multi-ethnic countries (4) development tendencies of nation-states in the future. In addition, I will talk about my own research process and experience. It is in my hope that the thesis will be a helpful reference for future development to the governments and the ruled ethnic groups in multi-ethnic countries.
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Dexter, David. "Separating Reasons." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10222/36241.
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When facing a dilemma about what to do, rational agents will often encounter a conflict between what they ought to do, morally speaking, and what they most want to do. Traditionally we think that when there is a moral imperative for an agent to do something, even if she does not want to do it, she nevertheless ought to do it. But this approach inevitably fails to be able to explain why agents often choose to do what they most want, in many cases flouting such moral imperatives. The purpose of this thesis is to offer a plausible alternative to this way of understanding these deliberative dilemmas. I argue that communitarian moralism, the account according to which genuine moral imperatives are only imperatives on communities, rather than agents, and according to which agents’ moral conduct is necessarily bound up with her particular preferences, projects and commitments, is the most plausible way to understand dilemmas in which agents must choose between doing moral and self-interested actions.
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Masin, Pisuy, and 比束苡．馬幸. "Separation and Transformation: Dilemmas and Actions between Indigenous and Han Ethnic Social Workers in the Process of Social Interaction." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/h93542.
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碩士國立東華大學
民族事務與發展學系
107
In the field of social work, intensive interactions among social workers from diverse cultural backgrounds provide opportunities to understand different cultures and their own values. This research aims to explore interactive experiences between Indigenous and Han social workers in the field of social work. Qualitative research method was used to collect data from eight social workers, including four Indigenous social workers and four Han social workers. Thematic analysis method was adopted to analyze the materials in order to understand the interviewees’ dilemmas and actions. The research findings suggest that the dilemma of cross cultural interaction are the products of discrimination, oppression and segregation. The main dilemmas Indigenous social workers faced are exploitation, ignorance of labour right and interests, and a lack of support from organizations or colleagues. Han social worker believes the dilemmas between colleague interaction have low correlation to the discrimination and oppression. The main dilemmas are difficulties in colleague communication, reaching consensus, and restricted work allocation. Indigenous social workers passed on their awareness of anti-discrimination, oppression and defending the rights of ethnic groups by expressing their feelings, understanding Han colleagues, and promoting the actions of Han colleagues to understand the Indigenous people. The Han social worker solves the dilemma of work through continuous communication and establishment of a relationship with the Indigenous colleagues. Both of them saw the impact on their peers after the taken action and it brought introspection too. Lastly, based on the researched conclusions, suggestions is made to the cross-ethnic services social workers, organizations, social work education, policies, and research of future directions.
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Matisonn, Lynn Joy. "Human cloning : separating science from fiction : the ethics and legality of human cloning." Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/5208.
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Battistelli, Todd Joseph. "Appeals to reason : negotiating rhetorical responsibility and dialectical constraints in church-state separation discourse." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/24942.
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This dissertation explores how argumentation theory can supplement models of responsible persuasion in rhetoric and writing studies. In particular, it demonstrates how reasoning as envisioned in the pragma-dialectical approach of argumentation can provide an alternative to exclusionary, unethical operations of reason. Despite longstanding work with models of argument from Aristotle to Stephen Toulmin, rhetoric and writing has paid little attention to the potential uses of dialectical argumentation theory. Such theory deserves greater consideration given its ability to meet the ethical demands voiced by rhetorical critiques of traditional ways of arguing. Critiques of reason demonstrate how the abstractions necessary for logical certainty exist in tension with the inherent ambiguity of human arguments. In attempting to strip away that ambiguity, some discussants unfairly exclude relevant details from others and may exclude entire populations who should be included in a fair deliberation. Goals of understanding and inclusion unite the variety of calls for new ways of arguing made in rhetoric and writing under titles of Rogerian, non-agonistic, listening, and invitational rhetorics. Nevertheless, as Chaïm Perelman and Lucie Olbrechts-Tyteca describe, even as our arguments involve irresolvable ambiguities, they must also function as stable and coherent viewpoints such that our interlocutors can hold us accountable to agreement or disagreement. In this way, we responsibly argue questions of ethics, politics and law. Though no final resolution of ambiguity is possible in such questions, we can reason together for a better understanding of each other's positions and craft pragmatic policies to deal with our disagreements. In order to explore the disciplinary questions about the relationship between rhetoric and argumentation, the dissertation examines a series of case studies drawn from judicial disputes over church-state separation in the United States. In examining problematic rhetoric of these disputes, the dissertation builds an understanding of responsible reason informed by dialectical argumentation and demonstrates its utility for both critical and pedagogical applications.text
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Ngwanya, Richman Mzuxolile. "An ecclesiological analysis of the Church of God and Saints of Christ and its impact on Bulhoek massacre." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2061.
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A tragic massacre in May 1921, commonly referred to as the Bulhoek Massacre, was associated with the ecclesiology of the Church of God and Saints of Christ, founded by Enoch Mgijima. If it were not for the theology of eschatology that this church adhered to, the so-called Bulhoek Massacre would not have happened. The theology of eschatology which Mgijima was focussing on caused the ecclesiology of the amaSirayeli to be the victims of the circumstances.
Dulles defines ecclesiology as the church in the process of self actualisation. There is self understanding of worshippers. In the case of the Church of God and Saints of Christ, such self-understanding caused the Bulhoek Massacre. It is said that when people fervently believe in an Ultimate Being, whether such belief is a construction in their minds or a reality, then those people will be willing to defend their belief and die for, if it needs to be.
For such a believer, it is because of the hope for a better life in the future that they are willing to even defy earthly authorities. When that believer follows a voice of the supernatural, which is revealed only to him and sounds much louder, much clearer and more authoritative than human voices, it is then that he cannot be void. Such an authoritative voice may be transmitted either through ancestors, known as the living dead, or directly from the Supreme Being. In the case of the said church, it is both.
Secondly, an ecclesiology of the Church of God and Saints of Christ should be understood in the light of their mother church in America under the leadership of Crowdy the founder. Such ecclesiology should also be understood against the religious backdrop of the African Initiated Churches (AIC). These two factors, the mother church in America and the religion of the African Initiated Churches, will be the main components that drive this thesis, and thus illuminate the spark in the said church.
Owing to the proliferation of the African Initiated Churches in the continent of Africa, there is a wide speculation that Africa, of the 21st century, will be the centre of World Christianity. Whether this is just a dream or a reality remains to be realized. But the fact remains that, these churches continue to be a religious force that forms part of the church history in Africa.
While this thesis will constantly be referring to the 1921 events, an ecclesiology of the said church is a present phenomenon because the church survived the massacre and is still active today.
The two researchers, Robert Edgar from Los Angeles University in the USA, and Martin Mandew from the University of Natal, completed their doctoral theses on the Bulhoek Massacre. Edgar was researching on, The Fifth Seal. Enoch Mgijima, The amaSirayeli Bulhoek Massacre, 1921. Mandew concentrated on, War, Memory and Salvation, The Bulhoek Massacre and the Construction of a Contextual Soteriology.
Since both researchers come from a distance, and are unable to speak the language of the people they were researching, there were of obviously unfilled gaps in between. As mentioned about cultural differences, therefore, knowing the language of the worshippers makes a big difference. There needs some analysis of idiomatic expressions, enunciated and other formal and informal expressions that tend to be important during communication. However, I acknowledge their research programme but I will go further from their product.
This thesis examines the ecclesiology of this church and then relates it to the massacre where they were killed for their own beliefs. It is also important to analyse, as this thesis does, the church-state relations in South Africa in the late 19th and early 20th centuries in order to establish how other religious bodies related to the governments of the said period.Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology
D. Th. (Church History)
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Quesnel, Edith. "L'impact de la violence conjugale post-séparation sur la maternité de femmes de minorités visibles au Canada." Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/10257.
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Bartošová, Kateřina. "Separatistický konflikt: komparativní studie Srí Lanky a Ačehu, Indonésie." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-333801.
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The aim of the master thesis is to determine factors that contribute to peace settlement of separatist conflicts. It compares two separatist conflicts with different forms of termination. The Indonesian government signed a peace agreement with separatists in province of Aceh and offered them greater autonomy, whereas the government of Sri Lanka decided on military suppression of Tamil separatists. The analysis of the conflicts is based on six factors that are built on the study of Barbara Walter about the concept of reputation building. According to the concept, governments are less likely to go for peace settlement when facing more imperilling separatist groups, seeing that governments have to invest in reputation building. The comparative case study is based on following factors: potential future separatists, value of land currently under dispute, proportion of total population and territory, balance of power between separatists and government, political system with focus on democracy, degree of centralization/ federalism. The evidence seems to be strong that the theory of reputation building does not apply to selected cases because the peace settlement was achieved in Indonesia which has far more potential separatist groups than Sri Lanka. In conclusion, the thesis identifies following factors...
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Vyšatová, Eliška. "Fungování nacionálně-separatistických organizací. Komparativní studie organizací IRA a ETA." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-333268.
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UNIVERZITA KARLOVA V PRAZE FAKULTA SOCIÁLNÍCH VĚD Institut politologických studií Eliška Vyšatová Praha 2014 Diploma thesis: The Functioning of national-separatist organizations. A Comparative study of the IRA and ETA Abstract: The diploma thesis "The Functioning of National-Separatist Organizations. A Comparative Study of IRA and ETA" deals with two West European national-separatist organizations as well as the phenomenon of political terrorism and ethnic conflict. The selected organizations are unique among other ones as to their history and the way of functioning, and for these reasons they have been chosen for this study. Both organizations can be considered the main source of conflict in the national separatist movement in Basque Country and Northern Ireland from the beginning of the 20th century. The basic premise is that both IRA and ETA reach their aim, which can be generalised as independence of the national states, which they are a part of, in a specific way, it being primarily terrorism. The main aim of this paper is to compare various aspects of functioning of IRA and ETA and, on the basis of these results, to evaluate if we can consider these as two organizations different from other groups of this kind as well as different from each other, although they demonstrate some similar...