Academic literature on the topic 'EU-Mercosur Agreement'
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Journal articles on the topic "EU-Mercosur Agreement"
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Kleiner, Leslie. "EU-Mercosur Free Trade Agreement." INFORM International News on Fats, Oils, and Related Materials 29, no. 6 (June 1, 2018): 38–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21748/inform.06.2018.38.
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Querci, Isabella. "EU and Mercosur vis a vis the Trade Agreement. Remarks from the institutional perspective." OASIS, no. 26 (December 11, 2017): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18601/16577558.n26.05.
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The member States of Mercosur are currently negotiating a Trade Agreement with the EU, as part of the process towards a comprehensive bi-regional Association Agreement. In 2016, the EU and Mercosur members exchanged offers, followed by a negotiation round. The next round will be held in October 2017; while awaiting for political developments, it is worth anticipating some challenges to come, especially from a legal perspective. Both actors have a multilayered system for decision-making, requiring the consensus of a multiplicity of governmental actors and thus enabling them to convey. Furthermore, current dialogues consider a broad range of issues, which were also covered by different EU’s agreements with other trading partners. These agreements received critiques from the civil society, which are worth to reflect upon, considering that the trade agreement is due to impact the general negotiation for the bi-regional Association Agreement. The paper develops this reflection from a twofold perspective: that of the institutional nature of EU and Mercosur and that of the democratic deficit in the overall negotiation process.
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Nolte, Detlef, and Clarissa Correa Ribeiro Neto. "MERCOSUR AND THE EU: THE FALSE MIRROR." Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, no. 112 (April 2021): 87–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0102-087122/112.
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Abstract The relations with the European Union (EU) began almost with the Mercosur’s creation. After signing a first framework agreement in 1995, the EU and Mercosur began negotiating a comprehensive interregional partnership with a free trade agreement since 1999. Negotiations were conducted with ups and downs, suspended, and resumed over a period of more than 20 years, and up to Mercosur’s 30th anniversary there is still no free trade agreement ratified with the EU. Based on the broad literature on the relations between the EU and Mercosur (both by European and Latin American authors) and on the analysis of official documents and declarations from the EU and Mercosur, this paper proposes some explanations as to why these negotiations have progressed so slowly and faced so many obstacles.
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Krämer, Ludwig. "A Lost Opportunity? The Environment and the EU – Mercosur Trade Agreement." Journal for European Environmental & Planning Law 18, no. 1-2 (February 10, 2021): 143–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18760104-18010009.
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Abstract The present contribution analyses and demonstrates where the EU – Mercosur Trade Agreement is incomplete with regard to the protection of the environment and where it could usefully be improved. Most importantly, this contribution shows that the sketchy and not complete examination of environmental provisions, which could usefully be part of the EU – Mercosur Agreement, demonstrates that this Agreement is not aiming at sustainable development with regard to the protection of the environment.
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Vervaele, John AE. "MERCOSUR AND REGIONAL INTEGRATION IN SOUTH AMERICA." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 54, no. 2 (April 2005): 387–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei007.
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In the period between 1980 and 1995, both Europe and the US made huge investments in Latin America. The process of democratization in Latin America, especially in the countries marked by a tradition of military dictatorship, has reinforced the belief in political and economic stability. The economy has displayed considerable growth and, partly stimulated by the IMF and the World Bank, several countries are embarking on privatization on a grand scale.2 Political and economic cooperation between the countries is taking the place of political and military rivalry. The time is ripe for a new attempt at integration on this continent. The overtures between Argentina and Brazil led to the establishment of Mercosur. Its economic (Mercosur is the fourth largest trade bloc in the world after the US, the EU, and Japan) and political importance have been recognized, especially by the EU. As early as 1996,3 an Interinstitutional Cooperation Agreement was concluded, an interregional framework agreement for cooperation between the EU Member States and Mercosur States parties.4 Since then, the EU-Mercosur Bi-regional Negotiations Committee (BNC)5 has already had ten meetings at which topics such as the free movement of goods, public procurement, investments, services, e-commerce, and conflict resolution were discussed. The US has never appreciated the attempts at integration in Latin America and has always striven to conclude separate free trade agreements with each individual country. The recent free trade agreement with Chile is a clear example.6
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Kanunnikov, Anatoly. "Non-governmental organizations and the EU—MERCOSUR trade agreement." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 1 (2020): 47–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0007758-2.
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Fracarolli, Guilherme Silva. "The Effects of Institutional Measures: Geographical Indication in Mercosur and the EU." Sustainability 13, no. 6 (March 21, 2021): 3476. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13063476.
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As agri-food markets become increasingly specialized, governments are provoked to provide these products legal support to protect their supply and trade sources. After several treaties, the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) Agreement was signed in 1995 as the broadest ever reached. The agreement allowed Geographical Indication (GI) of agri-food products to be targeted. The GIs of Mercosur and the European Union are very different in absolute and relative numbers, showing evidence of significant institutional participation difference. Thus, this work aims to compare the effects of institutional mechanisms promoted by Mercosur and the EU on this market by establishing an analysis framework based on the respective laws and agreements against demographic data. The results show that adherence to TRIPS is a necessary condition but not sufficient for its development. Adherence to the Lisbon Agreement also strengthens the capacity to sustain a substantial GI market. Additionally, the standardization of regulatory treatment and interventionist action helps stabilize and promote institutions in the GI market. Finally, this study concludes from the EU and Mercosur cases that a more robust, promotive and uniform system through its legal basis and dedicated structures results in more trustable institutions and potentially a more abundant market for GI products.
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Kamath, Rahul. "THE INCONSPICUOUS FUTURE OF THE EU - MERCOSUR FREE TRADE AGREEMENT." International Journal of Social Science and Economic Research 05, no. 04 (April 30, 2020): 906–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46609/ijsser.2020.v05i04.004.
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Tomazini, Rosana, Wilson Almeida, Nidi Bueno, and Rog�rio Lustosa. "THE ASSOCIATION AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE EU AND MERCOSUR: FAR BEYOND THAN A MERE FREE TRADE AGREEMENT." Review of Business Research 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 43–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18374/rbr-14-1.5.
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Blasetti, Roxana. "Geographical Indications: A Major Challenge for MERCOSUR." GRUR International 69, no. 11 (October 28, 2020): 1113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/grurint/ikaa124.
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Abstract This article focuses on the intellectual property chapter of the EU-MERCOSUR Free Trade Agreement. It is not intended to provide an exhaustive analysis of all the intellectual property rights involved but to go deeply into a specific matter, geographical indications, which is undoubtedly a controversial concession in the chapter. The entire free trade agreement negotiations took more than 20 years and ended in June 2019 with an ‘Agreement in principle’. From the very beginning it involved a red line for the MERCOSUR countries, namely the intellectual property chapter. This article will show the complexity of including the private rights of prior users (generic names, plant varieties and trademarks) as a trade-off for agricultural market access in negotiations mainly focused on tariff reduction and trade rules. In addition, the imbalance between the parties was deepened by the lack of regionally harmonized intellectual property standards within MERCOSUR. In this regard, the main objective of this article is to identify the legal challenges derived from the overlap of national, regional and bi-regional rules that the Mercosur countries will face when implementing the geographical indication commitments, given the bloc’s legal and institutional structure. Unlike tariff reduction, the commitments derived from the negotiation of private rights are a crucial issue. Against this background, some proposals are outlined to address how to determine a medium- and long-term strategy based on the needs of local producers to add value to their productions.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "EU-Mercosur Agreement"
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Raková, Barbora. "EU-MERCOSUR: specifická pozice Argentiny?" Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-18300.
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The goal of the thesis "The EU-MERCOSUR: specific position of Argentina?" is the analysis of relations between the EU and MERCOSUR. The first part of the thesis deals with the characteristics of the selected territory. The second part of the thesis elaborates the relations between the EU and MERCOSUR. It includes historical development of cooperation, law basis of relations and business exchange. The crucial part of this chapter focuses on development of negotiation of inter-regional association agreement and its benefits for both parties. The thesis elaborates current progress of the negotiation especially in the context of the upcoming May 2010 EU and Latin America summit, where the association agreement could be signed. The agreement, however, will probably not include all the originally planned areas. The third part of the thesis analyzes the role of Argentina in MERCOSUR and relations of the EU and Argentina. The first hypothesis, claiming that Argentina is more oriented towards inter-regional MERCOSUR trade than the other member states, was not proved. The second hypothesis, claiming that signing the association agreement with EU will be very important for Argentina due to its strong ties to the European continent, was proved. The question, what the benefits for Argentina would be, if the Association Agreements would be signed without the chapter concerning the liberalization of the Agricultural products trade, still remains.
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Hallström, Emilia. "Indigenous Interests in Interantional Trade Goverance : A case study of the APIB and the EU-Mercosur Trade Agreement." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-44263.
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This thesis addresses indigenous groups agency in trade governance to enhance their ability to affect international decision-making that benefits their capability to sustainable development. It conducts a case study of Articulation of Indigenous People Brazil (APIB) in the EU-Mercosur Agreement and utilizes Eimers (2020) theory of subaltern social movement theory to establish: what strategies the APIB have used in the decision-making processes of the “Mercosur Agreement? This theory allows consideration of indigenous agency and the effect of post-colonial structures on their capability to keep control over their realties. To collect data on this topic the author uses qualitative semi-structured interviews and qualitative thematic text analysis. The thesis finds that framing strategies of claims enabled alliance-building in Brazil and Transnational Advocacy Coalitions, which used international norms to enhance indigenous interests. However, has post-colonial structures hindered APIB´s ability to enhance interest in Brazil and silenced indigenous interests in governmental representation in the making of the EU-Mercosur.
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Robin, Rodolphe. "Génèse du projet d'association interrégionale Sui generis entre le Mercosud et l'Union Européenne : 1999 - 2011." Phd thesis, Université Rennes 2, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00651469.
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Tandis que l'OMC éprouve des difficultés à réglementer le commerce, les nations expérimentent tous types d'accordssusceptibles de favoriser leur stratégie d'insertion internationale : bilatéraux, stratégiques, régionaux, de coopération,d'association, etc. Les États-unis et l'Union européenne sont en concurrence face au plus important marchélatino-américain, le Mercosud, lequel bénéficie désormais d'un contexte favorable l'autorisant à choisir ses partenaires. Depuis le rejet du projet de ZLEA, le jeu de séduction tourne à l'avantage de l'Europe qui a su proposer un projet plus complet incluant la coopération pour le développement, l'approfondissement du dialogue politique et la libéralisation deséchanges. L'ouverture de négociations en 1999 en vue de parvenir à un accord, dit d'association, entre les deux systèmesd'intégration régionale, symbolise l'apparition d'un concept nouveau : l'" interrégionalisme"Pourquoi 12 années de négociations n'ont-ellespas été suffisantes pour parvenir à unconsensus sur les termes de l'association ?L'acuité des dossiers, le nombre de paysimpliqués, le " noeud agricole, l'absence deconsultation du secteur privé, sont autantd'éléments à prendre en considération. Cetravail synthétise un processus de négociationcomplexe et présente la particularité d'inclurele secteur privé. En partant à la rencontre, desacteurs politiques et économiques, des deuxrégions, on observe que le secteur privén'occupe pas la place qui lui revient de droitdans ce projet. Il ne manque pas de le rappelerici et, ce faisant, interpelle l'Université sur lerôle qu'elle a à jouer dans l'évolution desrelations entre l'Europe et le Mercosud
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Maia, Luis. "L'accord d'association Union Européenne - Chili et la spécificité chilienne dans le contexte latino-américain." Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030102.
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Le Chili et l’UE ont signé en 2002 un Accord d'association (AA) ambitieux et innovateur basé sur trois piliers: politique, commercial et de coopération. Pourquoi l’UE a-t-elle signé un tel accord avec un pays de 15 millions d’habitants comme le Chili? Cet accord n’est-il pas en contradiction avec la politique de l’UE d’appui à l’intégration régionale? La « spécificité chilienne », liée à de bonnes performances économiques, à une compétitivité externe élevée et à des niveaux de corruption bas, a conforté la décision prise par l’UE de signer l’AA avec le Chili. Par ailleurs, pendant les années 1990 un contexte favorable s’est développé au sein de l’UE et au Chili qui a favorisé leur rapprochement. L’UE était aussi convaincue que le Chili deviendrait membre à part entière du Mercosur et pour cette raison décida d’entamer des négociations pour la réalisation des AA avec le Chili et le Mercosur en parallèle. Avec cette stratégie elle voulait renforcer ses relations avec le Chili en vue d’une possible association et promouvoir l’intégration régionale en créant des liens entre les deux processus en vue d’une intégration du Chili dans le Mercosur. Quand en juin 2000 le Chili a informé la partie européenne qu’il ne deviendrait pas membre à part entière du Mercosur, la nouvelle équipe dirigeante des négociateurs de la Commission européenne a accepté cette position. Les négociations avec le Mercosur étant de fait bloquées et l’adhésion pleine du Chili au Mercosur n’étant plus à l’ordre du jour, l’UE a essayé par cet accord de renforcer sa présence politique et commerciale dans un pays qu’elle percevait comme un facteur de stabilité régionale et comme «modèle»In 2002, Chile and the European Union signed an ambitious and innovative Association Agreement (AA) based on three pillars: political, trade and cooperation. Why did the EU sign such an accord with a country of 15 million people like Chile? Was this agreement not in contradiction with the EU’s policy of supporting regional integration? In fact, the “Chilean specificity” - characterized by the country’s good economic performance, strong competitive position internationally, and low levels of corruption - reinforced the EU’s decision to sign the AA with Chile. In addition, developments during the 1990s within both the EU and Chile favoured their rapprochement. The EU was also convinced that Chile would become a full member of Mercosur and as a result decided to begin AA negotiations with Chile and Mercosur in parallel. With this strategy, the EU aimed to both reinforce its ties with Chile ahead of a possible association agreement and promote regional integration by creating a link between the two processes, in view of Chile’s integration into Mercosur. When Chile informed the Europeans in June 2000 that it would not become a full member of Mercosur, the new team of European Commission negotiators accepted this position. With their talks with Mercosur at a standstill and Chile’s membership in that bloc off the table, the focus shifted to using the AA with Chile to reinforce the EU’s political and trade presence in a country it viewed as a “model” and a factor that contributed to regional stability
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Valin, Hugo. "Changements d'usage des sols, marchés agricoles et environnement." Thesis, Paris, AgroParisTech, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AGPT0011/document.
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La contribution des changements d’usage des sols aux émissions de gaz à effet de serre d’origine anthropique est estimée à 17% pour la décennie 2000, en grande partie liée à la déforestation. L’un des facteurs principaux de ces changements est l’expansion des terres agricoles pour les besoins locaux de développement, mais également sous l’effet des exportations stimulées par la mondialisation. Pour cette raison, des préoccupations nouvelles surgissent quant aux effets des politiques sur l’usage des sols par le biais des marchés internationaux. Ce travail présente trois illustrations concrètes où ces effets peuvent être d’ampleur conséquente : i) l’intensification de l’agriculture dans les pays en voie de développement, ii) les accords commerciaux, et iii) les politiques d’agrocarburants. Les résultats montrent que pour chacune de ces politiques, les réponses des marchés sont susceptibles de jouer un rôle déterminant dans le bilan des gaz à effet de serre. L’atténuation du changement climatique par l’intensification des cultures conduit à des réductions d’émissions, mais l’effet rebond de la demande pourrait annuler une part substantielle des bénéfices attendus sur les surfaces de terres cultivées. L’exemple d’un possible accord entre l’Union européenne et le Mercosur montre les effets négatifs que peut induire la libéralisation de certains produits agricoles, si des mesures d’accompagnement adéquates ne sont pas mises en place. Enfin, l’effet des changements indirects d’affectation des sols est susceptible d’effacer une part substantielle des réductions d’émissions alléguées aux agrocarburants. Les réponses de l’affectation des sols aux différentes politiques dépendent néanmoins de nombreux paramètres comportementaux, et il est difficile d’en fournir une estimation chiffrée précise. Plusieurs approches de modélisation sont utilisées ici pour quantifier ces effets et explorer les intervalles de confiance découlant des estimations actuelles de la littérature économétrique. La prise en compte de cette externalité dans l’évaluation des politiques publiques nécessite des approches nouvelles intégrant mieux les différents niveaux d’incertitude sur ces effetsLand use change is estimated to have generated 17% of anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions in the 2000s, a large part coming from deforestation. The main driver of these emissions is expansion of agricultural activities, for the need of local development in tropical regions. However, they have also been caused by the dynamics of globalisation which has stimulated agricultural trade flows. Thus, today, there are new concerns with respect to how agricultural policies are influencing land use changes in other parts of the world through international market responses. In this work I consider three concrete illustrations of where these effects can be of significant magnitude: i) agriculture intensification in developing countries, ii) trade agreements, and iii) biofuel policies. I find that for each of these policies, market responses are likely to play a significant role in the final greenhouse gas emission balance. Mitigation of emissions through agricultural intensification could have quite beneficial outcomes, but the rebound effect on the demand side would offset a large part of greenhouse gas emission savings attributable to the land sparing effect. With the example of a possible EU-MERCOSUR trade agreement, I also show the adverse effect of liberalising certain specific agricultural products closely connected to land use change dynamics without adequate accompanying measures. Last, the indirect land use change effect of biofuels is likely to offset a large part of their alleged GHG emission savings. Land use change responses depend on many behavioural parameters, however, and providing precise estimates constitutes a challenge. I use different modelling approaches to quantify their magnitude and extensively explore the level of confidence on the basis of current state of econometric findings.New approaches should be elaborated to take account of this externality in public policy assessments, together with an appropriate consideration of the uncertainty ranges associated with these effects
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Nelzin, de Pizzol Audrey. "Les relations entre l'Union européenne et les organisations d'intégration économique régionale d'Amérique latine et des Caraïbes - Quelles mutations ?" Thesis, Antilles-Guyane, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AGUY0495/document.
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Depuis 1999, l’Union européenne a inauguré une nouvelle approche dans ses relations avec l’Amérique latine et les Caraïbes. A cet égard, le premier sommet Union européenne – Amérique latine – Caraïbes, dit « sommet de Rio » marque un tournant grâce au lancement du « partenariat stratégique ». Dans ce cadre, toutes les organisations régionales d’intégration économique situées dans cette zone géographique, et non pas uniquement le MERCOSUR, apparaissent comme des partenaires importants. Le changement obéit autant à des contraintes externes qu’à une stratégie extérieure. Dans le domaine des échanges commerciaux, le but déclaré est d’atteindre « une libéralisation mutuelle des échanges » sur une base équitable et mutuellement profitable tout en défendant certaines valeurs communes. Cependant, le cadre juridique longtemps en vigueur s’est avéré inadapté à l’avènement d’une ambition économique et politique d’une telle ampleur. Par conséquent, l’Union européenne se trouve confrontée au défi de réformer les cadres juridiques de ses relations avec les organisations régionales d’intégration économique d’Amérique latine et des Caraïbes. La thèse analyse l’évolution et la restructuration actuelles des instruments juridiques des relations entre l’Union européenne l’Amérique latine et les CaraïbesSince 1999, the European Union began a new competitive approach in its relationships with Latin America and the Caribbean. In this respect, the first step has been made in the European Union-Latin America and Caribbean’ Summit [Rio Summit (1999)] with the launch of a new partnership called “Strategic Partnership”. In this context, all organisations of regional economic integration – not only the MERCOSUR the most competitive one – are considered as important partners. The change is due to external constraints as well as an external strategy. In the field of commercial exchanges, the goal is to attempt “mutual liberalisation of exchanges” on a fair and mutually profitable basis, defending at the same time “common values”. However, the traditional legal framework of the relations is obviously unsuitable for such an ambitious economic and political project. So, from a legal aspect, the European Union is confronted with the challenge of reforming the contractual frameworks of its relations with regional economic integrations in Latin America and in the Caribbean. The issue concerns an analysis of the evolution and restructuring of existing legal instruments of the European Union’s relations with Latin America and the Caribbean
Desde 1999, la Unión Europea instauró un nuevo enfoque en sus relaciones con América Latina y el Caribe. En este enfoque llamado “estratégico”, todas las organiza-ciones comarcales de integración económicas ubicadas en esta zona geográfica y no úni-camente el MERCOSUR, se pueden ver como interlocutores importantes. La primera cumbre Unión Europea /América latina/Caribe (cumbre de Rio) es una fecha importante en la evolución de las relaciones gracias al lanzamiento “de la colaboración estratégica”. En lo que toca a los intercambios comerciales, la meta declarada es alcanzar una “liberalización mutual de los intercambios” a partir de una base equitativa y mutualmente provechosa de-fendiendo a la vez ciertos valores comunes. Sin embargo, el marco jurídico en vigor durante una larga temporada se ha reve-lado inadecuado para el advenimiento de una ambición económica y política de esta impor-tancia. Por consiguiente, la Unión Europea se enfrenta hoy en día al desafío jurídico de la renovación del marco convencional de sus relaciones con las organizaciones de integración económica de América Latina y del Caribe. El asunto se refiere a un análisis de las rela-ciones exteriores de la Unión Europea desde el punto de vista de los desafíos jurídicos. Utilizamos el análisis sistémico para poner de relieve los factores explicativos de la evolu-ción y de la reestructuración actuales de los instrumentos jurídicos de las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y América-Latina Caribe
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Macedo, Bruno Manuel Sousa. "A potential open sky agreement between the EU and MERCOSUR based on the EU-US agreement." Dissertação, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10216/60024.
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Macedo, Bruno Manuel Sousa. "A potential open sky agreement between the EU and MERCOSUR based on the EU-US agreement." Master's thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10216/60024.
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Fanturová, Anna. "Nový regionalismus v praxi : strategické partnerství mezi Evropskou unií a MERCOSUR." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-327492.
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This thesis deals with the interregional relations between the European Union and Mercosur. It is approached as a single case study where the examined case is defined as "the strategic partnership between the European Union and Mercosur in the context of new regionalism". The thesis consists of three main chapters. The first chapter explains the phenomenon of new regionalism and interregionalism and deals with two theoretical approaches to regional integration - neofunctionalist and intergovernmental. The subject of the second chapter is the development of regional integration within Mercosur and the analysis of the relations between the EU and Mercosur from the early 1990's till present. The current negotiations between the two regions are aimed at the conclusion of the Association Agreement creating free trade area and consisting of three pillars: political dialogue, cooperation and trade. The negotiations were officially launched in 1999, later suspended in 2004 and re-launched at Madrid Summit in 2010. The thesis seeks to find out how the EU and Mercosur are motivated to sign the agreement and what are the main obstacles blocking the successful conclusion of the negotiation process. To this end, the third chapter analyzes the three pillars of the Association agreement under negotiation paying...
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Carvalho, Andréa Levindo. "Relacionamento comercial e econômico entre a União Europeia e a América Latina. Problemas e perspectivas atuais." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/92724.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Direito apresentada à Faculdade de DireitoA presente dissertação foi elaborada no âmbito do Mestrado em Ciências Jurídico-Económicas e versa principalmente sobre as problemáticas presentes nas relações comerciais e econômicas entre a União Europeia e a América Latina. O trabalho demonstra que, até ao final do século XX, a América Latina manteve-se como região periférica no relacionamento comercial europeu com o resto do mundo, ocorrendo uma modesta mudança de cenário, ainda na década de 1990, por ocasião do início das negociações com o MERCOSUL e, em seguida, dos acordos com o México e o Chile, em vigor desde 2000 e 2003, respectivamente. No dia 28 de junho de 2019, contudo, foram concluídas as negociações do pilar comercial do Acordo de Associação UE-MERCOSUL, que visa a liberalização progressiva do comércio de bens e serviços e a abertura dos mercados de contratos públicos entre os espaços. O ambicioso acordo birregional simboliza uma nova era nas relações entre as regiões, algo que se pretendeu confirmar. Os desafios atuais destas negociações perpassam os entraves relacionados com as solicitações latino-americanas de acesso livre dos seus produtos agrícolas ao mercado europeu, que privilegia, por seu turno, a produção industrial. Questões sensíveis, como desenvolvimento sustentável e integração regional, acabam por (legitimamente) receber maior atenção, em virtude das políticas comerciais dos seus Estados-Membros. A presente dissertação foi elaborada no âmbito do Mestrado em Ciências Jurídico-Económicas e versa principalmente sobre as problemáticas presentes nas relações comerciais e econômicas entre a União Europeia e a América Latina. O trabalho demonstra que, até ao final do século XX, a América Latina manteve-se como região periférica no relacionamento comercial europeu com o resto do mundo, ocorrendo uma modesta mudança de cenário, ainda na década de 1990, por ocasião do início das negociações com o MERCOSUL e, em seguida, dos acordos com o México e o Chile, em vigor desde 2000 e 2003, respectivamente. No dia 28 de junho de 2019, contudo, foram concluídas as negociações do pilar comercial do Acordo de Associação UE-MERCOSUL, que visa a liberalização progressiva do comércio de bens e serviços e a abertura dos mercados de contratos públicos entre os espaços. O ambicioso acordo birregional simboliza uma nova era nas relações entre as regiões, algo que se pretendeu confirmar. Os desafios atuais destas negociações perpassam os entraves relacionados com as solicitações latino-americanas de acesso livre dos seus produtos agrícolas ao mercado europeu, que privilegia, por seu turno, a produção industrial. Questões sensíveis, como desenvolvimento sustentável e integração regional, acabam por (legitimamente) receber maior atenção, em virtude das políticas comerciais dos seus Estados-Membros.
This dissertation was prepared within the framework of the Master's Degree in Legal and Economic Science Programme. It addresses the main issues arising from trade and economic relations between the European Union and Latin America. The work shows that until the end of the 20th century, Latin America remained as a peripheral partner in the context of European countries’ trade relations with the rest of the world. A modest change took place still in the 1990s, with the beginning of negotiations with MERCOSUR and, following that, with the agreements with Mexico and Chile, in force since 2000 and 2003, respectively. However, in June 28, 2019, negotiations were concluded on the trade pillar of the EU-MERCOSUR Association Agreement, which aims at the progressive liberalisation of trade in goods and services and the opening of public procurement markets between both areas. The ambitious bi-regional agreement symbolises a new era in relations between the two regions, which it was intended to confirm. The current challenges in these negotiations are interwoven with Latin American requests for free access to the European market for their agricultural products, which in turn favours industrial production. Sensitive issues, such as sustainable development and regional integration, end up receiving (and legitimately so) more attention because of the trade policies of their Member States. This dissertation was prepared within the framework of the Master's Degree in Legal and Economic Science Programme. It addresses the main issues arising from trade and economic relations between the European Union and Latin America. The work shows that until the end of the 20th century, Latin America remained as a peripheral partner in the context of European countries’ trade relations with the rest of the world. A modest change took place still in the 1990s, with the beginning of negotiations with MERCOSUR and, following that, with the agreements with Mexico and Chile, in force since 2000 and 2003, respectively. However, in June 28, 2019, negotiations were concluded on the trade pillar of the EU-MERCOSUR Association Agreement, which aims at the progressive liberalisation of trade in goods and services and the opening of public procurement markets between both areas. The ambitious bi-regional agreement symbolises a new era in relations between the two regions, which it was intended to confirm. The current challenges in these negotiations are interwoven with Latin American requests for free access to the European market for their agricultural products, which in turn favours industrial production. Sensitive issues, such as sustainable development and regional integration, end up receiving (and legitimately so) more attention because of the trade policies of their Member States.
Books on the topic "EU-Mercosur Agreement"
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Transatlantische Freihandelszone: Politische und ökonomische Perspektiven einer transatlantischen Freihandelszone aus EU, Mercosur und NAFTA. Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 2007.
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Devlin, Robert. Trade related capacity building: An overview in the context of Latin American trade policy and the MERCOSUR-EU Association agreement. Buenos Aires: Institute for the Integration of Latin America and the Caribbean, 2005.
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Valladão, Alfredo G. A. The costs of opting out: The EU-Mercosur Agreement and the Free Trade Area of the Americas : three computable general equilibrium models. [Paris]: Chaire Mercosur de Sciences po, 2003.
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Gomez Arana, Arantza. The first attempt to negotiate the association agreement. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719096945.003.0006.
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This chapter aims to explain the phase in EU-Mercosur relations which negotiated the association agreement without reaching a successful ending. Both parties developed those negotiations under the European Mercosur Interregional Cooperation Agreement (EMIFCA). It was agreed that this agreement would be carried out in two phases. The first phase related to the preparation of the ground for future negotiations by comparing standards, statistical systems, trade procedures, whilst the second phase focussed on trade liberalization. The second phase of this agreement was also focussed on the actual negotiations. In the end, both parties were unable to reach an agreement and the negotiations were stopped in October 2004. This chapter will focus on the period up until the period where the EU became set on developing a political partnership with Brazil. In doing so, this decision marked the beginning of a new stage in history of EU policy towards Mercosur. By looking at how these two parts of the policy were developed, and how far both sides went in both their statements and actions it will be possible to discuss the level of engagement on the EU side towards Mercosur. It seems that there were actors within the EU willing to both increase and decrease the level of “ambition” and “commitment”. Also, Mercosur countries helped to overcome some of the obstacles and this should be considered in order not to attribute the whole outcome solely to EU behaviour. The EU developed the association agreement towards Mercosur at this stage because of the efforts of the Commissioner in charge of the policy until 1999.
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Gomez Arana, Arantza. The second attempt to negotiate the association agreement. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719096945.003.0007.
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From the moment the European Union and Mercosur stopped their negotiations there was not progress or a real intention to re-start the negotiations again until 2010. Officially the EU and Mercosur “continued” negotiating the Association Agreement but it is fair to say that after such a failure at the last minute in October 2004, both sides becoming cautious in their hopes for a successful agreement. Considering that the negotiations failed publicly it is understandable to expect some years of “healing” before considering a new attempt. One more time, the right momentum was necessary to facilitate the re-launching of the negotiations. The economic environment was completely different from 2004. At this moment Europe is the one recovering from a financial crisis and from a weak Eurozone, while in Latin America this international crisis did not have that much of an effect. However in 2004 Brazil and Argentina were recovering from the economic crisis of the late 1990s early 2000s. The negotiations between the EU and other Latin American regional groups or individual countries were being successful. At the same time a third major investor and trader became an important piece of the puzzle, China. To some extent this could be seen as a better scenario for a successful agreement between both regions. The facilitator of the re-launching of the negotiations was one more time the Spanish presidency of 2010. Since then, several meetings have taken place between the EU and Mercosur, the last one in mid June in Brussels 2015.
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Gomez Arana, Arantza. Analytical framework: relations between the European Union and Mercosur. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719096945.003.0002.
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This chapter establishes the analytical framework that will be used to examine EU- Mercosur relations. The chapter begins by offering a critical review of the existing literature. Until now, the existing literature on EU-Mercosur has been very descriptive but not very analytical. It has tended to cover very specific moments of the relations and as a consequence it has forgotten to look at the bigger picture. Most authors have chosen to explain EU-Mercosur relations by using more than one argument at the same time without choosing one as the most representative. Furthermore, some authors explicitly say that until the end of the negotiations of the Association Agreement there will not be a final answer. This is hardly a clear and strong debate on a policy.
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Trade related capacity building: An overview in the context of latin american trade policiy and the Mercosur-EU association agreement. Buenos Aires: BID/INTAL, 2005.
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Gomez Arana, Arantza. Introduction: the study of European Union relations with Mercosur. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719096945.003.0001.
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This monograph seeks to examine the motivations behind the European Union’s (EU) policy towards the Common Market of the South (Mercosur), the EU’s most important relationship with another regional economic integration organisation. In order to investigate the motivations (or lack there of), this monograph will examine the contribution of the main policy and decision-makers, the European Commission and the Council of Ministers, as well as the different contributions within both institutions. By doing so, it will be possible to show the degree of “involvement”/”engagement” reflected in the EU’s policy towards Mercosur, which is the dependent variable in this study. The analysis offered here examines the development of EU policy towards Mercosur in relation to three key stages: The non-institutionalized relations (1986-1990), official relations (1991-1995), and the negotiations of an association agreement (1996-2007 and 2010-present). This degree of engagement will be measured using a scale of low, medium and high degree. The outcome of the measure is created by analysing two factors, the level of “ambition” and “commitment”.
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Lenz, Tobias. Interorganizational Diffusion in International Relations. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198823827.001.0001.
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How and under what conditions does the European Union (EU) shape processes of institution building in other regional organizations? This book develops and tests a theory of interorganizational diffusion in international relations that explains how successful pioneer organizations shape institutional choices in other organizations by affecting the institutional preferences and bargaining strategies of national governments. The author argues that Europe’s foremost regional organization systematically affects institution building abroad, but that such influence varies across different types of organization. Mixing quantitative and qualitative methods, it shows how the EU institutionally strengthens regional organizations through active engagement and by building its own institutions at home. Yet the contractual nature of other regional organizations bounds this causal influence: EU influence makes an identifiable difference primarily in those organizations that, like the EU itself, rest on an open-ended contract. Evidence for these claims is drawn from the statistical analysis of a dataset on the institutionalization of 35 regional organizations in the period from 1950 to 2017, as well as from detailed single and comparative case studies on institutional creation and (non-)change in the Southern African Development Community, Mercosur, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and the North American Free Trade Agreement.
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Gomez Arana, Arantza. The most productive years of EU–Mercosur relations. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719096945.003.0005.
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This chapter covers a new stage in EU policy towards Mercosur and Latin America. This stage started with a new framework of policies within which agreements between the European Union and Latin American countries, including the Mercosur countries, were made. By explaining EU-Mercosur agreements within the general context of EU-LA relations it is possible to bring some clarity to the EU level of engagement with Mercosur in relative terms so it is neither over nor underestimated. In doing so it will show how EU-Mercosur relations were the most important ones within the EU-LA framework. As has been established before, the level of engagement will be explained by discussing two aspects of it, “ambition” and “commitment”. This chapter shows that there is a medium level of “ambition” and a high level of “commitment” which helps to explain the outcome of a medium level of engagement. In relation to this stage, in the literature it has been accepted that, in 1990, the EU’s means of dealing with Latin America changed (Aldecoa Luzarraga 1995; Bizzozero 1995; Laporte Galli 1996; Birochi 1999). Detailed explanations for this have not yet been offered. Some indicate that these changes were due to wider changes in the international arena. With the end of Cold War, the EU was given a chance to develop a global vision and a space in which to do it (Aldecoa Luzarraga 1995; Birochi 1999). The internal changes in the European Union, especially its increased integration, have also been mentioned in this regard (Aldecoa Luzarraga 1995).
Book chapters on the topic "EU-Mercosur Agreement"
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de Carvalho, Kleverton Melo, and Clara María Minaverry. "The Effects of International Agreements on Water Security: A Critical Study of the EU and MERCOSUR Approaches." In Sustainable Consumption, 285–305. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16985-5_17.
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Geddes, Andrew. "De jure and de facto Openness in South America." In Governing Migration Beyond the State, 85–109. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842750.003.0004.
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Resurgent regionalism since the 2000s in South America brought with it a notably progressive approach to migration at both national and regional level. The emergence and effects of this approach are assessed and also related to wider concerns about governability insofar as they affect responses to migration, but also how they relate more broadly to the operation and effects of political systems in South America. Particular attention is paid to the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) and its development of a Residence Agreement that provides rights and protections for citizens of member states and more generally of a regional response that consciously opposed itself to US regional hegemony and to the EU as a template for regional migration governance.
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do Amaral, Alberto, and Marina Martins Martes. "The Mercosur-EU FTA and the Obligation to Implement the Paris Agreement: An Analysis from the Brazilian Perspective." In European Yearbook of International Economic Law. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/8165_2021_68.
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Bonanomi, Elisabeth Bürgi, and Theresa Tribaldos. "PPM-Based Trade Measures to Promote Sustainable Farming Systems? What the EU/EFTA-Mercosur Agreements Can Learn from the EFTA-Indonesian Agreement." In European Yearbook of International Economic Law. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/8165_2020_64.
Full textReports on the topic "EU-Mercosur Agreement"
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Carrico, Caitlyn, Siemen van Berkum, Andrzej Tabeau, Jakob Jager, and Nora Plaisier. Impacts of the EU-Mercosur trade agreement on the Dutch economy. Wageningen: Wageningen Economic Research, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18174/539424.
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