Relevant bibliographies by topics / Ethnoreligion

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Ethnoreligion'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Ethnoreligion"

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Calder, Mark D. "Syrian Identity in Bethlehem: From Ethnoreligion to Ecclesiology." Iran and the Caucasus 20, no. 3-4 (December 19, 2016): 297–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20160304.

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At first sight, the Syriac Orthodox community in Bethlehem appears to be well-described as “ethno-religious”: while many Palestinian siryān emphasise their connection to an ancient Aramean ethnos, this identification also usually entails some relationship to the Syriac Orthodox Church. However, “religion” (ethno or otherwise) is arguably too overburdened a category to tell us much about how being siryāni in Bethlehem compares to being something else. I propose, instead, that thinking of Syrian self-articulation as a kind of ecclesiology, a tradition of incarnating a body (specifically Christ’s), draws attention to the creative, situated and dialogic process of being and becoming siryāni, while problematising categories with which social scientists customarily think about groups. Unlike ethno-religion, ecclesiology captures the fraught pursuit of redeemed sociality, connecting Bethlehem’s destabilized local present to universal and eternal hope. In Bethlehem, what’s more, these dialogues proceed in tantalizing proximity to places and paths, which are haunted by the incarnate (Aramaic-speaking) God whom Syriac Orthodox Christians embody and envoice. Indeed, while this Syrian body is often narrated as an organic, racial fact, nevertheless it is susceptible to a kind of transubstantiation at the margins when an “other” participates fully in the life of this body, especially via the church.
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Winter, J. Alan. "The Transformation of Community Integration among American Jewry: Religion or Ethnoreligion? A National Replication." Review of Religious Research 33, no. 4 (June 1992): 349. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3511605.

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Gerasimova, Natalya Ivanovna, Sergey Ivanovich Gerasimov, and Svetlana Yurevna Drozdova. "On Positive Complementarity in the Context of History of Missionary Work in the Chuvash Region." Ethnic Culture, no. 3 (4) (September 29, 2020): 45–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-96376.

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The article explores the reasons why the interaction between Russian and Chuvash culture became possible in the framework of Christian missionary work. Purpose of the study is to show that both cultures have positive complementarity. Methods. Comparative, analytical and descriptive methods were used by the authors. The study is based on the cultural and historical situation, i.e. adoption of Christianity in the Chuvash and Russian culture. Research results. In the process of research, the authors identified common features that bring the transition to the fold of Christianity in Ancient Russia and the Chuvash culture closer together, despite the thousand-year time distance. In their opinion, the deep assimilation of Christianity by the Chuvash culture is explained by the presence of a certain algorithm that regulated the penetration of the new religion into the pagan environment. The authors define Russian culture as donor culture and Chuvash culture as recipient culture. Christianity became the force thanks to which the Chuvash culture was revived. Before the adoption of Orthodoxy within the framework of its ethnoreligion, it was an immature education that needed to realize its creative potential. The Chuvash culture needed to realize the creative possibilities inherent in it, representing an entity striving to realize itself. Thanks to the Christian enlightenment, the Chuvash culture got this opportunity and successfully implemented it.
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Magcamit, Michael Intal. "Imagined Insecurities in Imagined Communities: Manufacturing the Ethnoreligious Others as Security Threats." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 3 (July 3, 2020): 684–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa038.

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Abstract How does a once familiar and benign ethnoreligious community become a stranger and a threat? This article examines the underlying causal mechanisms driving rival ethnoreligious factions within pluralistic polities to frame each other as threats to their relative security, power, and status. Drawing on complementary theories from critical security, religious, and nationalism studies, I develop a framework that captures and explains the processes and dynamics through which threatening conceptions and narratives about the ethnoreligious others are constructed, socialized, and legitimized over time. To theoretically probe and empirically demonstrate the utility of this framework, I examine how the collective imagined insecurities among Muslim and Christian communities in Indonesia have crystallized into tangible security threats using the interpretive process tracing method. Evidences produced from my theoretical and empirical analyses using the novel qualitative data I gathered from my field research reveal that this chauvinistic, zero-sum phenomenon proceeds via a three-phase othering causal mechanism comprised of cultivation of hostile emotive effects of ethnoreligious nationalism, securitization of othered ethnoreligious groups using hostile symbolic predispositions, and sacralization of hostile perceptions of indivisible ethnoreligious identities and homelands.
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Soroka, Stuart, Matthew Wright, Richard Johnston, Jack Citrin, Keith Banting, and Will Kymlicka. "Ethnoreligious Identity, Immigration, and Redistribution." Journal of Experimental Political Science 4, no. 3 (2017): 173–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2017.13.

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AbstractDo increasing, and increasingly diverse, immigration flows lead to declining support for redistributive policy? This concern is pervasive in the literatures on immigration, multiculturalism and redistribution, and in public debate as well. The literature is nevertheless unable to disentangle the degree to which welfare chauvinism is related to (a) immigrant status or (b) ethnic difference. This paper reports on results from a web-based experiment designed to shed light on this issue. Representative samples from the United States, Quebec, and the “Rest-of-Canada” responded to a vignette in which a hypothetical social assistance recipient was presented as some combination of immigrant or not, and Caucasian or not. Results from the randomized manipulation suggest that while ethnic difference matters to welfare attitudes, in these countries it is immigrant status that matters most. These findings are discussed in light of the politics of diversity and recognition, and the capacity of national policies to address inequalities.
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Fox, Jonathan, and Shmuel Sandler. "Regime Types and Discrimination against Ethnoreligious Minorities: A Cross-Sectional Analysis of the Autocracy-Democracy Continuum." Political Studies 51, no. 3 (October 2003): 469–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00436.

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Although many assume that the relationship between the autocracy-democracy continuum and discrimination is linear, with autocracies discriminating the most and democracies discriminating the least, the assumption is not universal. This study uses the Minorities at Risk dataset to test this relationship with regard to government treatment of religiously differentiated ethnic minorities (ethnoreligious minorities) as well as ethnic minorities that are not religiously differentiated. The results show that the pattern of treatment of ethnoreligious minorities differs from that of other ethnic minorities. The extent to which a state is democratic has no clear influence on the level of discrimination against non-religiously differentiated ethnic minorities, but it has a clear influence on the level of discrimination against ethnoreligious minorities. Autocracies discriminate more than democracies against ethnoreligious minorities, but semi-democracies, those governments that are situated between democracies and autocracies, discriminate even less. This result is consistent on all 11 measures used here and is statistically significant for seven of them, and it remains strong when controlling for other factors, including separatism. This phenomenon increases in strength from the beginning to the end of the 1990s. Also, democracies discriminate against ethnoreligious minorities more than they do against other minorities. The nature of liberal democracy may provide an explanation for this phenomenon.
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Kostic, Nemanja. "Ethnoreligious dichotomization in Serbian epic poetry." Sociologija 61, no. 1 (2019): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1901113k.

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By using certain theoretical settings of ethno-symbolic and interactionist approach to the phenomena of nation and nationalism, this paper?s aim is to explain and reconstruct various pre-modern forms of ethno-religious dichotomization widely present in Serbian folk epic poetry. In that purpose, the paper displays ideas about ?other? communities that were nurtured in the Serbian epic poetry, where these ideas were interpreted as a reflection and consequence of concrete socio-historical circumstances. Special attention was given to examining the interconfessional and inter-class relations, which could have vastly influenced the self-determination process for the members of Serbian ethnic community. In other words, the factors of religious affiliation, social ranking and ethnicity are recognized as key determinants in establishing ethnoreligious dichotomization in the epic literature. The findings of the study showed that the most pronounced and most represented ethno-religious boundary in the epic poetry was set in relations to the Ottomans and Islam. On the other hand, the scarcity, incoherency or the lack of distinction of the dichotomization in relations to non-Ottoman communities, Greeks, Bulgarians, Hungarians, ?Latins?, Albanians and Arabs show that this boundary was not particularly defined, unlike the one with the Ottomans, who were different not only in terms of ethnicity, but also in terms of religion and class.
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Valeeva, Alsu F. "A Linguistic Paradigm of Ethnoreligious Traditions." Dialogue and Universalism 24, no. 3 (2014): 121–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du201424370.

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Selka, Stephen L. "Ethnoreligious Identity Politics in Bahia, Brazil." Latin American Perspectives 32, no. 1 (January 2005): 72–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x04271855.

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FOX, JONATHAN. "Is Ethnoreligious Conflict a Contagious Disease?" Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 27, no. 2 (March 2004): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100490275085.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ethnoreligion"

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Babalola, Andrew Abidemi Olugbenga. "Rights Abuse as Root Causes of Political Violence in Nigeria." ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/2519.

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Ethnic division fuelled by inadequate governance and uneven economic development has led some ethnic based groups to regard violence as a legitimate means to achieve political and social ends. The political disruption caused by ethnic militia related violence in Nigeria prevented the first 3 attempts at republican democracy. The purpose of this study was to analyze the role played by human rights abuse in Nigeria in the formation of the Oodua People's Congress (OPC) in 1994, and to also analyze the OPC turning to violence in 1999. The theoretical construct of the study is the constructivist philosophy, which purports that people develop meanings based on personal feelings, tastes, and opinions from their experiences. The conceptual framework of human rights theory is used to analyze whether human rights abuses and material deprivation created conditions that encouraged violence. The central research question addressed whether the militarization of politics in Nigeria so abused the citizens' political and personal rights that the human rights threshold was met, influencing the OPC to turn to violence as means to achieve political end. Interview data was collected from 15 founding members of the OPC to form themes and descriptions for the study. Results indicated that the incessant abuse of citizens' political and personal rights led to a violent reaction after the July, 1998 death of Chief MKO Abiola, who died in military detention. This research contributed to social change by documenting that human rights abuse in Nigeria created a condition that led violence by those abused. Further, research recommendations, if implemented, can facilitate social change through increased stability in governance, reduced human carnage from terror activities, and improved personal economy of Nigerians.
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Akbaba, Yasemin. "Understanding ethnoreligious conflict the state, discrimination and international politics /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/4405.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on April 24, 2009) Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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Karatzogianni, Athina. "The politics of cyberconflict : ethnoreligious and sociopolitical conflicts in computer mediated environments." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2005. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12112/.

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This thesis argues that it is important to distinguish between two different phenomena in cyberpolitical spaces: First of all, between ethnic or religious groups fighting over in cyberspace, as they do in real life (Ethnoreligious cyberconflict) and second, between a social movement and its antagonistic institution (Sociopolitical cyberconflict). These different kinds of cyberconflict can be explained in the context of international conflict analysis for ethnoreligious cyberconflict and social movement theory for sociopolitical cyberconflict, while keeping in mind that this takes place in a media environment by using media theory. By combining elements of these approaches and justifying the link to cyberconflict, it is possible to use them as a theoretical light to look at the environment of Cyberconflict (CC) and analysis of incidents of CC. Consequently, this work looks at the leading groups using the internet either as weapon or a resource against governments, while also looking at networks, international organisations and new social movements. Searching for a satisfactory theoretical framework, I propose the following parameters to be looked at while analysing cyberconflicts: 1. Environment of Conflict and Conflict Mapping (real and virtual). The world system generates an arborescent apparatus, which is haunted by lines of flight, emerging through underground networks connected horizontally and lacking a hierarchic centre (Deleuze and Guattari). The structure of the internet is ideal for network groups, (a global network with no central authority) has offered another experience of governance (no governance), time and space (compression), ideology (freedom of information and access to it), identity (multiplicity) and fundamentally an opposition to surveillance and control, boundaries and apparatuses. 2. Sociopolitical Cyberconflicts: The impact of ICTs on: a. Mobilising structures (network style of movements using the internet, participation, recruitment, tactics, goals), b. Framing Processes (issues, strategy, identity, the effect of the internet on these processes), c. Political opportunity structure (the internet as a component of this structure), d. hacktivism. 3. Ethnoreligious Cyberconflicts: a. Ethnic/religious affiliation, chauvinism, national identity, b. Discourses of inclusion and exclusion, c. Information warfare, the use of the internet as a weapon, propaganda and mobilisational resource d. Conflict resolution depends on legal, organisational framework, number of parties issues, distribution of power, values and beliefs. 4. The internet as a medium: a. Analysing discourses (representations of the world, constructions of social identities and social relations), b. Control of information, level of censorship, alternative sources, c. Wolsfeld: Political contest model among antagonists: the ability to initiate and control events, dominate political discourse, mobilise supporters, d. Media effects on policy (strategic, tactical, and representational).
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Raghavan, Suren. "Defending Buddhism by Fighting Federalism; Ethnoreligious Nationalism of the Sinhala Sangha and Peacemaking in Sri Lanka: 1995-2010." Thesis, University of Kent, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.577150.

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The ethnic conflict between the Tamil minority and the state of Sri Lanka turned into one of the bloodiest and protracted civil wars in the modern history of South Asia. In its final stage from 1995 to 2009, the war went through a textbook cycle from ceasefire to peace talks, to the resumption of war, and to final military victory for the state. During this period, many observers including governments and international organizations promoted federalism as a possible solution to the conflict. However, the fede ral proposal for Lanka was not only defeated but also provoked violent resistance led by the highly influential Buddhist monksthe Sangha. Federalism not only failed as an instrument of peace; the very proposal led to more violence and the intensification of the conflict. This thesis is an inquiry into the question of how federalism became the reason for violent resistance promoted by the SaiIgha, who are expected to adhere to ahimsa, nonaggression and the non-violent, renouncer path of life. The research adopted a case study method in order to reconstruct the life history and mindsets of three Sangha activists, who changed the manner in which federalism was received as an idea in Lanka. By analyzing the history of the resistance poli tics of the Sinhala Sangha, this research found that Sangha resistance is not merely a colonial byproduct or post-colonial innovation but rather a direct expression of the Sinhala 'cosmion', i.e. of a world of meaning in which Sinhala society appears as an analogue of the Buddhist cosmic order. Within th is cosmion. the Sangha playa crucial role as the mediators between the cosmic order and its earthly manifestation. Peacebuilding projects and federal proposals advanced by Western actors and their local supporters failed to appreciate this historical Sinhala self-understanding, because their Western frameworks considered federalism as an 'export-ready' political template while the religious actors in Lanka featured as mere 'spoilers' in the inevitable process of modernization. In conclusion, we argue that future peacebuilding in Lanka should consider two approaches. On the one hand, recognize and appreciate the cultural role played by key forces in Lankan society and, on the other, work with the self-understanding of these forces in order to help them transcend the singular uniqueness of the position, which they think they occupy in the world of Buddhism and beyond.
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Radwan, Chad Kassem. "Assessing Druze identity and strategies for preserving Druze heritage in North America." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0003217.

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Elzarka, Mohamed. "Mental Health in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Situational Assessment and Policy Recommendations." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1554214413881192.

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Books on the topic "Ethnoreligion"

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Yugoslavian inferno: Ethnoreligious warfare in the Balkans. New York: Continuum, 1994.

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Fox, Jonathan. Ethnoreligious conflict in the late twentieth century: A general theory. Lanham, Md: Lexington Books, 2002.

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The edge of Islam: Power, personhood, and ethnoreligious boundaries on the Kenya Coast. Durham: Duke University Press, 2009.

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Fisk, William L. The Scottish high church tradition in America: An essay in Scotch-Irish ethnoreligious history. Lanham: University Press of America, 1995.

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Buddhist monks and the politics of Lanka's Civil War: Ethnoreligious nationalism of the Sinhala saṅgha and peacemaking in Sri Lanka, 1995-2010. Bristol, CT: Equinox Publishing Ltd, 2014.

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Fox, Jonathan. Ethnoreligious Data Collection. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.389.

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Collecting and examining datasets on ethnicity and religion involves translating and codifying real-world phenomena such as actions taken by governments and other groups into data which can be analyzed by social science statistical techniques. This methodology is intended to be applied to phenomena which in their original form are in a format not readily accessible to statistical analyses, i.e. “softer” phenomena and events such as government policies and conflict behavior. Thus, this methodology is not necessary for phenomena like GDP or government military spending, but is based on behavior by organizations or groups of individuals which are assessed by a coder who translates this behavior into data. Aggregate data collected by this methodology should have three qualities. First, they must be reproducible. Second, the data must be transparent in that all aspects of the data collection process and its products be clear and understandable to other researchers, to the extent that they could, in theory, be replicated. Third, it must measure what it intends to measure in a clear, accurate, and precise manner. A project which accomplishes all of this must be conceptualized properly from the beginning, including the decision on which unit of analysis to use and which cases to include and exclude. It must have appropriate sources and a tight variable design. Finally, the data must be collected in a systematic, transparent, and reproducible manner based upon appropriate sources.
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Yugoslavian Inferno: Ethnoreligious Warfare in the Balkans. Bloomsbury Academic, 2016.

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Mojzes, Paul. Yugoslavian Inferno: Ethnoreligious Warfare in the Balkans. Continuum Intl Pub Group (Sd), 1995.

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Storied Landscapes Ethnoreligious Identity And The Canadian Prairies. University of Manitoba Press, 2010.

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Ethnoreligious Conflict in the Late 20th Century: A General Theory. Lexington Books, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Ethnoreligion"

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Rana, Meenal, Deborah J. Johnson, and Desiree Baolian Qin. "Mistaken Identities, Discrimination, and Sikh Parents’ Ethnoreligious Socialization Strategies." In Handbook of Children and Prejudice, 405–20. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-12228-7_23.

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Glavanis, Pandeli. "The Salience of Ethnoreligious Identities in the Middle East: An Interpretation." In A Companion to Racial and Ethnic Studies, 521–37. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishers Ltd, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/b.9780631206163.2002.00044.x.

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"Ethnoreligion, Ethnic Identity and Regional Consciousness at Songpan." In Contesting the Yellow Dragon, 375–409. BRILL, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004319233_011.

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"Ethnoreligious cyberconflict." In The Politics of Cyberconflict, 162–81. Routledge, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203969625-12.

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"Organizing against Ethnoreligious Violence in Ahmedabad." In The Technology of Nonviolence. The MIT Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/9088.003.0010.

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"Counteracting Ethnoreligious Violence in Sri Lanka." In The Technology of Nonviolence. The MIT Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/9088.003.0012.

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"Ethnoreligious Resurgence in a Northwestern Sufi Community." In Muslim Chinese, 117–70. BRILL, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9781684172887_004.

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"Counting the Causesand Dynamics of Ethnoreligious Violence." In Religious Fundamentalism and Political Extremism, 128–54. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203010969-10.

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Bean, Lydia. "Introduction." In The Politics of Evangelical Identity. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691161303.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter presents a new perspective on how white evangelical Christians have become an important constituency for the Republican Party in the United States. Sociologist Robert Wuthnow has described this shift as part of a larger restructuring of American religion that took place within local congregations, denominations, and public life. Before the 1960s, voters were socialized from birth into ethnoreligious communities—Protestant, Catholic, or Jewish—that instilled certain assumptions about party loyalty. Protestants identified with the Republicans and Catholics with the Democrats. But since the 1960s, religious identity has become more voluntary and disconnected from tight-knit ethnic communities. Americans are now divided by the values and lifestyles that they have chosen for themselves, rather than by inherited ethnoreligious loyalties.
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"6. Ethnoreligious Resurgence in a Northwestern Sufi Community." In China Off Center, 106–30. University of Hawaii Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780824861834-009.

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Conference papers on the topic "Ethnoreligion"

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Siregar, Qoriah, Asep Jatnika, Asep Ausop, Yedi Purwanto, and Harry Nuriman. "Communication Ethics Education as an Alternative for Ethnoreligious Conflict Resolution on Internet-Based Mass Media." In Proceedings of the 2019 Ahmad Dahlan International Conference Series on Education & Learning, Social Science & Humanities (ADICS-ELSSH 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/adics-elssh-19.2019.3.

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Reports on the topic "Ethnoreligion"

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Maiangwa, Benjamin. Peace (Re)building Initiatives: Insights from Southern Kaduna, Nigeria. RESOLVE Network, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2021.22.lpbi.

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Violent conflicts and crime have reached new heights in Nigeria, as cases of kidnapping, armed banditry, and communal unrests continue to tear at the core of the ethnoreligious divides in the country. Southern Kaduna has witnessed a virulent spree of communal unrest in northern Nigeria over the last decade due to its polarized politics and power differentials between the various groups in the area, particularly the Christians and Muslims, who are almost evenly split. In response to their experiences of violence, the people of that region have also shown incredible resilience and grit in transforming their stress and suffering. This policy note focuses on the transformative practices of the Fulani and other ethnic communities in southern Kaduna in terms of how they problem-solve deep-seated socio-political rivalries and violent relations by working through their shared identity, history, and cultures of peace. The note explores how peace practitioners and donor agencies could consolidate local practices of sustaining peace as complementary or alternative resources to the state’s liberal system.
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