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Journal articles on the topic 'EU Parliament'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 September 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2025

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1

Ott, Andrea. "The European Parliament's Role in EU Treaty-Making." Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 23, no. 6 (2016): 1009–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x1602300606.

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The European Parliament's role in EU external relations and treaty-making has increased over the years through constitutional practice and Treaty amendments. Finally, with the Treaty of Lisbon, the European Parliament's constitutional rights in treaty-making establish – in the words of the European Court of Justice (CJEU) – ‘symmetry between legislation-making and treaty-making in compliance with institutional balance provided for by the Treaties’. In a comparative overview, the European Parliament has ascertained more extensive powers over treaty-making compared to the majority of national pa

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Jancic, Davor. "The French Parliament: A European Scrutineer or National Actor?" European Public Law 19, Issue 1 (2013): 129–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2013007.

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With the Treaty of Lisbon in force, the expectation for national parliaments to democratize EU decision making has risen tangibly. This raises the question of the relationship between them and the European Parliament, as two channels of EU legitimation. The main argument of this article is that, in circumstances of high political salience of EU initiatives, national parliaments can be deemed to be European actors, performing their constitutional functions within a broader EU legal order as direct counterparts of EU institutions. To demonstrate this, we delve into the French Parliament's scruti

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Grigoreva, Oksana V., and Nikita O. Plyusnin. "The danish parliament as an actor of Denmark’s foreign policy towards the EU and Russia: a comparative analysis, 2005—2019." Baltic Region 12, no. 1 (2020): 68–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2020-1-5.

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The growing number of participants in foreign policy decision-making calls for a study of the forces affecting the behaviour of states in the international arena. In contemporary states, parliaments are increasingly challenging the exclusive prerogatives of executive power in foreign and defence policy. Many experts stress that the powers of the Danish Parliament in these fields are among the most considerable in the world. The question is, however, whether these powers are exercised in the same manner towards different states and regions. This article aims to find out how the Danish Parliamen

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Martynov, Andrii. "The political system of European Union after European Parliament Election of 2019." European Historical Studies, no. 14 (2019): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.15-30.

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The politics of the European Union are different from other organizations and states due to the unique nature of the EU. The common institutions mix the intergovernmental and supranational aspects of the EU. The EU treaties declare the EU to be based on representative democracy and direct elections take place to the European Parliament. The Parliament, together with the European Council, works for the legislative arm of the EU. The Council is composed of national governments thus representing the intergovernmental nature of the European Union. The central theme of this research is the influenc

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Scotti, Valentina Rita. "The eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee and Turkey’s eu Accession Process." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (2016): 196–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341337.

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After the Treaties of Rome in 1957, Turkey started negotiations with the European Communities to define a framework for cooperation. The result was the Ankara Agreement (1965), which established economic cooperation and provided for an eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (jpc), conceived as a discussion forum to encourage the democratic transition of Turkey. This article analyses the main phases and obstacles in Turkey’s accession process, focusing on relations between the European Parliament and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, and on the effectiveness of European Parliament and jpc

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Zaslavskaya, Natalia. "Appointment of the European Commission as an indicator of European integration development." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 14, no. 2 (2021): 182–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.204.

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The article examines the evolution of the European Commission appointment procedure in the context of the institutional balance between the Council of the EU, the European Parliament and the European Commission. The growing influence of the European Parliament on the appointment of the Commission and the nomination of its President is described as an indicator of the development of integration because it demonstrates how the EU supranational institutional system moves closer to the institutional systems of nation states. The European Parliament has gained power similar to national parliaments.

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Meissner, Katharina Luise. "Brexit under Scrutiny in EU Member States: What Role for National Parliaments in Austria and Germany?" Politics and Governance 7, no. 3 (2019): 279–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i3.2007.

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Among national parliaments (NPs) in the EU, the Austrian Nationalrat and the German Bundestag stand out as strong legislatures in EU affairs. Both parliaments have used their rights to great extent in recent EU negotiations on international agreements such as the one with Canada on a Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement. Yet, in the negotiations with the UK their involvement varies. Why is this so? Scholarly work on Brexit so far focused on the European Parliament or the UK parliament, while attention to NPs in the EU27 is scarce. This article fills this void in research by tracing the A

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Benedetto, Giacomo. "The EU budget after Lisbon: rigidity and reduced spending?" Journal of Public Policy 33, no. 3 (2013): 345–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x13000172.

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AbstractThis article examines the changes of the Lisbon Treaty to the rules on agreeing the European Union's (EU) annual budget and multiannual financial framework. The comparative budgets literature as well as theories of agenda-setting, veto players and empowerment of the European Parliament inform the analysis of how the EU's budgetary powers changed and the likely outcomes on spending. Overall, the powers of the European Parliament are reduced, the budget becomes more inflexible and, most significantly, the rules of the Lisbon Treaty have the effect of reducing the amounts available to spe

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Jensen, Mads Dagnis, and Dorte Martinsen. "Out of Time? National Parliaments and Early Decision-Making in the European Union." Government and Opposition 50, no. 2 (2014): 240–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.20.

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Co-decisions between the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament are increasingly adopted as early agreements. Recent EU studies have pinpointed how this informal turn in EU governance has altered the existing balance of power between EU actors and within EU institutions. However, the implications of accelerated EU decision-making are expected to have repercussions beyond the EU system and in other institutions impinging on the role of national parliaments. This study examines the implications of an alteration of EU political time on national parliaments’ ability to scrutinize their e

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Auel, Katrin. "Eurosceptics into the Limelight? Eurosceptic Parliamentary Actors and Media Bias in EU Affairs." Politics and Governance 7, no. 3 (2019): 248–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i3.2159.

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In the spotlight for some time now, the potential of national parliaments to legitimise EU politics has become even more salient given the growing politicisation and public contestation of EU issues. Their ability to realise this potential depends, however, vitally on citizens being actually aware of parliamentary involvement in EU affairs. Academic as well as political attention has therefore more recently turned to the communication function of parliaments, and here the media play a crucial role. Important is not only whether EU parliamentary affairs are covered in the media, but also <em

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Auel, Katrin, Olga Eisele, and Lucy Kinski. "What Happens in Parliament Stays in Parliament? Newspaper Coverage of National Parliaments in EU Affairs." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 56, no. 3 (2017): 628–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12685.

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Maurer, Andreas. "The European Parliament, the national parliaments and the EU Conventions." Politique européenne 9, no. 1 (2003): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/poeu.009.0076.

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Woźniakowski, Tomasz P. "Accountability in EU Economic Governance: European Commissioners in Polish Parliament." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (2021): 155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4335.

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This article analyses the interactions between the members of the Polish parliament with the European commissioners in the context of the European Semester, the annual cycle of economic coordination. The Commission drafts crucial documents in this process which assess the implementation of the Country Specific Recommendations (CSRs): the Annual (Sustainable) Growth Survey and the Country Reports. The goal of this article is to assess how the Commission is held to account by a national parliament and how this affects the level of implementation of CSRs. The findings suggest that the Commission

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Dominioni, Goran, Alberto Quintavalla, and Alessandro Romano. "Trust spillovers among national and European institutions." European Union Politics 21, no. 2 (2020): 276–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116519897835.

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In this article, we study spillovers in political trust between the national parliaments of 15 Member States and the European Commission, the European Parliament and the European Central Bank in the period 2000–2015. We show that in most instances spillovers between the national parliaments and the European Commission and the European Parliament are bidirectional, asymmetric, and change over time and place. A corollary of these findings is that simultaneously achieving high level of trust in institutions at different levels of governance may require a deeper understanding of the complex inter-

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Ceyssens, Jan. "The European Parliament and the Implementation of EU Environmental Policies: the Case of the Spanish Water Plan." Journal for European Environmental & Planning Law 2, no. 3 (2005): 204–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187601005x00309.

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AbstractThis article examines the European Parliament's ability to scrutinize and control the implementation of EU Environmental law by national authorities, taking as an example the Spanish Water Plan - a major infrastructure plan which allegedly infringed several EU Directives and was ultimately abandoned last year. The article gives an overview of the European Parliament's main powers to scrutinize and control policy implementation, and analyses how Members of the European Parliament used them to control the implementation of EU Environmental law in the case of the Spanish Water Plan. It co

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Neuhold, Christine, and Guri Rosén. "Introduction to “Out of the Shadows, Into the Limelight: Parliaments and Politicisation”." Politics and Governance 7, no. 3 (2019): 220–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i3.2443.

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The Lisbon Treaty gave the European Parliament extensive new powers and its consent is now required for the vast majority of EU international agreements. At the same time, national parliaments—and even regional ones—are increasingly asserting their powers over areas of European governance that were traditionally dominated by the executive. Exerting influence and conducting oversight is time-consuming, however. Particularly at the EU-level parliaments cannot influence or scrutinise every policy dossier with equal rigour. A key factor directing parliamentary attention seems to be the ‘politicisa

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Delputte, Sarah, Cristina Fasone, and Fabio Longo. "The Diplomatic Role of the European Parliament’s Standing Committees, Delegations and Assemblies: Insights from acp–eu Inter-Parliamentary Cooperation." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (2016): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341338.

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This article focuses on the contribution that the European Parliament’s standing committees, delegations and inter-parliamentary assemblies make as diplomatic actors in the post-Lisbon Treaty period. These three types of bodies and institutions are grouped together, because in practice they work in complementary ways. The committees play a coordinating role, the delegations act as ‘embassies on the move’ and the participation of the European Parliament in inter-parliamentary assemblies represents the clearest institutional sign of the European Parliament’s external action. The article focuses

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Kuta, Martin. "Party Politics Triumph over Substantive Scrutiny and Principled Policy: Examining Czech MPs’ Voting Behaviour in Regard to EU Affairs." New Perspectives 23, no. 1 (2015): 97–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x1502300105.

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The paper deals with the European dimension of the competition and contention between Czech political parties and argues that domestic party interests undermine the formal oversight of EU politics by the Czech national parliament. Within the current institutional arrangements, national political parties assume stances – which are expressed through voting – towards the European Union (and European integration as such) as they act in the arena of national parliaments that are supposed to make the EU more accountable in its activities. Based on an analysis of roll-calls, the paper focuses on the

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19

Dyevre, Arthur. "The French Parliament and European." European Public Law 18, Issue 3 (2012): 527–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2012030.

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Through successive constitutional reforms over the past two decades, French parliamentarians have gained new rights and instruments to monitor policy-making at EU level and to exert tighter scrutiny over the executive branch. Yet the more structural and long-standing obstacles to the reparliamentarization of EU issues have not been removed, which explains why the reforms have failed to deliver the hoped-for Europeanization of parliamentary debates. While some progress has undoubtedly been made - notably with respect to MPs' access to information and expertise on EU legislative proposals - Parl

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Shapovalov, Serhii. "Individual-level factors influencing voter turnout in the 2014 European Parliament election." Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing, stmm 2019 (3) (September 12, 2019): 142–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/sociology2019.03.142.

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The participation of EU citizens in the European Parliament elections is much lower than in the national elections and differs significantly across the EU member states. The articled is aimed at finding out the factors that influence the participation of EU citizens in the elections to the European Parliament. The study outlines the theoretical approaches to understanding the phenomenon of the European Parliament elections and the assumptions of researchers about the factors that may influence the electoral activity of citizens. According to second-order elections theory by Karlheinz Reif and

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Wiberg, Matti, and Tapio Raunio. "Strong parliament of a small eu member state: The Finnish parliament's adaptation to the EU." Journal of Legislative Studies 2, no. 4 (1996): 302–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572339608420489.

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22

LEE, JIN WOO. "New Efforts to Promote Labor Rights: focusing on the Supply Chain Due Diligence Laws of European Member States & the EU Parliament's Supply Chain Due Diligence Directive." Korean Association of Area Studies 41, no. 2 (2023): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.29159/kjas.41.2.1.

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The issue of labor rights violations by multinational corporations has emerged as a serious international problem. Accordingly, the international community discussed how to regulate labor rights violations by multinational companies and strengthen their responsibility to protect labor rights. Various efforts and attempts to protect human rights at the level of multinational corporations, global governance and international organizations, and advanced countries have resulted in preventing violations of labor rights by multinational corporations and enhancing labor rights. However, there were de

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Grip, Lina. "The European Parliament and WMD Non-proliferation: Policy-Making Processes and Decision-Making Outcomes." European Foreign Affairs Review 18, Special Issue (2013): 563–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2013041.

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This article analyses the institutional context of the European Parliament and its powers to influence European Union (EU) policy related to weapons of mass destruction (WMD) non-proliferation. It explores the ways in which the Parliament has influenced policy by using its consultative, budgetary and legislative powers and concludes that while the outcomes to date have been modest, the Parliament's enhanced legislative powers make it an important actor in fulfilling the EU's objectives related to WMD non-proliferation, if it can overcome key institutional constraints.

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Potorski, Radosław, and Joanna Marszałek-Kawa. "Uczestnictwo Sejmu i Senatu w procedurze kontroli przestrzegania zasady subsydiarności a przyszłość parlamentów narodowych w procesach decyzyjnych Unii Europejskiej." Przegląd Sejmowy 3(176) (2023): 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2023.189.

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The dispute over the division of powers and the burden of competence presumption between the European Union and its Member States has been going on practically from the very beginning of the integration process and has become an immanent part of the political system of the EU and of the decision-making process functioning within its framework. One of the most important steps to clarify this issue was the introduction of the principle of subsidiarity, which clearly indicated the mode in which institutions of the EU could exercise specific powers when shaping public policies. Another step was th

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Shaw, Jo. "The Political Representation of Europe's Citizens: Developments." European Constitutional Law Review 4, no. 1 (2008): 162–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019608001624.

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What is a ‘European’ Parliament and who should vote for it? Should it be the ‘citizens’ of the European Union alone? If so, should it be all EU citizens, or only those who are resident in the member states? Or should the electorate include potentially all residents in the member states which comprise the EU and who are thus affected by decisions taken in the Parliament? Does anyone have a ‘right’ to vote for the European Parliament? And who should decide who votes for the European Parliament – the member states, or the EU itself? In other words, is there a single European concept of the Europe

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Woźnicki, Tomasz. "Współpraca międzyparlamentarna w świetle art. 13. Traktatu o stabilności, koordynacji i zarządzaniu w Unii Gospodarczej i Walutowej." Przegląd Europejski, no. 3-2015 (January 31, 2016): 132–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.15.7.

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The article presents the most important changes which were made to the EU inter-parliamentary cooperation by article 13 of the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union (so-called Fiscal Compact). Author analyses the decision made by the Conference of Speakers of the EU Parliaments in April 2013 in Nicosia establishing the new conference under article 13 of the Treaty and presents conclusions from the first two years of the functioning of the conference. In particular, the author refers to the relations between national parliaments and European Parliam

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Rakutienė, Sima, and Ingrida Unikaitė-Jakuntavičienė. "How do Lithuanian Citizens Perceive the European Parliament? EU Legitimacy Issue and Trust in the European Parliament." Croatian international relations review 26, no. 87 (2020): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37173/cirr.26.87.3.

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This article examines the problem of legitimacy within the EU political system and focuses on the political power and recognition of the only one directly elected EU institution – the European Parliament. Historically, being the weaker house of the EU legislative system, throughout the last decades, the European Parliament has increased the political authority dramatically. These political changes should have risen the participation of the EU citizens in the elections and the legitimacy of this EU institution. Analysing the Lithuanian case, based on the qualitative interviewing of politicians

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Kadysheva, Olga. "The role of parliamentary control in ensuring the effective functioning of EU and EAEU institutions." Sravnitel noe konstitucionnoe obozrenie 33, no. 2 (2024): 4–18. https://doi.org/10.21128/1812-7126-2024-2-4-18.

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The need for effective parliamentary oversight at the level of an integration association as a whole is becoming increasingly acute. National parliaments within the framework of the integration process are not part of the institutional system of the European Union or the Eurasian Economic Union and cannot participate in the rule-making process at the Union level. They also cannot control the executive authorities of the EU and the EAEU with regard to issues transferred to the level of the Union, thus falling into de facto isolation in integration processes and becoming a kind of “victim of int

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&NA;. "EU Parliament approves pharma legislative package." Inpharma Weekly &NA;, no. 1419 (2004): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2165/00128413-200414190-00005.

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Scott, Andrew. "EU Parliament vote on genetic modification." Genome Biology 4 (2003): spotlight—20030703–02. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/gb-spotlight-20030703-02.

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Kysela, Jan. "Smlouva zakládající Ústavu pro Evropu jako smlouva podle čl. 10a Ústavy české republiky a role národních parlamentů v ní." AUC IURIDICA 50, no. 1 (2025): 59–73. https://doi.org/10.14712/23366478.2025.31.

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The substance of European integration is very dynamic. One of the most important steps of this process is the draft of the Treaty establishing the Constitution for Europe. The Czech Republic participated in the work and debates of the Convention on the Future of Europe through the activity of representatives of both chambers of the Parliament and the Government. These bodies also reflected and discussed the draft of the constitutional treaty, however by different ways. The Government and the Senate elaborated complex positions in written form, the House of Deputies only debated the draft in co

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Manow, Philip, and Holger Döring. "Electoral and Mechanical Causes of Divided Government in the European Union." Comparative Political Studies 41, no. 10 (2007): 1349–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007304674.

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Voters who participate in elections to the European Parliament (EP) apparently use these elections to punish their domestic governing parties. Many students of the EU therefore claim that the party—political composition of the Parliament should systematically differ from that of the EU Council. This study shows that opposed majorities between council and parliament may have other than simply electoral causes. The logic of domestic government formation works against the representation of more extreme and EU-skeptic parties in the Council, whereas voters in EP elections vote more often for these

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Högenauer, Anna-Lena. "Parliamentary Scrutiny of Brexit in the EU-27." International Journal of Parliamentary Studies 1, no. 2 (2021): 270–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26668912-bja10024.

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Abstract Concerns about a democratic deficit in the European Union reached new heights in recent years, as the organization has had to address a number of highly politicized challenges. In this context, the question of how much oversight should be exercised by the European Parliament (ep) and national parliaments individually or collectively becomes increasingly salient. Against this background, this article argues that on the issue of Brexit the ep has been quick to carve out a role for itself. However, unlike in previous trade negotiations, national parliaments took a backseat on Brexit desp

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Vila Maior, Paulo. "“Morrer por dentro”? Os desafios do populismo e as eleições europeias de 2019." População e Sociedade 35 (June 30, 2021): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.52224/21845263/rev35a1.

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The results of the 2019 European Parliament (EP) elections cast an unprecedented challenge for the European Union (EU). Growing popularity of right-wing and left-wing, populist and radical political parties and the rising number of members of the parliament materialise the challenge. The article explores the seismic effects of the reconfiguration of the political landscape for European integration. The rising number of populist and radical political parties’ members of the parliament might weaken the political centre of gravity in the EP. Since the EP plays an important role on the legislative

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Ares Castro-Conde, Cristina, and Helena Patiño. "Early Warning System from the viewpoint of the National Parliaments Representatives in Brussels." Quaderns IEE 2, no. 2 (2023): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/quadernsiee.52.

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Under Protocol No. 2 on the Application of the Principles of Subsidiarity and Proportionality, national Parliaments have been granted participation in EU law-making through the Early Warning System (EWS). Within the framework of this mechanism, national chambers can evaluate EU legislative proposals on subsidiarity grounds, within an eight-week period, following their submission by the European Commission. The contribution of the National Parliaments Representatives at the European Parliament (or the liaison officers) is crucial for the national chambers to follow up on the Union agenda and pa

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Dulak, Michał. "Politologiczna analiza stosowania unijnego mechanizmu wczesnego ostrzegania przez Sejm i Senat RP w latach 2010–2016." Przegląd europejski 2 (November 19, 2019): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5824.

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Main argument raised against EU early warning mechanism is its low utility. Yellow card procedure has been launched three times so far, whereas orange card procedure not even once. This indicates that the potential of political instrument which is early-warning mechanism is not fully explored. Nonetheless after seven years since the Lisbon Treaty came into force we can collect enough data in order to asses not only the mechanism itself but also the influence of this instrument on the national parliament scrutiny and engagement in the EU affairs. The aim of this article is: to research how the

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KONOPACKI, Stanisław. "Europa po Traktacie z Lizbony – słowa i rzeczywistość." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (November 2, 2018): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2010.15.3.3.

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The Treaty of Lisbon, which became effective on December 1 2009, provides for the transformation of the European Union into a more democratic, efficient and united community. This paper attempts to assess to what extent its provisions are reflected in the current reality of a united Europe. On the one hand, democratic legitimization of the EU is growing as a result of increasing competencies of the European Parliament, the rights of national parliaments, and so-called citizens’ initiatives. However, the turnout in the last European elections, the increasing popularity of extremist right-wing p

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Czachór, Zbigniew, and Janusz Ruszkowski. "Proces wzmacniania kompetencji Parlamentu Europejskiego a nowa pozycja parlamentów narodowych w systemie politycznym Unii Europejskiej." Przegląd Sejmowy 5(166) (2021): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2021.58.

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The authors attempt to examine two parallel and often treated as incomplete processes of strengthening the competences of the European Parliament and at the same time defining a place of national parliaments of Member States in the political system of the EU. The parallelism of these phenomena may seem paradoxical, since it can be assumed that despite competency competition between the EP and the national parliaments, strengthening the competences of the former does not preclude maximising the competences of the latter. The system of unification and harmonisation present in the European Union

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Öberg, Jacob. "National Parliaments and Political Control of EU Competences: A Sufficient Safeguard of Federalism?" European Public Law 24, Issue 4 (2018): 695–731. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2018040.

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It is clear that the formal inclusion of the national parliament as a political actor within the EU decision-making process has been one of the most important innovations of the Lisbon Treaty. Their role, however, remains controversial. It is on the one hand disputed whether national parliaments enjoy sufficient powers to tame ‘competence creep’. On the other hand, it is contested to what extent it is desirable that they should become involved as a legislative actor in the EU’s decision-making procedure. This essay contributes to these debates by critically examining to what extent national pa

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Schade, Daniel. "Parlamentarische Kontrolle durch Vernetzung? Eine kritische Analyse der Rolle der Interparlamentarischen Konferenz für die GASP/GSVP." integration 42, no. 2 (2019): 118–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2019-2-118.

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The Interparliamentary Conference for the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the Common Security and Defence Policy (IPC) is a new parliamentary body set up after the Treaty of Lisbon which allows to create interlinkages between parliaments in the European Union (EU). It is part of an ongoing process which aims to challenge the executive dominance in EU policy-making in general and in the EU’s foreign and security policy in particular. Considering its sessions and the experiences of members of parliaments partaking in the Interparliamentary Conference to date, this article analyses its val

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Loos, Eugène. "Composing “panacea texts” at the European Parliament." Journal of Language and Politics 3, no. 1 (2004): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.3.1.04loo.

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The language choice at institutions of the European Union has been investigated in numerous studies examining such aspects as the European language constellation, institutional multilingualism and its possible reforms, linguistic capital and symbolic domination, and European identity related to the EU enlargement. In addition to these, studies researching the (language) practices at a specific EU institution, like the European Parliament, or analyzing EU organizational discursive practices have also been carried out. These studies, however, offer no insight into the way actors in EU institutio

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Czermińska, Małgorzata. "Democratic legitimacy in common commercial policy of European Union – evolution of European Parliament’s role." Horyzonty Polityki 13, no. 44 (2022): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/hp.2279.

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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: This article aims to present the principles of decision-making, distribution of competences regarding the common commercial policy (CCP), with attention given to the evolution of European Parliament’s (EP) role and to identify actions taken by the EP in relation to the CCP. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: Due to the Member States’ delegation of powers to the supranational level and decision-making procedures, allegations that there is no democratic legitimacy in the European Union are of particular relevance to the CCP. In this context, special importance is given t

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Raunio, Tapio. "Always One Step Behind? National Legislatures and the European Union." Government and Opposition 34, no. 2 (1999): 180–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1999.tb00477.x.

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NATIONAL PARLIAMENTS ARE CENTRAL ACTORS IN THE SCRUTINY AND implementation of European Union (EU) legislation. Member state legislatures provide a channel for incorporating public opinion into the governance of the Union. Their importance has become more evident during the 1990s as debate has focused on the democratic deficit and deparliamentarization of European governance.National parliaments are involved in EU decision-making in three ways: they 1) participate in national policy formulation on Union legislation; 2) monitor the behaviour of member state representatives in the Council of Mini

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Catarinella, Piermauro, Suhardi Kram, Omar Colombo, and Muhammad Alhakeem Husain. "Unveiling the Path Forward: Eu Green Policies Post-June 2024 Elections." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science IX, no. II (2025): 2611–26. https://doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2025.9020204.

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The European Green Deal (EGD), approved by the European (EU) Commission in 2019 and ratified by the EU Parliament in 2020, marks its fifth anniversary. Following the June 2024 EU political elections, which reshaped the Parliament, this study examines three key aspects: election outcomes, shifting power dynamics among political parties, and the ongoing formation of the EU Commission. Employing a qualitative approach, it assesses whether the EGD’s original 2019 objectives will be realized or abandoned. Between 2019 and 2024, national elections in several EU member states brought government chang

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Walter, Stefanie. "Explaining the visibility of EU citizens: a multi-level analysis of European Union news." European Political Science Review 9, no. 2 (2015): 233–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773915000363.

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This article analyses the visibility of European Union (EU) citizens in EU news during the 2009 European Parliament election. It argues that the presence of EU citizens in EU news is vital for responsiveness of European governance. First, the theoretical notion of EU citizens is considered. Next, a new way of defining EU citizens is proposed: EU citizens are divided into national and supranational EU citizens. The visibility of EU citizens in EU news of 27 EU member states is analysed aiming to explain cross-country differences. The paper is based on a large-scale content analysis of TV and ne

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Marszałek–Kawa, Joanna. "Relations between European Parliament with the national parliaments of the EU member states." Polish Political Science Yearbook 39, no. 1 (2010): 4–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2010003.

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Vitek, Leos, and Stevan Vujcic. "Does the Parliament Ideology Affect Corporate Taxation? Evidence of EU countries." NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy 18, no. 1 (2025): 192–213. https://doi.org/10.2478/nispa-2025-0009.

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Abstract The article aims to analyse whether corporate income taxation is influenced by the prevailing ideology of parliaments (left-wing vs right-wing). The primary research method used is econometric analysis: three different estimation techniques were used on three dependent variables connected with corporate taxation. Nine models were developed to discover whether a political explanatory variable, “Centre of Political Gravity”, drives corporate taxation decisions. Additionally, variables were employed as controls: Gross Operating Surplus, 10-Year Government Bond Yield, Debt/GDP ratio and t

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Milošević, Ana. "Back to the future, forward to the past: Croatian politics of memory in the European Parliament." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 5 (2017): 893–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1289368.

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This paper discusses the way in which a post-conflict European Union (EU) member immediately after accession both shapes and adapts to EU memory politics as a part of its Europeanization process. I will analyze how the country responds to the top-down pressures of Europeanization in the domestic politics of memory by making proactive attempts at exporting its own politics of memory (discourses, policies, and practices) to the EU level. Drawing evidence from Croatian EU accession, I will consider how Croatian members of the European Parliament “upload” domestic memory politics to the EU level,

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Butler, Declan. "Parliament seeks further changes in EU Framework." Nature 367, no. 6464 (1994): 586. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/367586b0.

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Winzen, Thomas. "Rechte Wahlgewinne, rechte EU-Politik? Die Europäische Union am Wendepunkt." integration 47, no. 2 (2024): 102–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2024-2-102.

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This contribution analyses possible consequences of the expected gains of far-right parties in the election year of 2024 on the politics of the European Union (EU). It discusses what goals far-right parties pursue and whether they might gain influence because of the elections. The main argument is that far-right parties seek an authoritarian and institutionally fragile EU. Yet, the EU institutions will still have the majorities necessary to design policies without far-right parties. Therefore, the key question is rather how the institutional norms of the EU will develop. Here, the Parliament a

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