Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Ethnicité – Rwanda'

Ce travail qui est une recherche qualitative sur l'ethnicité au Rwanda nous a montré que les critères d'autodéfinition, d'auto-attribution ou d'attribution par les autres à une catégorie ethnique ainsi que la dichotomisation « nous » versus « eux » font que les Hutu, les Twa et les Tutsi sont groupes ethniques distincts malgré la communauté de culture et d'espace géographique. La recherche nous a montré ensuite que les drames répétitifs (pogromes, exils, génocide) qui ont endeuillé le peuple rwandais pendant plusieurs décennies ne sont pas dus à une haine atavique ou viscérale entre les Hutu et les Tutsi mais à une idéologie raciste dont les origines remontent aux temps de la colonisation. La recherche nous a montré enfin que le problème ethnique se pose chaque fois que le pouvoir monopolisé par une poignée de politiciens (Hutu ou Tutsi suivant les époques), commence à être mis en cause. In this work I use qualitative documentary research to explore the problem of ethnicity in Rwanda. I find out that self-definition, self-attribution, and attribution by others, as well as the dichotomization of “us versus them” are sufficient criteria f categorize the Hutus, Tutsis, and Twas as distinct ethnic groups in spite of the community of culture (language, custom, and religion) and of geographic space.My research also shows that the continual conflicts (pogroms, exile, and genocide) that have plagued Rwandan people for several decades are not due to an atavistic or visceral hatred between Hutus and Tutsis, but rather the result of a racist ideology whose roots lie deep in the colonial period. This work has allowed me to confirm the thesis of my research, that the “problem of ethnicity in Rwanda is stoked by an elite (whether Tutsi or Hutu depending on the era) who set their sights on seizing and maintaining power”.

Comment peut-on en arriver à vouloir exterminer une partie de ceux que l’on a connus, y compris ses plus proches ?À l’exemple significatif entre tous de cette femme dans le camp de réfugiés de Ravucindu « hutue mariée chez les tutsis » qui pose son enfant et part, « laissant là mourir de faim son fils, parce que son père, seulement, est tutsi » ; à l’exemple encore de ce prêtre de père hutu, aujourd’hui emprisonné à Muhanga, et qui torture sa mère tutsie tous les jours, jusqu’à ce qu’elle se suicide ; ou ce jeune milicien qui attaque à l’épée un stade où se sont réfugiés des milliers de personnes puis retrouve par terre la carte d’identité de son oncle maternel et se demande en haussant les épaules : « Est-ce moi qui l’ai tué, celui-là ? ». Comment est-il possible de rompre de façon aussi massive des liens qui semblent indestructibles ? Car qui peut honnêtement dire qu’il pourrait un jour oublier ses amis, sa mère, son frère ou sa famille ?L’objet de cette thèse est d’essayer de comprendre le mécanisme des ruptures de liens sociaux et familiaux et leur rôle dans le cas du génocide des Tutsis du Rwanda de 1994. Un génocide qui fit près d’un million de morts en cent jours et dont 60% des victimes auraient été tuées par des personnes qu’elles connaissaient là où elles habitaient.Dominé par le souci de chercher une explication qui ait quelque portée générale, ce travail propose, à partir de données empiriques obtenues presque exclusivement de première main (par plusieurs enquêtes successives de terrain au Rwanda, au Bénin et en Afrique du Sud entre 2014 et 2017 ), un cadre d’analyse des ruptures de liens sociaux et familiaux qui peuvent rendre possibles des massacres perpétrés dans la sphère intime au sein d’un projet d’extermination totale d’un groupe par un autre groupe.À la question : « Comment une telle rupture de liens sociaux et familiaux a-t-elle été possible ? », cette thèse répond en mettant en évidence l’importance cruciale d’un processus de double identification. Elle ne nie pour autant nullement le rôle des divers avantages (matériels ou symboliques) dont ont pu bénéficier les génocidaires par leurs crimes dans un tel contexte, mais montre que ces identifications-mêmes ont pu jouer un rôle dans ce calcul coûts/avantages
How can we reach the point where we exterminate some of those we have known, including our loved ones?Like the significant example of this hutu woman, married to a tutsi, from the refugees camp in Raducindu, who left her child lying on the floor, letting him to starve to death, only because his father is a tutsi ; such as that priest, born from a hutu father, and now jailed, who tortured daily his mother, a tutsi, until she committed suicide; or like this young militiaman who slaughtered a crowd with a sword in a stadium where thousands of people had taken refuge and then found on the ground the ID card of his uncle, had a look at it, shrugged his shoulders and wondered "did I kill this one?": how conceivable is this massive severing of ties which seemed otherwise indestructible? Who can expect he would be able one day to forget his friends, his mother, his brother or his family?This dissertation examines the mechanism leading to the collapse of social and family ties and its role in the case of the genocide against Tutsis in 1994 in Rwanda. Close to 1 million Rwandan Tutsis were exterminated over a period of 100 days. It is estimated that 60% of these victims were killed by people they knew.The present work tries to offer an explanation of some general scope by building an analytical apparatus based almost exclusively on empirical data gathered during field research in Rwanda, Benin, and South Africa between 2014 and 2017. This analytical apparatus examines how -within a crisis context - ties can break and lead to massacres in the intimate space of social and family relationships.To the question: "how can such destruction of social and family ties be possible ? ", this dissertation responds by highlighting the pivotal importance of a dual identification process. By doing so, it does not exclude the role played by the various advantages (material or symbolic) which benefited those who committed the genocide, but it demonstrates that these identifications themselves may have weighed strongly in this cost/benefit calculation

Les conflits violents sont des objets centraux des disciplines comme la science politique et les relations internationales. Partant de quelques exemples, établir des généralisations explicatives sur leurs causes, nature et impact a toujours constitué un enjeu majeur pour la recherche. Comme le soulignait Ted Robert Gurr, «Dans les étapes précoces des sciences sociales les académiciens offraient un peu plus que les opinions apprises. Les sciences sociales n 'avaient que très peu ou pas du tout de bases pour prétendre que leurs explications aient une validité générale. La science politique était essentiellement une combinaison d'interprétation historique descriptive et de discours philosophique sur la destinée humaine. Nous avons avancé au moins à l'étape de prévisions météorologiques c'est-à-dire, nous pouvons affirmer avec certaine plausibilité que certaines conditions et actions mènent à certains résultats probables. Sur ce point, T. R. Gurr semble ne pas se tromper. Depuis les années 1950, la connaissance scientifique sur la question s'est développée de manière proportionnelle à l'augmentation du nombre des conflits ethniques, cet accroissement étant d'ailleurs probablement plus sensible que dans n'importe quel autre champ de la recherche. La politique comparée et les relations internationales ayant progressivement trouvé des bases communes pour mieux comprendre les raisons de telles explosions de violence en dehors du contexte de guerre inter-étatique déclarée.

La désignation des identités Muhutu, Mututsi ou Mutwa au Rwanda selon une terminologie raciale a débouché sur des interprétations raciales de la société rwandaise depuis la fin du 19 siècle. Ces dernières ont inspiré une option politique et socio-économique de la société rwandaise. En vue de la conservation du pouvoir d'Etat, une propagande raciste postcoloniale déboucha sur le génocide perpétré contre les Batutsi en 1994
The identification of Hutu, Tutsi and Twa of Rwanda as races had conducted to racial interpretations of those identities, since the end of 19th century. A racist propaganda during the postcolonial period conducted to genocide against Tutsi in 1994

This thesis explores the question of what factors shaped Rwandan ethnicity in the late 1950s and early 1960s; in particular, how and why was ethnicity transformed into ‘political tribalism’ in decolonising Rwanda? The Rwandan genocide in 1994 and the subsequent post-genocide peace-building have drawn our attention to the problems of ethnicity and nationalism. While ethnicity and nationalism in Africa have been a matter of debate amongst the primordialist, instrumentalist and constructivist schools, it has become more or less accepted knowledge that ethnicity in Africa was constructed by dynamic interactions between Europeans and Africans in particular colonial contexts. This constructivist approach may have advanced our understanding of ethnicity in pre-colonial and colonial Rwanda, but our perception of Rwandan ethnicity in the 1950s and 1960s has not benefited from this academic trend. Instead, the literature on this issue, most of which was written several decades ago, tends to take a primordialist approach towards the Rwandan Revolution and the ethnic conflict that emerged at the end of colonial period. By theoretically adhering to a constructivist approach, and relying on John Lonsdale’s ‘political tribalism’ model in particular, the thesis argues that to take a nuanced hybrid-constructivist approach is essential, because primordial ethnic conflict was not the cause of the Revolution and other historical events, but the other way round. Ethnicity in Rwanda was not simply invented by the Europeans during the colonial period, nor was it so primordial that the conflict between the Tutsi and the Hutu was inevitable; in fact, several conflicts (and not always along ethnic boundaries) existed, and even some alternatives were suggested for ethnic cooperation. Ethnicity went through a dynamic transformation into ‘political tribalism’ through interactions between Rwandans and non-Rwandans, as well as through relationships amongst different groups of Rwandans. Various domestic factors – including intra-Tutsi leadership rivalry, the alliance among the political parties and the inter-ethnic power struggle – affected the process of the Revolution, and politicised ethnicity. External factors, such as factions within the Belgian administrations as well as the heated debates in the Cold War-era United Nations, also provided opportunities for Rwandan ethnicity to become politicised. Contingency, the mass movement of people, violence and the processes of revolution and decolonisation had a synergistic impact on the spread of ‘political tribalism’ over Rwanda. Primordial perceptions on ethnicity, as well as interpretations of the past, and visions for the future held by each actor, were factors that shaped ethnicity and forced the ethnic split into the foreground. In this sense, Rwandan ethnicity cannot simply be understood through the dichotomised debate of primordialists and constructivists. Rather, it was a more dynamic process of ethnic transformation with unaccomplished alternatives and inter/intra-group relationships, strongly bound by the historical and political contexts of the time. ‘Political tribalism’ and interpretations of the past have influenced and, even today, continue to influence post-colonial Rwandan politics.

Thesis (LLD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Human rights denials have more characterised Rwandan history than their promotion and protection. When the Rwandan State emerged from Tutsi domination and colonialism, many Rwandans hoped that the era of liberty had at least dawned. But the reality has been a total disappointment and replicas of earlier abuses have emerged, despite the ratification by Rwanda of most international human rights instruments. This dissertation is premised on the assumption that Rwanda has failed as a democratic constitutional State, and the whole socio-economic-political system has gone wrong. Chapter one argues that disequilibrium was built into the Rwandan system before colonisation and evangelisation. There was a 'consensus' that Tutsis were a superior minority race, able to govern and dominate, well organised and accepted by their Hutu subjects. The colonists and the Catholic Church exploited this injustice for their indirect rule. In a world evolving towards the international human rights system, this had a very precarious foundation in Rwanda. Indeed, poor management of changes due to evangelisation, education and market economy led to the denial of human dignity. It exacerbated division in favour of Hutus rather than reinforcing national unity. Chapter two considers the Hutu regime as a failure of a democratic constitutional State in the postcolonial era, despite the promise to serve the interests of all Rwandans through democracy and respect for human rights. In a one-party State, a handful of Hutus have monopolised power and resources. The institutional infrastructure for the management of the State and protection of human rights was set up to safeguard the interests of the ruling group only and oppress the rest of the population. The Hutu government, particularly, took revenge on Tutsis that they killed, forced into exile and denied access to public affairs. Hutu opponents, real or imaginary, and people from other regions than that of the President were also denied such access. Separation of powers was purposely just a theory, whence a non-independent judiciary, interference of the executive in the functioning of other branches of government and abuse of legislative power became the reality. In order to perpetuate the ruling group's hegemony, civil society was hindered, while states of emergency were used to deny the right to life, liberty and the security of the person. Many other rights were also denied regardless of whether the denial was a legacy of the past or just a result of the undemocratic nature of the State and the underdevelopment of the country. The Hutu regime's failure to promote national unity resulted in a genocide which took the lives of many Tutsis and Hutus. Whereas the current Tutsi government presented itself as committed to democracy and human rights, Chapter three argues that it was a mutatis mutandis replica of the Hutu rule. Indeed, the State system and resources have been captured by a group of Tutsis while other Tutsis have been left without hope and Hutus have become second-class citizens, whence justice and national unity are in jeopardy. By avoiding to tackle the fundamental issue of nation-statehood, the United Nations have failed to maintain peace and security. The failure to condemn Ugandan aggression against Rwanda, the forced repatriation of refugees, and the non-prosecution of Tutsis involved in crimes against humanity have proved the demise of international law and the maintenance of the culture of impunity in Rwanda. The author nonetheless argues that respect for human rights and establishment of the rule of law are still possible through a process of reconciliation and reconstruction.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die geskiedenis van Rwanda word meer deur die miskenning van menseregte as erkenning en beskerming daarvan gekenmerk. Toe die Rwandese Staat onder Tutsi oorheersing en kolonialisme uit verrys, het baie Rwandese gehoop dat die tydperk van vryheid ten minste aangebreek het, maar die werklikheid was algeheel teleurstellend en weergawes van vroeëre misbruike het weer tevore getree, ten spyte daarvan dat Rwanda die meeste internasionale werktuie vir menseregte bekragtig het. Hierdie verhandeling berus op die aanname dat Rwanda as 'n demokratiese grondwetlike staat misluk het en dat die sosio-ekonomies-politieke stelsel geheel-en-al verkeerd geloop het. Hoofstuk een argumenteer dat 'n wanbalans voor die kolonisasie en evangelisasie van die land reeds in die Rwandese stelsel ingebou is. Daar was 'konsensus' waarvolgens Tutsis beskou is as 'n superieure minderheidsras wat in staat was om te regeer en te oorheers, wat goed georganiseer was en deur hul Hutu onderdane aanvaar is. Die koloniste en die Katolieke Kerk het hierdie onreg ten voordeel van hul indirekte heerskappy uitgebuit. In 'n wêreld wat op pad was na 'n internasionale menseregtestelsel was die grondslag wat hiervoor in Rwanda gelê is uiters onseker. Swak bestuur van veranderinge wat deur evangelisasie, opvoeding en 'n mark-ekonomie teweeggebring is, het in werklikheid tot miskenning van menseregte gelei. Dit het skeiding tot voordeel van die Hutus vererger, eerder as om nasionale eenheid te versterk. Hoofstuk twee kyk na die Hutu regime as 'n mislukte demokratiese konstitusionele staat in die postkoloniale era, ten spyte van die belofte om die belange van alle Rwandese deur demokrasie en eerbied vir menseregte te dien. In die eenpartystaat het 'n handjievol Hutus die mag en hulpbronne gemonopoliseer. Die institusionele infrastruktuur vir die bestuur van die Staat is opgestel om die belange van die heersersgroep te beveilig en die res van die bevolking te onderdruk. Die Hutu regering het hul veralop Tutsis gewreek deur hulle te vermoor, tot ballingskap te dryf en hul toegang tot openbare sake te weier. Hutu teenstanders, werklik of vermeend, en mense vanaf ander streke as die waarvan die President afkomstig was, is ook van sodanige toegang weerhou. Die verspreiding van mag was doelbewus niks meer as teoreties nie, vandaar die nie-onafhanklikheid van die regbank, inmenging by die funksionering van ander vertakkings van die regering deur die uitvoerende gesag en die misbruik van die wetgewende gesag. In die poging om die regerende groep se hegemonie te bestendig, is die burgerlike samelewing belemmer en is daar van noodtoestande gebruik gemaak om die reg tot lewe, vryheid en die veiligheid van die persoon aan te tas. Baie ander regte is ook geweier, ongeag of die weiering daarvan as gevolg van die nalatenskap van die verlede of die ondemokratiese aard van die Staat en die onderontwikkeldheid van die land moontlik was. Die feit dat die Hutu regering ten opsigte van die bevordering van nasionale eenheid misluk het, het gelei na In menseslagting wat die lewens van vele Tutsis en Hutus geëis het. Terwyl die huidige Tutsi regering homself as verbonde tot demokrasie en menseregte voordoen, argumenteer Hoofstuk drie dat die regering bloot 'n mutatis mutandi weergawe van die Hutu regering is. In werklikheid is die staatsisteem en die hulpbronne deur 'n groep Tutsis gebuit, die res van die Tutsis is sonder hoop gelaat en die Hutus is tot tweederangse burgers gemaak, wat vrede en sekuriteit in gevaar stel. Met die ontwyking van die grondliggende kwessie van nasieskap, het die Verenigde Volke ten opsigte van die handhawing van vrede en sekuriteit gefaal. Die onvermoë om Uganda se aggressie teenoor Rwanda te verdoem, die gedwonge repatriasie van vlugtelinge en die gebrek aan vervolging van Tutsis wat skuldig is aan misdade teen die mensheid het die afstanddoening van internasionale wetgewing en die ondersteuning van die kultuur van straffeloosheid in Rwanda bewys. Desnieteenstaande argumenteer die skrywer dat respek vir menseregte en die instelling van regsoewereiniteit nog steeds deur middel van 'n proses van versoening en heropbouing in Rwanda moontlik gemaak kan word.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD
I set out to rethink the ongoing conflict in North Kivu and South Kivu in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). I highlight two problems with regards to the current conceptualisation of the conflict in North Kivu and South Kivu. The first is a theoretical problem and here I demonstrate that the Banyarwanda and Banyamulenge’s quest for belonging has so far been restricted to citizenship. Congolese Banyarwanda and the Banyamulenge find themselves in a peculiar situation, at various times in the postcolonial Congolese state they had recognition from above but lacked recognition from below. It is in this context that a politics of belonging developed. The second problem is with regards to the history of the conflict. I argue that most scholarly works take the 1993 conflict in North Kivu as the starting point of the conflict, but the conflict can be traced back to an earlier date. It was with this in mind that I pose the following question: Can the conflict in North and South Kivu in the DRC be considered as a politics of belonging between indigenous Congolese and Kinyarwanda speaking Congolese, and a contest for survival between Hutu and Tutsi elites?

Il ne nous appartient pas dans cette étude de traiter des seuls problèmes occasionnés par l’exportation coercitive du modèle politique occidental en Afrique, la question a déjà fait l’objet de remarquables travaux. Il convient cependant de souligner que force est de constater le manque d’études concernant l’ethnie en tant qu’ontologie intrinsèque en relations internationales et en polémologie en particulier. Dans le cadre de notre étude, il s’agit d’une part de mettre en évidence l’aspect central et fondamental de la manipulation multiforme du concept d’ethnie dans la survenance de certains conflits post 2nde Guerre Mondiale. En effet, outre les deux bombardements nucléaires d’Hiroshima et de Nagasaki en 1945, les puissances nucléaires se sont livrées à un jeu macabre de chantage stratégique sans pour autant faire usage de l’arme prétorienne et ultime qu’est le feu nucléaire, reléguant les études concernant le phénomène nucléaire à de vaines spéculations sur l’emploi d’une arme devenue de fait obsolescente. Il va sans dire qu’eut égard aux nombreuses victimes civiles et militaires, directes et indirectes des conflits que nous décrivons et que nous analysons en l’espèce dans le cadre de cette étude ; l’ethnie qui est maintes fois convoquée, galvaudée joue un rôle non négligeable dans ces conflits. A cet effet les conflits étudiés en l’espèce appartiennent à la catégorie des conflits identitaires. La multiplicité des conflits à caractère ethnique en Afrique noire et les violences indicibles qui en résultent comme au Rwanda, nous incline à penser pour schématiser prosaïquement que l’ethnie tue plus que l’atome ; autrement dit les conflits ethniques auxquels un nombre limité d’études est consacré sont beaucoup plus violents et plus meurtriers que les spécialistes ne veulent le faire croire. Ainsi marginaliser, caricaturer ou analyser sans consistance scientifique, sans profondeur épistémologique les conflits identitaires et ethniques reviendrait à les exclure progressivement du champ d’étude des relations internationales et de la polémologie. L’ethnie appert de ce fait comme une ontologie intéressant de plus en plus les relations internationales eu égard à la multiplicité des conflits ethniques et identitaires essaimant en Afrique depuis la chute du Mur de Berlin. Depuis cette période symbolique les Etats forts bâtis sur le modèle jacobin importé et cimenté par les partis et pensées uniques ont fait place à une multitude de revendications, au pluralisme politique ainsi qu’à la résurgence des identités ethniques. Dans le cas congolais, l’ethnie devient une ontologie transnationale, elle sert non plus à diviser mais à unir des alliés. L’ethnie ne devient donc plus un facteur de repli identitaire mais une source de la constitution de grands ensembles politiques transnationaux. Pour ce faire, l’histoire est mobilisée et manipulée à dessein afin de servir de ferment de légitimation
It is not up to us in this study to treat only problems caused by the coercive export of Western political model in Africa, the question has already been remarkable treated. It should however be noticed that it is clear the lack of studies on ethnicity as an integral ontology in international relations and conflict studies in particular. In our study, it is firstly to highlight the central and fundamental aspect of the multifaceted manipulation of the concept of ethnicity in the occurrence of certain post WW2 conflicts. Indeed, besides the two atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, the nuclear powers have engaged in a macabre game of strategic blackmail without making use of the ultimate weapon and Praetorian what the nuclear fire, relegating studies on nuclear phenomenon of idle speculation about the use of a weapon is now obsolescent.Needless to say, What would the light of numerous civilian and military casualties, direct and indirect conflicts we describe and we analyze the case in this study, the ethnic group that has repeatedly called, plays a hackneyed significant role in these conflicts. To this end the conflicts in the studied species belong to the category of identity conflicts. The multiplicity of ethnic conflicts in sub-Saharan Africa and the unspeakable violence that result as in Rwanda, we tend to think to map prosaically as ethnicity kills more than the atom, ie the ethnic conflicts which a limited number of studies are devoted much more violent and deadly than the experts do not want to believe. And marginalize, caricature or analysis without scientific consistency without deep epistemological identity and ethnic conflicts would be to progressively exclude the study of international relations and war studies.The ethnicity appears thus as interesting ontology increasingly international relations with respect to the multiplicity of ethnic and identity conflicts swarming in Africa since the fall of the Berlin Wall. Since this symbolic period strong states built on the Jacobin model imported cemented by single parties and thoughts have been replaced by a multitude of claims to political pluralism as well as the resurgence of ethnic identities. In the Congolese case, ethnicity becomes a transnational ontology, it is no longer to divide but to unite allies. The ethnic therefore becomes a factor of isolationism but a source of the formation of large transnational political groups. To do this, the story is mobilized and manipulated on purpose to serve as a leaven of legitimation

This study aims to examine Bosnia-Herzegovina and Rwanda's tolerance and reconciliation processes after the conflicts by answering the research question 'How can we explain the similarities and differences between Bosnia-Herzegovina and Rwanda’s reconciliation processes in terms of ethnic tolerance among its inhabitants post civil war and genocide?'. An explanatory theory based on Brounéus’ perspectives and recommendations on reconciliation is used throughout the study. The main findings are that both countries have had diverse approaches and have not fulfilled the requirements for achieving ethnic tolerance and reconciliation.

Scholarship on youth in Africa has mostly focused on unemployed young people, portraying them as a lost generation and exploring how states have failed them. Literature on young employed Africans has been conspicuously absent. This research portrays how a group of young professional Rwandans who define themselves as “diaspora” living in post-genocide Kigali, are redefining national belonging in economic terms. Many young professionals have moved from the diaspora to Rwanda because the state offers them a platform where they can find employment or start their own business: an entrepreneurial citizenship. The city of Kigali is experiencing physical and social transformation, and these young professionals are driving such change. The young people in this study see Rwanda as a place where they can belong by being cosmopolitan, and especially by becoming entrepreneurs. They feel that in Rwanda they are able to be global citizens more easily than in the Diaspora. This feeling of global citizenship is, ironically, what inspires in them a sense of national identity. This research explores the youth in the broader sense of economic activity and time and their sense of belonging in everyday life, in the capital city of Kigali.

After the Rwandan genocide in 1994 which irrefutably imposed itself as a reference in history, many books (researches and fiction) were published exposing varied opinions and views. It is an important source which is studied by different fields of knowledge, such as linguistics, literary studies, sociology, psychology and politics. Our study aimed to analyse ties between post-genocide fictional novels on Rwanda and the history of Rwanda. The main objectives of this dissertation (La réécriture de l’histoire du Rwanda à travers la littérature post-génocide. Etude de cas de trois romans africains d’expression française) are to study how knowledge of the history can help to understand these narratives and how these narratives can shed new light on history. In order to analyse this, we did a case study of three representative novels from Francophone Africa which we analysed confronting them to some historical sources. The novels are: - Ndwaniye, Joseph, (2007), La Promesse faite à ma soeur. Bruxelles: Les impressions nouvelles; - Monénembo,Tierno, (2000), L'Aîné des orphelins. Paris: Seuil, and - Diop, Boubacar Boris, (2000), Murambi, le livre des ossements. Paris: Stock. This study is a literary analysis and used a qualitative research method though an interpretive paradigm. As a main output and an answer to one of our research questions about common points between the post-genocide literature on Rwandan and the History of Rwanda, we discovered that in fact by the treatment of time and other writing processes used by the writers, they actually rewrote six important periods in the history of Rwanda: Pre-colonial absolute monarchy, the colonialism, the first and second Republics, the genocide and the post-genocide. These periods are clearly represented in the three novels, even if this may not be the intension of the writer and may be independent to his point of view on history. Matching the present with the past helps to revisit history. It shows how the historical context plays an important role in understanding post-genocide literature on Rwanda, and seen that this literature is discussing the genocide, it ends up delivering some points of view which are important for historians. This may assist in using literature for historical purposes and vice-versa.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2012.

The master thesis Political mobilization of ethnicity in Rwanda examines the content of radio broadcasts that played an infamous role in spreading the hatred aimed against the Tutsi minority before and during the Rwandan genocide in 1994. For the purposes of this study, the method of thematic analysis was employed. The thesis is divided into two parts. The first part of the thesis begins with the conceptualization of key terms including their theoretical underpinnings. Following the theoretical part, the next section contains historical analysis of Hutu-Tutsi relationship while mapping both its origins and subsequent development. The second, practical part of this work studies the discourse of Rwandan radio station Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines that played an essential role in inciting hatred towards the Tutsi minority and subsequent Hutu mobilization during the genocide. The core of this part comprises thematic analysis of English radio broadcasts transcripts, which aired in the period of 1993-1994 when this radio existed. The aim of this work is to shed light on how ethnicity was mobilized before and during the Rwandan genocide in 1994. Initial understanding of the historical development of a highly complex relationship between the Hutu and the Tutsi will help to explain what caused...

碩士
國立交通大學
客家文化學院客家社會與文化學程
104
Rwanda, land of a thousand hills, suffered genocide in the late twentieth century when the Hutu majority claimed to kill all the Tutsi. The current research aimed to discover how ethnic consciousness emerged as well as the source of the ethnic conflict. This study is based on the theoretical model of Wei-der Shu’s “Three-phase development theory on the construction of ethnic groups.” Through reviewing literature and analyzing the ethnic groups in Rwanda with the theory, the researcher distinguished the three phases of the development of the ethnic groups and found the significant factors contributing the construction of ethnicity in each phase. The first phase, starting from the pre-colonial period to 1958, could be described as “blur stage” because the ethnic consciousness was not formed yet during this period. In this phase, though the Belgium used identity cards to solidify the distinction between the Hutu and the Tutsi, the society was still divided by classes but not ethnicity. It was the time the ethnic consciousness was low and Tutsi noble consciousness was high. The second phase, “formation” of the ethnic consciousness, is from the “Rwanda Revolution”(also known as the “Social Revolution” or “wind of Destruction”) in 1959 to the establishment of the Rwanda Patriotic Front in 1987. The “Rwanda Revolution” saw the Tutsi as feudal lords and the Hutu as victims of enslavement and oppression, which was never seen before in Rwanda history. Grégoire Kayibanda’s first Republic adopted the Belgium identity cards and used them to discriminate against the Tutsi in terms of the employment of educators and public workers, which worsened the ethnic conflict. Later, Juvénal Habyarimana first classified the Tutsi as an “ethnic group,” which further raised the Hutu’s ethnic consciousness. Meanwhile, descendants of the Tutsi who fled to neighbor countries began to form the Rwanda Patriotic Front, which sought to return to their homeland. The third phase, “embodiment” of the ethnic consciousness, is from 1988 to the genocide in 1994. The invasion of the Rwanda Patriotic Front as well as the surge of the “Hutu Power” could be understood as the events leading the embodiment of ethnic consciousness in this stage.

This study aims to interrogate the representations of forgiveness in post genocide Rwandan fiction. The novels analysed are Inyenzi: A story of Love and Genocide (2007), Left to Tell: Discovering God Amidst the Rwandan Holocaust (2006) and God Sleeps in Rwanda: A Journey of Transformation (2009). Inyenzi: A story of Love and Genocide represents romantic love as the possible beginning of reconciliation between the Tutsi and the Hutus after and the devastations of the genocide. Left to Tell: Discovering God Amidst the Rwandan Holocaust reveals that the individualistic portrayal of forgiveness is important to create communication between antagonistic ethnic groups. God Sleeps in Rwanda: A Journey of Transformation demonstrates that forgiveness and reconciliation have the possibilities of being attainable on a national level through political reforms. The narratives succeed in portraying the representations of forgiveness but due to the subjectivities of the authors, the historicity of the genocide is undermined thereby compromising the foundations for forgiveness. This study suggests that future research on post genocide Rwandan could analyse creative works on forgiveness but focussing on the issue of restorative justice
English Studies
M. A. (English Studies)

This study aimed to contest political and cultural stereotypes depicted through the verbal and audio-visual languages used to represent the Rwandan genocide in the films, A Good Man In Hell(2002), Hotel Rwanda(2004), Sometimes In April(2005) and Keepers of Memory(2004). A Good Man in Hell criticised the racism that influenced the international community not to help Rwandans stop the genocide. In Hotel Rwanda, mostly the Tutsis died during the genocide of 1994. Sometimes in April revealed that the Hutu middle class engineered the genocide. Keepers of Memory depicted the gendered nature of the language of genocide and showed that women were silenced at various levels. The films partially succeeded in depicting the Rwandan genocide because the films did not sufficiently foreground the socio-economic factors that created the conditions for genocide to happen. The study suggested that future research on film representations could compare and contrast cases of genocide in Africa.
English Studies
Thesis ( MA (African Languages))