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1
Kleiner, Leslie. "EU-Mercosur Free Trade Agreement." INFORM International News on Fats, Oils, and Related Materials 29, no. 6 (June 1, 2018): 38–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21748/inform.06.2018.38.
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Querci, Isabella. "EU and Mercosur vis a vis the Trade Agreement. Remarks from the institutional perspective." OASIS, no. 26 (December 11, 2017): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18601/16577558.n26.05.
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The member States of Mercosur are currently negotiating a Trade Agreement with the EU, as part of the process towards a comprehensive bi-regional Association Agreement. In 2016, the EU and Mercosur members exchanged offers, followed by a negotiation round. The next round will be held in October 2017; while awaiting for political developments, it is worth anticipating some challenges to come, especially from a legal perspective. Both actors have a multilayered system for decision-making, requiring the consensus of a multiplicity of governmental actors and thus enabling them to convey. Furthermore, current dialogues consider a broad range of issues, which were also covered by different EU’s agreements with other trading partners. These agreements received critiques from the civil society, which are worth to reflect upon, considering that the trade agreement is due to impact the general negotiation for the bi-regional Association Agreement. The paper develops this reflection from a twofold perspective: that of the institutional nature of EU and Mercosur and that of the democratic deficit in the overall negotiation process.
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Nolte, Detlef, and Clarissa Correa Ribeiro Neto. "MERCOSUR AND THE EU: THE FALSE MIRROR." Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, no. 112 (April 2021): 87–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0102-087122/112.
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Abstract The relations with the European Union (EU) began almost with the Mercosur’s creation. After signing a first framework agreement in 1995, the EU and Mercosur began negotiating a comprehensive interregional partnership with a free trade agreement since 1999. Negotiations were conducted with ups and downs, suspended, and resumed over a period of more than 20 years, and up to Mercosur’s 30th anniversary there is still no free trade agreement ratified with the EU. Based on the broad literature on the relations between the EU and Mercosur (both by European and Latin American authors) and on the analysis of official documents and declarations from the EU and Mercosur, this paper proposes some explanations as to why these negotiations have progressed so slowly and faced so many obstacles.
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Krämer, Ludwig. "A Lost Opportunity? The Environment and the EU – Mercosur Trade Agreement." Journal for European Environmental & Planning Law 18, no. 1-2 (February 10, 2021): 143–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18760104-18010009.
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Abstract The present contribution analyses and demonstrates where the EU – Mercosur Trade Agreement is incomplete with regard to the protection of the environment and where it could usefully be improved. Most importantly, this contribution shows that the sketchy and not complete examination of environmental provisions, which could usefully be part of the EU – Mercosur Agreement, demonstrates that this Agreement is not aiming at sustainable development with regard to the protection of the environment.
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Vervaele, John AE. "MERCOSUR AND REGIONAL INTEGRATION IN SOUTH AMERICA." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 54, no. 2 (April 2005): 387–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei007.
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In the period between 1980 and 1995, both Europe and the US made huge investments in Latin America. The process of democratization in Latin America, especially in the countries marked by a tradition of military dictatorship, has reinforced the belief in political and economic stability. The economy has displayed considerable growth and, partly stimulated by the IMF and the World Bank, several countries are embarking on privatization on a grand scale.2 Political and economic cooperation between the countries is taking the place of political and military rivalry. The time is ripe for a new attempt at integration on this continent. The overtures between Argentina and Brazil led to the establishment of Mercosur. Its economic (Mercosur is the fourth largest trade bloc in the world after the US, the EU, and Japan) and political importance have been recognized, especially by the EU. As early as 1996,3 an Interinstitutional Cooperation Agreement was concluded, an interregional framework agreement for cooperation between the EU Member States and Mercosur States parties.4 Since then, the EU-Mercosur Bi-regional Negotiations Committee (BNC)5 has already had ten meetings at which topics such as the free movement of goods, public procurement, investments, services, e-commerce, and conflict resolution were discussed. The US has never appreciated the attempts at integration in Latin America and has always striven to conclude separate free trade agreements with each individual country. The recent free trade agreement with Chile is a clear example.6
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Kanunnikov, Anatoly. "Non-governmental organizations and the EU—MERCOSUR trade agreement." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 1 (2020): 47–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0007758-2.
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Fracarolli, Guilherme Silva. "The Effects of Institutional Measures: Geographical Indication in Mercosur and the EU." Sustainability 13, no. 6 (March 21, 2021): 3476. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13063476.
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As agri-food markets become increasingly specialized, governments are provoked to provide these products legal support to protect their supply and trade sources. After several treaties, the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) Agreement was signed in 1995 as the broadest ever reached. The agreement allowed Geographical Indication (GI) of agri-food products to be targeted. The GIs of Mercosur and the European Union are very different in absolute and relative numbers, showing evidence of significant institutional participation difference. Thus, this work aims to compare the effects of institutional mechanisms promoted by Mercosur and the EU on this market by establishing an analysis framework based on the respective laws and agreements against demographic data. The results show that adherence to TRIPS is a necessary condition but not sufficient for its development. Adherence to the Lisbon Agreement also strengthens the capacity to sustain a substantial GI market. Additionally, the standardization of regulatory treatment and interventionist action helps stabilize and promote institutions in the GI market. Finally, this study concludes from the EU and Mercosur cases that a more robust, promotive and uniform system through its legal basis and dedicated structures results in more trustable institutions and potentially a more abundant market for GI products.
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Kamath, Rahul. "THE INCONSPICUOUS FUTURE OF THE EU - MERCOSUR FREE TRADE AGREEMENT." International Journal of Social Science and Economic Research 05, no. 04 (April 30, 2020): 906–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46609/ijsser.2020.v05i04.004.
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Tomazini, Rosana, Wilson Almeida, Nidi Bueno, and Rog�rio Lustosa. "THE ASSOCIATION AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE EU AND MERCOSUR: FAR BEYOND THAN A MERE FREE TRADE AGREEMENT." Review of Business Research 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 43–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18374/rbr-14-1.5.
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Blasetti, Roxana. "Geographical Indications: A Major Challenge for MERCOSUR." GRUR International 69, no. 11 (October 28, 2020): 1113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/grurint/ikaa124.
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Abstract This article focuses on the intellectual property chapter of the EU-MERCOSUR Free Trade Agreement. It is not intended to provide an exhaustive analysis of all the intellectual property rights involved but to go deeply into a specific matter, geographical indications, which is undoubtedly a controversial concession in the chapter. The entire free trade agreement negotiations took more than 20 years and ended in June 2019 with an ‘Agreement in principle’. From the very beginning it involved a red line for the MERCOSUR countries, namely the intellectual property chapter. This article will show the complexity of including the private rights of prior users (generic names, plant varieties and trademarks) as a trade-off for agricultural market access in negotiations mainly focused on tariff reduction and trade rules. In addition, the imbalance between the parties was deepened by the lack of regionally harmonized intellectual property standards within MERCOSUR. In this regard, the main objective of this article is to identify the legal challenges derived from the overlap of national, regional and bi-regional rules that the Mercosur countries will face when implementing the geographical indication commitments, given the bloc’s legal and institutional structure. Unlike tariff reduction, the commitments derived from the negotiation of private rights are a crucial issue. Against this background, some proposals are outlined to address how to determine a medium- and long-term strategy based on the needs of local producers to add value to their productions.
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Kehoe, Laura, Tiago N. P. dos Reis, Patrick Meyfroidt, Simon Bager, Ralf Seppelt, Tobias Kuemmerle, Erika Berenguer, et al. "Inclusion, Transparency, and Enforcement: How the EU-Mercosur Trade Agreement Fails the Sustainability Test." One Earth 3, no. 3 (September 2020): 268–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.oneear.2020.08.013.
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Sidorenko, Tatiana. "EU-MERCOSUR Trading Agreement as a Way of Promoting the Interests of National Business." IBEROAMERICA, no. 2 (2020): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.37656/s20768400-2020-2-03.
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Stryjek, Joanna. "Unia Europejska jako podmiot w procesie instytucjonalizacji stosunków międzynarodowych." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 2 (December 5, 2013): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2013.2.2.
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European Union is principal example of the so-called fourth current of institutionalization of international relations. What makes it special in the context of other state-like communities is the level of integration and what follows the level of institutionalization of intra-communal relations. There are two levels of institutionalization of intentional relations in integration organizations. On the first level international relations are institutionalized within the community of states. The second level concentrates on institutionalization of relations between the community and other subjects of international relations. The European Union is an example of organization that is advanced on both levels of institutionalization. This paper analyzes institutionalization of international relations between EU and developed states (Australia and New Zealand) and Mercosur – another integrational organization. Recommencement of negotiation between EU and Mercosur on a treaty of association, as well as commencement of negotiations between EU and Australia on the conditions of a Framework Agreement, have taken place at the moment when it was certain that world economy has to cope with the effects of a serious recession. Those actions, although they may seem irrational, are thoroughly rational as they increase the chances of reaching a compromise. Crisis helps to concentrate on the core problems and states (or organizations of states) are more willing in that distinctions to reach an agreement, provided that the balance tilts in their favor (even if the results of negotiations are very diff erent from what was assumed at the beginning).
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Fracarolli, Guilherme Silva. "Mapping Online Geographical Indication: Agrifood Products on E-Commerce Shelves of Mercosur and the European Union." Economies 9, no. 2 (May 28, 2021): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies9020084.
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The agrifood products market has never before contained as many niches than it does at this moment in history. The use of geographical indication (GIs) is one of the oldest ways of granting protection for and promoting these goods. Although they date back thousands of years, only since the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) agreement has there been a common understanding in regard to their use. Although the GI system has the same structure globally, each region shows different performance. Therefore, the influence of institutions in this market is still an enigma to be explored. In this work, we sought to compare the performance of Mercosur and the European Union in relation to GI products and categories in this exchange arena by analyzing e-retail supermarkets. To do so, we collected data from 44 online supermarkets from both economic blocs and analyzed the relevant attributes of the products offered. Then, we compared both blocs through the use of graphics and economic sociology tools. We present novel results relating to differences in GI performance, discuss the reasons for such differences and examine the construction of the market. Our results show that the EU had significantly more products than Mercosur and had a wider variety of GI products on e-retail shelves. Moreover, in the EU, the advertised products originated mainly from within the economic bloc, whereas the majority of GI products advertised in Mercosur originated primarily from abroad. This difference indicates to dominance of the EU’ systems, demonstrating that its institutions are effective in terms of trade and commerce development mechanisms. However, in both blocs, a restricted number of categories and registers were found.
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Heyl, Katharine, Felix Ekardt, Paula Roos, Jessica Stubenrauch, and Beatrice Garske. "Free Trade, Environment, Agriculture, and Plurilateral Treaties: The Ambivalent Example of Mercosur, CETA, and the EU–Vietnam Free Trade Agreement." Sustainability 13, no. 6 (March 13, 2021): 3153. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13063153.
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Transnational trade holds opportunities for prosperity and development if accompanied by a robust political and legal framework. Yet, where such a framework is missing, transnational trade is frequently associated with, among others, negative impacts on the environment. Applying a legal comparison, this article assesses if recent free trade agreements, i.e., the Mercosur Agreement, CETA and the EU–Vietnam Free Trade Agreement, negotiated by the European Union, have been underpinned with effective environmental standards so that they are in line with global environmental goals and avoid detrimental effects on climate and biodiversity. Besides that, we evaluate the extent to which these agreements at least enable and incentivise environmental pioneering policies in the trading Parties. In particular, we discuss the likely impacts of the agreements on the agricultural sector. The analysis finds that, while a few mandatory standards concerning, e.g., deforestation have been established, overall, the agreements lack a comprehensive legal framework to uphold/enhance environmental protection. Moreover, weak dispute settlement mechanisms to ensure compliance with sustainability measures limits their effectiveness. In addition, the provisions on regulatory cooperation and investor-state dispute settlement are likely to negatively affect the decision-making processes and (thus) discourage ecological pioneering policies in the trading Parties. Hence, there is a long way to go so that transnational trade is compatible with global environmental goals.
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Tayar, Violetta. "EU-Latin America: Towards a Constructive Model of Partnership." Contemporary Europe 99, no. 6 (November 1, 2020): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope6202090100.
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The article deals with the future-oriented forms in the bi-regional partnership between the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). The author analyses changes in the cooperation on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean with special attention to the geo-economic and geo-strategic interests of the parties due to the signing of the EU-Mercosur Trade Agreement. The author holds that the EU currently needs a renewed approach to its dialogue with the LAC. In this regard a promising form of cooperation is the joint implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (agenda 2030). The author argues that the official development assistance and environmental programmes might be an important component of a constructive EU-LAC partnership. The EU currently implements a wide range of initiatives in sustainable development. Thus, the members of European Union seek to move forward to a new pattern of reproduction in the world economic system, based on the SDG agenda, both within the EU and in the interregional North-South cooperation. In this context, the significance of the EU and the LAC interaction in three dimensions of sustainable development ‒ economic, social and ecological – is growing.
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Hinojosa, Leonith. "EU-Mercosur Trade Agreement: Potential Impacts on Rural Livelihoods and Gender (with Focus on Bio-fuels Feedstock Expansion)." Sustainability 1, no. 4 (November 26, 2009): 1120–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su1041120.
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Carstens, Margret. "Indigene Landrechte in Zeiten des Klimawandels und der Verhandlung um das Freihandelsabkommen Mercosur am Beispiel Brasilien." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 53, no. 2 (2020): 116–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-2020-2-116.
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How to assess the issue of indigenous land rights in the face of man-made climate change and Amazon fires? How to classify the EU free trade agreement „Mercosur“ and relevant climate, environmental and indigenous rights? What are legal opportunities for indigenous people(s) on the international, inter-American and EU level, to prevent the loss of land and forests, and to protect themselves from climate change? On the basis of indigenous land and environmental rights in Brazil and reactions to the Amazon fires, environmental regulations of the "Mercosur Pact" as well as concerned human and indigenous rights are discussed. Further, this article deals with relevant inter-American law (individual indigenous land rights) and international law (collective land rights). Environmental and climate law provide legal and political options for indigenous people(s), for instance in Brasil. Negative impacts of climate actions on indigenous peoples, the competition between environmental protection areas and indigenous territories, the inclusion of indigenous knowledge in sustainable environmental protection and the allocation of Global Public Goods are discussed. There are various interactions between climate and biodiversity protection, human rights, indigenous peoples rights, and free trade between the EU and South America. While protecting forests as a carbon sink, negative environmental or social consequences must be avoided. Like trade agreements, environmental standards for the protection of the Brazilian Amazon rain forest should be enforceable. To reduce deforestation and to confine the effects of climate change, indigenous peoples rights have to be strengthened. The free, prior, and informed consent of indigenous peoples to projects that may affect their territories is essential. It requires effective, coordinated solutions to protect human rights and indigenous land rights, and it needs a sustainable preservation of climate and forests - nationally and internationally. A collapse of the Amazon forest ecosystem would have global climate effects. In Brazil, alternatives to deforestation and destruction are: strengthening the rule of law and agro-ecology, and to defend indigenous territories.
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Mansfield, Edward D., and Helen V. Milner. "The New Wave of Regionalism." International Organization 53, no. 3 (1999): 589–627. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081899551002.
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Economic regionalism appears to be growing rapidly. Why this has occurred and what bearing it will have on the global economy are issues that have generated considerable interest and disagreement. Some observers fear that regional economic institutions—such as the European Union (EU), the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Mercosur, and the organization of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)—will erode the multilateral system that has guided economic relations since the end of World War II, promoting protectionism and conflict. Others argue that regional institutions will foster economic openness and bolster the multilateral system. This debate has stimulated a large and influential body of research by economists on regionalism's welfare implications.
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Enciso Cano, Víctor Ramón. "Evaluación del impacto comercial de las materias primas: una mirada al Acuerdo de Asociación Regional (AAR) entre UE-MERCOSUR." Investigación Agraria 18, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 61–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18004/investig.agrar.2016.diciembre.61-69.
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Zayats, O. І. "TRADE AND COMPETITIVE COOPERATION OF THE EU WITH THE MAJOR INTERNATIONAL INTEGRATION GROUPINGS." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 143 (2020): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2020.143.1.57-68.
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The article examines the current interaction, convergence and the state of formalization of trade and competitive cooperation between the largest international integration groupings, namely, negotiating the free trade area between them and determining the possible prospects for the development of transregional integration. The aim of the study is to analyze the main trends of free trade zones and agreements between the European Union (EU), United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), South American economic organization (MERCOSUR), the impact of transregional integration on trade and investment activities of Member States and integration groupings in general. The analysis of current trends has indicated the strengthening of the momentum of the negotiations on free trade zones between international integration groupings and the establishment of the major global trend: the number and types of agreements on trade and economic cooperation not only between countries, but also between interstate integration groupings are growing, new free trade zones are being announced, and the range of concepts regarding competitive advantages is being extended. It has been determined that trade and competitive interaction of the global economy creates a stable platform for building up both economic and competitive force, which leads to global economic development and enhances hypercompetition. It has been proved that trade and competitive convergence of interstate integration groupings leads to new forms and mechanisms of activities organization and as a result, the prospects for the consolidation of free trade zones are emerging. Thus, the competitive position of international integration associations in the global economy is being strengthened due to active development of economic and trade cooperation, not only within the grouping of Member States, but also in the parallel process of interaction with non-Member States and with international integration groupings.
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Zhang, Sheng. "Human Rights and International Investment Agreements: How to Bridge the Gap?" Chinese Journal of Comparative Law 7, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 457–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjcl/cxz019.
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Abstract Although an increasing number of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) now incorporate the concept of sustainable development, direct reference to human rights is still rare and remains embryonic. A close look at the positions held by some representative groups and countries, including the European Union (EU), the USA, China, India, South Africa, and Mercosur, reveals that the reference to human rights features divergence. The divided positions held by these groups or countries reveal the difficulties of operationalizing human rights obligations into international investment rule making. Even among developed countries or economies, a consistent approach to human rights is yet to be found. Based on these observations, this article proposes a number of pragmatic solutions to bridge the gap between these divided positions. In order to synergize international investment treaty regimes on human rights, internal engagement, including the reform of BIT dispute settlement regimes, and external engagement, including dialogues among stakeholders, should be made.
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Khvan, Maria Sergeyevna. "Brazilian Foreign Policy under Jair Bolsonaro." Общество: философия, история, культура, no. 11 (November 13, 2020): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/fik.2020.11.14.
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The paper focuses on the analysis of Brazilian for-eign policy under Jair Bolsonaro since his inaugura-tion as president in January 2019 up to the present moment. This study examines Jair Bolsonaro’s per-sonality and the influence of Brazilian president’s certain character traits on foreign policy decisions. The author concludes that Jair Bolsonaro has won presidential election in autumn 2018 largely due to disenchantment of Brazilians with socially oriented public policy. Due to the fact that Jair Bolsonaro adheres to the right-wing radical views, thinks of himself as anti-globalist and advocates the devel-opment of bilateral relations at the expense of multi-lateral ones, even before he came to power re-searchers and political experts had predicted Brazil’s rapprochement with the USA, Italy and Israel, a cold snap in bilateral relations with China, a coming rup-ture in relations with Cuba and Venezuela and Bra-zil’s withdrawal from the UN, the OAS, Mercosur, UNASUR and the BRICS. Reality, however, turned out to be much more challenging and the forecasts of political experts came true only partially. Since from the very beginning J. Bolsonaro was supported by such various groups as the military, evangelicals, representatives of agribusiness, economists, they often suggested to him absolutely contradictory foreign policy decisions. As a result, almost any step in the international arena was replaced by a retreat: criticism of China's expansion was followed by the signing of economic agreements with him, after the announcement of the intention to move the embas-sy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, followed by visits to Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE. Although J. Bolsonaro criticized multilateral diplomacy, he achieved the signing of agreements between Mer-cosur and the EU, Mercosur and EFTA. Nevertheless, the President of Brazil has invariably adhered to the course of automatic alignment with the United States and developed relations mainly with regimes close to him in ideology. It is difficult to judge how correct this strategy was, but in the future the Brazil-ian government must first of all be guided by the interests of the country, remember the need for its autonomy and economic prosperity.
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POWERS, KATHY, and GARY GOERTZ. "The economic-institutional construction of regions: conceptualisation and operationalisation." Review of International Studies 37, no. 5 (June 2, 2011): 2387–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510001762.
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AbstractThe international relations literature on regionalism, both in economic and security issues, has grown dramatically over the last 15 years. One of the ongoing issues discussed in most articles and books is the conceptualisation of ‘region’. Instead of thinking about regions using notions of interdependence and interaction we take a social constructivist approach, whereby states themselves define regions via the construction of regional economic institutions (REI). We explore how a conceptualisation of region based on REIs contrasts with various related concepts such as regional system, and regional IGO. Empirically, we show that most all countries belong to at least one important regional economic institution, REI, (for example, EU, Mercosur, ASEAN, etc). In short, the world is dividing itself into regions by the creation of regional economic institutions. We contrast our economic-institutional approach to regions with Buzan and Wæver's ‘regional security complexes’ which is based on security dependence. There are interesting agreements and disagreements between their approach and our economic-institutional approach to defining regions. It is perhaps not surprising that many REIs have taken on security roles, which we briefly show by looking at military alliances embedded in REIs. This suggests that policymakers are creating regions through institutional innovations that link economic and security issues.
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Razumovskii, D. "Latin American Integration and Extra-Region Cooperation. Prospects for Russia." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2015): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-8-82-91.
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Extra-regional contacts of Latin American integration unions have been actively developing over last decades. Generally it was the effect of a globalization process. Regional platforms have been created for multi-format cooperation both with separate countries and unions. The motives of inter-union cooperation are the efforts of developing countries to strengthen their bargain power and the requirement to expand export markets. The experience of such partnership between Latin America and different regions allows to define several models characterized by different mechanisms and instruments of a dialogue development (LAC–EU, LAC–US and “South–South” cooperation). There are different approaches to economic integration with extra-regional partners among Latin American unions and countries. A number of them follow open and flexible trade policy, while other establish preferential blocks with restrictions on bilateral trade negotiations. Until now Russia preferred to develop bilateral relations with its key allies in Latin America without building close ties with integration unions. But current geopolitical and economic situation encourages Russia to establish such partnership agreements with regional organizations, which are the rising power on the regional and global scene. Without it the full development of economic and political ties between both regions and their association on the international scene would be complicated. The fact that Eurasian Economic Commission recently launched the negotiations process with MERCOSUR demonstrates that Latin American unions start to be considered as prospective partners. In the future, Eurasian Economic Commission can serve as the main platform for bi-regional partnership.
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Tsapenko, Irina Pavlovna. "Regionalization of Migration." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (November 28, 2017): 70–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-70-85.
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Regionalization of migration is not a new phenomenon, which is developing alongside its globalization. The globalization of migration driven by the increased migration interdependence between labor-surplus and laborshortage countries, is manifested in the growth of the number of countries participating in the population exchange and the number of international migrants, foundation of the support framework of the global migration governance, etc. At the same time, the level of liberalization of migration flows is significantly lower than that of commercial and financial flows. The territorial mobility is reducing, that may be seen as a symptom of the attenuation of globalization of people’s movements. The aggravation of contradictions between sending and receiving countries hinders the development of global migration governance. In contrast the regionalization of migration has been increasing markedly over the previous decades. It is being revealed in the growth of people’s movements on the territories of the global North and even more in areas of the South which house more migrants from the developing regions of the world than the North. The enlargement of regional flows leads to the emergence of the major donors of migrants in the North and major recipients of migrants in the South as well as enhances the relevance of the consequences of emigration for the sending countries in the North and the effects of immigration for the receiving countries in the South. The low efficiency of unilateral measures of migration governance and the lack of global partnership in this field make increasingly important the regulation of population movements at the sub-global level. The cooperation between the countries concerned is being carried out both in a formal format within the integration associations and by means of informal regional consultative process. The rules governing migration issues are being increasingly included into regional multilateral agreements. The most developed regional regulation system of migration is created have within the EU, followed with a wide margin by the MERCOSUR, ЕАEU and ASEAN. Although the regional consultative process is not binding for participating countries, it contributes to moving from de facto to de jure policy coherence in migration governance. Given the inevitable obstacles to the territorial expansion of such regional organizations and to the creation of global alliances modelled on them, regional migration regulation will remain an integral element of the architecture of the future global governance.
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Theoduloz Duarte, Santiago. "Investor-State Dispute Settlement under review; current challenges, lack of regulation in the EU-MERCOSUR agreement and basis for the EU-UK and UK-MERCOSUR FTAs." Rev. secr. Trib. perm. revis., August 17, 2020, 182–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.16890/rstpr.a8.n16.p182.
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Investment treaties aim to protect the rights of foreign investors and provide legal certainty, generally including an Investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) system. The increase of criticism towards ISDS -which reached its highest point during the EU-US TTIP negotiations- brought up different concerns. As a result, the Investment Court System (ICS) was developed and incorporated for the first time in the CETA between Canada and the EU, and then in other Free-Trade Agreements (FTA) signed by the EU. However, in the EU-MERCOSUR FTA there is no regulation of a dispute settlement mechanism between investors and States parties.Currently, the United Kingdom (UK) is leaving the EU and negotiations of a new deal with the EU are being developed. In the next stages, the UK will most likely reach different agreements with sovereign states and others commercial blocks. In this sense, there is a possibility that a future EU-UK and UK-MERCOSUR agreement will need to consider whether the ISDS or the ICS will be adopted. Also, MERCOSUR will need to analyse which system it will be willing to adopt in the future in case a dispute settlement between investors and States is adopted, and could even explore a system that includes aspects of both the ISDS and the ICS.
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Pucheta, Mauro, César Álvarez Alonso, and Carlos Ruiz Macho. "Food Security Measures and Labor Regulations in the EU-MERCOSUR Agreement: An Overview of the Legal Challenges." Rev. secr. Trib. perm. revis., August 17, 2020, 224–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.16890/rstpr.a8.n16.p224.
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In June 2019, the European Union and Mercosur reached a political agreement in order to sign a comprehensive free trade agreement (FTA), which aims to increase interregional trade and to further develop cooperation in non-commercial areas, such as food security and labor regulations. The EU has a normative power through which it intends to export its values and standards. Upon the ratification of this agreement, MERCOSUR and its Member States will certainly need to reform their legal orders so as to align themselves with the food security international standards such as the International Union for the Protection of New Plant Varieties. It may also have an impact upon intellectual property regulations. Labor standards constitute another key aspect of the non-commercial interests of this agreement. In order to avoid social dumping, the EU may require MERCOSUR Member States to ratify ILO Conventions such as the 87 – which has not been ratified by Brazil yet – in order to guarantee a level playing field. Since the final text is currently being discussed, the impact of this agreement will largely depend upon the political will of both parties.
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Follador, Marco, Britaldo Silveira Soares-Filho, George Philippidis, Juliana Leroy Davis, Amanda Ribeiro de Oliveira, and Raoni Rajão. "Brazil’s sugarcane embitters the EU-Mercosur trade talks." Scientific Reports 11, no. 1 (July 2, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/s41598-021-93349-8.
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AbstractThe Brazilian government’s decision to open the Amazon biome to sugarcane expansion reignited EU concerns regarding the sustainability of Brazil’s sugar sector, hindering the ratification of the EU-Mercosur trade agreement. Meanwhile, in the EU, certain conventional biofuels face stricter controls, whilst uncertainty surrounding the commercialisation of more sustainable advanced-biofuels renders bioethanol as a short- to medium-term fix. This paper examines Brazil’s land-use changes and associated greenhouse gas emissions arising from an EU driven ethanol import policy and projections for other 13 biocommodities. Results suggest that Brazil’s sugarcane could satisfy growing ethanol demand and comply with EU environmental criteria, since almost all sugarcane expansion is expected to occur on long-established pasturelands in the South and Midwest. However, expansion of sugarcane is also driven by competition for viable lands with other relevant commodities, mainly soy and beef. As a result, deforestation trends in the Amazon and Cerrado biomes linked to soy and beef production could jeopardize Brazil’s contribution to the Paris agreement with an additional 1 ± 0.3 billion CO2eq tonnes above its First NDC target by 2030. Trade talks with a narrow focus on a single commodity could thus risk unsustainable outcomes, calling for systemic sustainability benchmarks, should the deal be ratified.
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Timini, Jacopo, and Francesca Viani. "A highway Across the Atlantic? Trade and Welfare Effects of the EU-Mercosur Agreement." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3659242.
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Mcneill, Jeffrey. "Exporting environmental objectives or erecting trade barriers in recent EU free trade agreements." Australian and New Zealand Journal of European Studies 12, no. 1 (February 5, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.30722/anzjes.vol12.iss1.15077.
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The European Union (EU) has historically sought to influence environmental policies of other countries through multilateral environmental agreements. Under its 7th Environmental Action Plan and Trade for All strategy it now seeks to extend its environmental policy projection through trade; its recent free trade agreements now contain chapters addressing environment and sustainable development. However, by adopting high environmental standards the EU can also advance its own economic interests suggesting an ambiguous motivation. The recent Korean, Japanese and Canadian FTAs and the Mercosur agreements are examined in order to place the extent of this environmental turn within the context of economic advantage. The finding is that while environmental protection provisions in these FTAs may have environmental benefits, they may also serve EU domestic economic interests. This motivation has implications for new FTA negotiations, such as those with New Zealand and Australia, and now the UK.
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Galperin, Hernan. "Cultural Industries in the Age of Free-Trade Agreements." Canadian Journal of Communication 24, no. 1 (January 1, 1999). http://dx.doi.org/10.22230/cjc.1999v24n1a1082.
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Abstract: This paper examines how cultural industries have been integrated into different free-trade /regional integration agreements. The cases of NAFTA, the EU, MERCOSUR, and GATT are compared. Each of these trade agreements has combined liberalization, co-operation, and exemption in unique ways, resulting in different policy outcomes. Industry structure, domestic communication policies, and cultural factors are explored in order to account for each country's trade agenda and the achievements of regional initiatives in the audiovisual sector. The conclusion identifies several common issues for audiovisual policies in free-trade /regional integration agreements and proposes a framework to renew the debate over cultural trade that goes beyond the free flow of information versus cultural protectionism deadlock. Résumé: Cet article analyse le traitement accordé aux industries culturelles dans différents accords de libre échange régionaux. Il compare l'ALENA, l'Union européenne, le MERCOSUR et le GATT. Chacun de ces accords commerciaux présente une combinaison particulière de libéralisation, coopération et exemptions, et mène à des politiques différentes. La structure industrielle, les politiques de communication et les facteurs culturels servent à expliquer les différences entre les objectifs de ces politiques, et les résultats des diverses politiques régionales dans le secteur audio-visuel. La conclusion identifie les problèmes communs confrontés par ces politiques audio-visuelles dans le cadre des accords de libre échange régionaux, et propose un cadre permettant de renouveler le débat sur le commerce des biens culturels afin de dépasser les blocages résultant de l'opposition actuelle entre libre échange et protectionnisme culturel.
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Gough, Gordon M., and Sivakumar Venkataramany. "Regional Economic Cooperation." International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 5, no. 2 (February 17, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v5i2.3457.
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Free trade agreements are an essential segment of the global economy. Regional economic cooperation is the fuel firing the push towards a global economy. Nations will need to belong to some type of regional economic cooperation unit to compete with other regionally aligned nations. This article provides three factors (1) an overview of the qualifications that exist regarding FTAs, (2) comparison of the four largest FTAs (EU, NAFTA, MERCOSUR, and ASEAN), and (3) FTAs effect on global foreign policy. These factors demonstrate the vitality of a regional future.