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Molinari, Andrea. "EU trade integration : evaluating sectoral policies." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.435618.
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Veselý, Aleš. "European Electricity Market and EU Members'Energy Policies." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-135902.
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The main focus of this thesis is to find out what factors have the biggest influence on the price of electricity for household consumers in the European Union in the context of creating the internal electricity market in the EU. By means of the cluster analysis six EU Member States have been selected according to the following criteria: electricity consumption, electricity production, and the price of electricity. As a result of that Belgium, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Malta and Sweden have been selected. Consequently, the regression analysis has been carried out to find out what factors influence the electricity prices in every country individually. The independent variables are mainly various sources of electricity production. It was found out those renewable resources most influent the electricity price for households in Belgium, Estonia, Hungary, and Sweden. Nevertheless, in the context of Europe 2020 strategy and the formation of the European energy market, one of the European Commission's objectives is to increase the share of renewable sources in the production of electricity in the EU Member States. Therefore, it will bring about higher prices of electricity, which goes against the Commission's effort to decrease the price of electricity for households through the liberalisation of electricity and the creation of the internal electricity market.
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Ryngbeck, Annica. "EU NGOs’ impact on shaping the EU future migration and asylum policies." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23895.
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In 1999 the European Union (EU) defined for the first time common priorities in the area of migration and asylum. In 2014 the Justice and Home Affairs Council is deciding on the fourth multi-annual strategic guidelines. This thesis examines the role of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the EU influencing these guidelines through the European Commission public consultation, and their impact on shaping the future agenda for migration and asylum. While the EU has gained more competences in this field and increased legal protection standards across the EU, member states favour restrictive and security-oriented policies. EU NGOs represent a more liberal rights based approach, and having difficulties getting their points across. A step-by-step process tracing reveals the factors that enabled influence, such as a structured civil dialogue with opportunities for input. However, there were also elements disabling this influence, related to the disconnection between civil society and the Council, which partly undermined the purpose of the consultation.
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Kengerlinsky, M. "Eastward enlargement of the EU and restrictive immigration and asylum policies in the EU." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.432594.
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Emrick, Rebecca. "EU-Morocco Cultural Relations : A Study on Cultural Policies Between the EU and Morocco." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-395514.
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Although cultural policy and cultural diplomacy are just some of various forms soft power, there is a lack of research between the EU and Morocco despite an increased interest from the EU in various Southern Mediterranean countries. There is a general research gap in the academic world regarding the evaluation the EU’s external cultural policy in Morocco, which this research paper seeks to contribute to fill in the soft power and global context. This paper seeks to examine the role that cultural diplomacy has in the soft power process, specifically with the case of the EU and Morocco.From this research paper it was found that although culture has generally played an increasing role in EU and Morocco relations, when examining EU-Morocco cultural relations pertaining to their soft power potential, it was unveiled that the EU and Morocco are not fully utilizing their soft power abilities in relation to their cultural policy practices. For instance, in relation to EU-Morocco cultural policy there is a distinctive lack in clarity in government objectives which negatively impacts soft power potential. In EU cultural documents, there is also a clear and different role in internal and external relations also affecting cultural relations with Morocco. However, despite these shortcomings, the EU and Morocco continue to build on their relations with future plans to deepen their agreements. It is in the interest of the EU and Morocco to invest and refine their cultural policy in order to fully utilize the cultural opportunities and benefits for both states in these future agreements. The specific benefits and motivations for the EU and Morocco are also discussed. The theoretical outline for this paper involved power, especially Nye’s conception of soft power, along with public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, as well as cultural relations. The focus of analysis of this thesis included EU documents such as, treaties, joint agreements, declarations, conclusions, and so on will be the main source of document analysis for this paper in order to trace the evolution of EU-Morocco cultural policy and relations. Additionally Chodubski’s framework derived from the political science field was used alongside critical political discourse analysis.
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Trakelis, Darius. "Reforms of EU redistributive policies: the role of Enlargement." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2009. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2009~D_20090707_155015-45840.
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Then the process of Enlargement has started, it was expected that Accession of much more agrarian and less developed countries from Eastern and Central Europe, compared to the Member States at that time, should encourage the radical reforms of the EU redistributive policies – Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and Cohesion Policy. Some researchers provided with numbers proving that Enlargement without reforming the EU redistributive policies would substantially increase the funding for implementation of these policies. While the other group of scientists noticed that the Enlargement process is getting momentum, whereas the internal EU reforms are postponing.
The decision on the CAP reform was taken in 2003 by the Agricultural Council, while the Cohesion Policy reform was agreed in the Brussels European Council of 2005. In the Commission’s reform proposals as well as during Member States’ negotiations much attention was paid, especially in the case of the Cohesion Policy reform, to the challenges of Enlargement.
In this paper the aforementioned last reforms of the EU redistributive policies are analysed: the CAP reform of 2002–2003 and the Cohesion Policy reform of 2004–2006 aiming to evaluate the impact of Enlargement on the Commission’s reform proposals and the reform results. It is argued that the factor of Enlargement, although in the Commission’s reform proposals was emphasised as encouraging to reform the CAP and the Cohesion Policy radically, in reality for the EU... [to full text]Prasidėjus ES plėtros procesui buvo pradėta kalbėti apie tai, kad kur kas labiau agrarinių ir silpniau išsivysčiusių, palyginus su tuometinėmis ES valstybėmis narėmis, Rytų ir Vidurio Europos valstybių prisijungimas paskatins ES perskirstomųjų politikų – Bendrosios žemės ūkio politikos (BŽŪP) ir Sanglaudos politikos – radikalias reformas. Tyrinėtojai pateikinėjo skaičius, įrodančius, kad plėtra, ES perskirstomųjų politikų nereformavus, stipriai padidins ir taip dideles šių politikų įgyvendinimui skiriamas lėšas. Tuo tarpu kiti tyrinėtojai atkreipė dėmesį į pagreitį įgaunantį plėtros procesą bei vis atidedamas vidines ES reformas. Dėl BŽŪP reformos buvo sutarta 2003 m. Žemės ūkio ministrų taryboje, o dėl Sanglaudos politikos reformos – 2005 m. Briuselio Europos Viršūnių Taryboje. Europos Komisijos pasiūlymuose ir valstybių narių derybų dėl reformų eigoje daug dėmesio, ypač Sanglaudos politikos reformos atveju, buvo skiriama ES plėtros iššūkių akcentavimui. Šiame darbe išsamiai nagrinėjamos dvi minėtos paskutinės ES perskirstomųjų politikų reformos: 2002–2003 m. BŽŪP reforma ir 2004–2006 m. Sanglaudos politikos reforma, siekiant įvertinti, kokį iš tikrųjų poveikį Europos Komisijos pateiktiems reformų pasiūlymams ir reformų rezultatams turėjo ES plėtra. Darbe įrodinėjama, kad ES plėtros veiksnys, nors Europos Komisijos pasiūlymuose buvo akcentuojamas kaip skatinantis iš esmės reformuoti BŽŪP ir Sanglaudos politiką, iš tikrųjų minėtoms ES perskirstomųjų politikų reformoms... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
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Cots, Francesc. "Mainstreaming sustainable development in eu climate, biodiversity and cohesion policies." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/457430.
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Los problemas ambientales y de sostenibilidad son cada vez más globalizados en términos de intensidad, interconectividad, variedad y alcance de sus impactos, así como las fuerzas socioeconómicas que los generan. El cambio climático, la escasez de agua, la contaminación, la pérdida de biodiversidad o el cambio en el uso de la tierra son problemas ambientales que no necesariamente encajan con la soberanía nacional, las jurisdicciones administrativas o las fronteras territoriales. Para afrontar estos desafíos, han surgido nuevos ámbitos políticos y circunscripciones que ya no corresponden a las divisiones que una vez fueron útiles para los objetivos particulares de los antiguos Estados-nación, sino que ahora se crean con otros nuevos objetivos de cooperación (incluyendo el medio ambiente y la sostenibilidad) que trascienden las fronteras internacionales. Las regiones transfronterizas o transfronterizas, comúnmente conocidas en el contexto europeo como Euroregiones o Euregios, han sido creadas a través de las fronteras estatales para disminuir el efecto limitador de las fronteras nacionales que a menudo actúan como barreras para la cooperación en un intento de redefinir la territorialidad estatal inducida por la frontera. Estos diseños institucionales pueden proporcionar en este contexto el marco o las plataformas políticas e institucionales adecuadas para promover los vínculos necesarios entre las diferentes redes de actores y dominios políticos en un territorio fronterizo concreto. Esto se da es especialmente en aquellas Euroregiones que coinciden con los límites geográficos de los recursos naturales existentes. Esta tesis tiene la intención de explorar dos cuestiones generales entrelazadas. Por una parte, analizar en qué medida las iniciativas de la política de cooperación transfronteriza de la UE han sido y son capaces de establecer asociaciones de colaboración eficaces entre organismos públicos locales adyacentes sujetos a diferentes sistemas jurídicos nacionales en los ámbitos del clima, la biodiversidad y el desarrollo regional de una manera que contribuya a la sostenibilidad. Por otro lado, queremos explorar hasta qué punto las consideraciones de desarrollo sostenible han sido incorporadas en estos tres ámbitos de una manera coherente de tal forma que contribuyan a fortalecer las capacidades institucionales para hacer frente a los cambios ambientales y sociales a nivel regional transfronterizo. Para responder a estas preguntas hemos utilizado diferentes metodologías a partir del análisis teórico de los elementos institucionales de las Eurorregiones, pero también una investigación cuantitativa sobre 46 Programas Operativos financiados con fondos europeos; así como un análisis más detallado y cualitativo de 2 estudios de caso en la frontera españolo-portuguesa - eurorregiones EURO AAA y EURO ACE- mediante entrevistas en profundidad y técnicas de taller combinadas con la formulación e integración de diferentes escenarios climáticos y socioeconómicos y sus vías institucionales asociadas. Los resultados revelan que las Euroregiones pueden considerarse como espacios transnacionales políticos situados más allá de la lógica territorial de los Estados nacionales o de las organizaciones supranacionales, con una gran capacidad a priori para integrar consideraciones de sostenibilidad debido a su carácter organizativo flexible e innovador. Sin embargo, los resultados también revelan una serie de limitaciones de las eurorregiones analizadas relativas a su bajo nivel de autonomía institucional, la falta de cooperación entre entidades nacionales, regionales y locales; la excesiva dependencia de los fondos europeos; la asimetría en las relaciones de poder entre los respectivos entornos institucionales español y portugués; y por último, pero no menos importante, una notable ausencia de un enfoque estratégico de desarrollo sostenible para las regiones que claramente incorpora el principio de precaución y el enfoque ecosistémico como elementos clave, lo que se refleja en la incapacidad de incluir escenarios climáticos en esas estrategias. Como resultado, esta situación pone de manifiesto que estas eurorregiones todavía tienen mucho camino por recorrer en términos de movilización política, construcción de la gobernanza y unificación estratégica en el sentido de integrar las consideraciones de sostenibilidad de manera global, sistemática y transformadora.Environmental and sustainability related problems are increasingly becoming globalized in terms of their intensity, interconnectivity, variety and scope of their impacts as well as the ultimate socioeconomic forces that generate them. Climate change, water scarcity, pollution, loss of biodiversity, or land use change all of these are environmental problems that do not necessarily fit with national sovereignty, administrative jurisdictions or territorial boundaries. To address such challenges, new political arenas and constituencies have appeared that no longer correspond to the divisions that once were useful to the particular goals of the old nation-states, but are now created upon other new cooperation goals (including environment and sustainability) that transcend international borders. Cross-border or transborder regions, commonly known in the European context as Euroregions or Euregios, have been created across state borders in order to decrease the limiting effect of nation-state borders which often act as as barriers for cooperation in an attempt to redefine fixed, border-induced state territoriality. These institutional arrangements may provide in this context the adequate political and institutional framework or platforms to promote the necessary linkages among different networks of actors and policy domains in a particular cross border territory. This is specially the case of those Euroregions that fall and match within the geographical limits of the existing natural resources. This thesis intends to explore two intertwined overarching questions. On the one hand, we intend to look to what extent EU cross-border cooperation policy initiatives have been and are able to establish effective collaborative partnerships between adjacent local public bodies subject to different national legal systems in the domains of climate, biodiversity and regional development in ways that contribute to sustainability And on the other, we want to explore to what extent sustainable development concerns have been mainstreamed in these three domains in a coherent manner in a way that do actually contribute to strengthening the agent and institutional capacities to deal with societal and environmental changes at cross-border regional level. In order to respond to these questions, we have used different methodologies starting with the theoretical analysis of the institutional elements of Euroregions, but also a quantitative research on 46 European funded Operational Programmes; and a more in depth and qualitative analysis of 2 case studies in the Spanish Portuguese border - Euroregions EURO AAA and EURO ACE- using in depth interviews and workshop techniques combined with the formulation and integration of different climatic and socioeconomic scenarios and their associated institutional pathways. The results reveal the potential that Euroregions have to support sustainable development both from an operational and normative perspective. In particular these new institutional arrangements can be viewed as political transnational spaces situated beyond the territorial logic of either the nation states or the supranational organizations, with a great capacity a priori to integrate sustainability considerations due to their flexible and innovative organisational nature. However, Euroregions are now too dependent on external resources, so their leadership capacity and exchange of cognitive resources with other stakeholders to manage sustainability related common public concerns are still rather constrained. These limitations are related to their low level of institutional autonomy, the lack of cooperation among national, regional and local entities; the excessive dependence on European funds; the asymmetry in power relations within the respective Spanish and Portuguese institutional settings; and last but not least, because a notable absence of a strategic sustainable development approach for the regions that clearly incorporates the precautionary principle and the ecosystem approach as key elements, which is reflected by the failure to include climate change scenarios into those strategies. As a result, this situation evidences that such Euroregions have yet a far way to go in terms of political mobilization, governance building and strategic unification in the sense of integrating sustainability considerations in a comprehensive, systematic and transformative manner.
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Opolcer, Lukáš. "Projekty obcí do fondů Evropské unie." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-17237.
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Work is focused on analyzing exigence of municipalities in the elaboration of projects financed by EU funds and to identify problems in small villages to the processing of such projects. The first step will analyze and assess the system of drawing EU funds in the Czech Republic, then make a direct processing of cost-benefit analysis of the selected project. In the third step I use a questionnaire, in which will be identified the problems which face the municipalities and how they solve these problems.
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Guler, Senem. "Impact Of Europeanization Of Turkish Energy Policies On Turkey-eu Relations." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612670/index.pdf.
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The objective of this study is to examine the impact of Europeanization of Turkish energy policies on Turkey-EU relations. In order to do so, the thesis focuses mainly on Europeanization as a concept and Europeanization of foreign policy as important features in explaining the changes in the Turkish energy policies. While doing so, first this study tries to explore the European Union energy policies and make an overview of the EU energy production and consumption situation within the energy distribution of the world. Second, the study looks through the Turkish energy policy framework and provides a portrait of Turkey as a key player between energy producer and consumer countries. Also, the relation of Turkish energy policy and EU energy policy are evaluated with respect to the questions: &ldquoto what extent Turkish energy policies are Europeanized? And what are the possible impacts of Turkish energy policies and their Europeanization of Turkey&rsquo
s quest for the membership?&rdquo
For the first question Europeanization is discussed mainly by Radaelli&rsquo
s definition. The review of the literature and the interviews show that Turkey has contributed much to its Europeanization process regarding the energy policies, and Turkish energy policy making reveal distinctive characteristics of Europeanization. However, for the second question, studies exhibit that there is a discrepancy of ideas among scholars and it is important to counterbalance them properly.
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Brown, Antje C. K. "Subnational regions matter : implementing EU environmental policies in Scotland and Bavaria." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3249.
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With over 280 environmental laws designed to regulate economic activities and tackle pollution problems, EU actors have established an impressive environmental policy. While policy-making has been impressive, implementation has often been disappointing with the result that EU environmental policy now suffers from an 'implementation deficit' whereby policy intentions on paper are not carried out properly 'on the ground'. Until recently, many EU actors and analysts have focused on the initial stages of the policy process, in particular the dynamics of bargaining between Member States. Yet, the overall effectiveness of EU environmental policies depends upon actors 'on the ground' and how they apply the policies in practice. This research moves away from the conventional state-centrist approach and focuses instead on the subnational regions and their role in the overall success of EU environmental policies. The research investigates Scotland and Bavaria and assesses to what extent the two regions shape EU environmental policy implementation. To help with the investigation, the research establishes a 'multi-layered implementation map' which best captures the policy 'filtering' process. The map helps identify formal and informal determinants within the layers which either facilitate or obstruct policy implementation. The research not only compares implementation performances between the Member States and between the regions, it also compares the regions vertically with their 'mother' states and thereby highlights implementation obstacles which would remain undetected with the state-centrist approach. A case study illustrates in detail the formal and practical implementation of the EIA Directive in Scotland and Bavaria. The study confirms that subnational regions feature determinants which differ in many respects from national determinants and influence the effectiveness of EU environmental policies. By highlighting subnational regions and their role in the process, the research contributes to a better understanding of the implementation deficit and presents a more refined picture of the EU environmental policy 'reality'.
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Warntjen, Andreas. "Interests and resources the formation of national positions regarding EU-policies /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2002. http://www.bsz-bw.de/cgi-bin/xvms.cgi?SWB10162237.
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Kuok, Lai Ieng. "Do the employment policies of the Lisbon Strategy promote EU economic growth?" Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555547.
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COUTTO, TATIANA MARTINS PEDRO DO. "REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND THE FORMATION OF ENVIRONMENTAL POLICIES NAFTA AND THE EU." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2003. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=4044@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOREste trabalho analisa comparativamente, sob uma perspectiva neo institucionalista, dois projetos distintos de integração regional: União Européia - fruto de um processo que remonta à década de 1950, mais institucionalizado, com maior delegação a órgãos supranacionais e também maior número de estados membros, e Nafta - mais recente, de caráter intergovernamental, ênfase em mecanismos de solução de controvérsias, menor número de estados, grande disparidade de poder entre as partes e onde, aparentemente, a lógica de mercado se sobrepõe à ética ambiental - no que diz respeito à incorporação e administração da agenda ambiental. Tal análise é realizada a partir do estudo do desenho institucional de cada projeto. Especial atenção é dada às instituições, órgãos, atores e mecanismos relacionados ao estabelecimento, execução e fiscalização de políticas ambientais. Os resultados obtidos indicam como o desenho institucional de Nafta e da UE reflete o modo como as questões ambientais são incorporadas e tratadas nestes arranjos.
This Project compares, under an institutionalist perspective, two distinct regional projects: The European Union - a product of a process initiated in the 1950 s, with higher level of institutionalization and delegation to supranational bodies and with also more member states, and the North American Free Trade Agreement (Nafta) - a more recent venture, of intergovernmental character, with emphasis on mechanisms of dispute resolution, less states and sharper differences between the parties, where the logic of the market seems to lie above environmental ethics - regarding the incorporation of an environmental agenda within regional institutions, as well as the management of this agenda. Such analysis is performed through the study of the projects institutional design. Special attention is given to institutions, bodies, actors and mechanisms dealing with environmental policies establishment, execution and enforcement. The results obtained indicate what does Nafta and EUs institutional designs can tell about the incorporation and treatment given by these regional arrangements to environmental affairs.
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Yakusheva, Natalya. "Parks, Policies and People : Nature Conservation Governance in Post-Socialist EU Countries." Doctoral thesis, Södertörns högskola, Miljövetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-32400.
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The national parks in the Carpathian Mountains along the Polish and Slovak border represent encompassing policy agendas that strive to balance biodiversity conservation and social welfare tasks. These countries have, during the last 25 years, undergone rapid transformation from socialist regimes to liberal democracies, and this transformation has affected the political, social and economic spheres. The accession to the European Union (EU) introduced demands for further changes, such as closer integration of conservation and socioeconomic development and inclusive, transparent and accountable decision-making that are based on participatory mechanisms. This thesis explores key challenges and opportunities for nature conservation policy and practice at the local level in a context of post-socialist legacies and Europeanization. Multi-level governance, Europeanization, and post-socialist studies are used as theoretical vehicles for the analysis of four transboundary national parks: Pieninsky national parks (NP) in both Poland and Slovakia and Bieszczady NP [Poland] and Poloniny NP [Slovakia]. The results of this study show that the early designation of the studied parks as protected areas prevented their exploitation and enabled preservation of important landscapes, which currently are highly valued at the European level. These nature conservation regimes have created tangible restrictions on the possible economic uses of these areas. However, rural development alternatives depend on a broader set of local, national and global factors such as the structure of the local economy and employment, the prioritization of nature conservation in national policies, investors’ interest, and increasing urbanization. Europeanization provided opportunities for local actors to benefit from additional funding made available for nature conservation and rural development. At the same time, demands for participatory decision-making posed significant procedural and conceptual challenges to achieving transparent, inclusive and accountable governance. The prevalence of informal practices in local policy-making and the lack of trust in state authorities pose further challenges to formal participatory processes. The opportunities of local actors to reach out across levels to express their interests remain scarce and are not institutionalized, whereas the multi-level characteristics of modern governance indirectly shape local processes by defining common legal and policy frameworks.Förvaltningen av nationalparkerna in vid gränsen mellan Polen och Slovakien i Karpaterna är framför allt inriktad mot att uppnå balans mellan bevarande av biologisk mångfald och social välfärd. Polen och Slovakien har under de senaste 25 åren genomgått en snabb förändring från socialistiska regimer till liberala demokratier, vilket har inneburit genomgripande politiska, sociala och ekonomiska förändringar. Medlemskapet i EU innebar ytterligare förändringar, som till exempel integrering av naturvårdsarbete och socioekonomisk utveckling, liksom främjande av inkluderande, transparent och deltagarinriktat beslutsfattande. Därmed bygger den moderna beslutsprocessen inte längre på den tidigare hierarkiska strukturen, utan har nu fått en aningen diffus karaktär, innefattande mängd olika aktörer som interagerar i såväl horisontella som vertikala beslutsprocesser. I denna avhandling utforskas nyckelutmaningar och möjligheter för beslutsfattande och implementering av naturvårdsarbete på lokal nivå, relaterade till de post-socialistiska arven och medlemskapet i EU. Multi-level governance (politiskt beslutsfattande på flera nivåer), Europeanization (europeisering) och post-socialistiska studier används som teoretiska verktyg för analysen av fyra gränsöverskridande nationalparker: Pieninsky, som innefattar såväl polska som slovakiska områden, Bieszczady (Polen) och Poloniny (Slovakien). Studien visar att det tidiga inrättandet av naturskydd i nationalparkerna hindrade exploatering och möjliggjorde bevarandet av värdefulla naturområden, vilka idag är högt värderade utifrån ett europeiskt perspektiv. Reglerna för detta naturskydd har dock skapat begränsningar för hur områdena kan användas för, till exempel, agrara verksamheter och turism. De mer övergripande landsbygdsutvecklingsmöjligheterna beror av lokala, nationella och globala faktorer som exempelvis den lokala ekonomins struktur, tillgång på arbetstillfällen, hur naturskydd prioriteras i nationellt beslutsfattande, intresse för investeringar i området och urbaniseringsprocesser. Medlemskapet i EU har medfört utökade möjligheter för finansiering av naturskydd och landsbygdsutveckling. Samtidigt har medlemskapet för dessa länder lett till ökade förväntningar på politiskt deltagande och nya utmaningar vad gäller transparens i beslutsfattande och inkluderande beslutsprocesser. Vidare har informella beslutsvägar i lokalt beslutsfattande och lågt förtroende för statliga myndigheter lett till ytterligare utmaningar i deltagandeprocesser. Möjligheter för lokala aktörer att kunna kommunicera och påverka beslut på högre nivåer har förblivit begränsade och är ännu inte tydligt institutionaliserade, samtidigt som det moderna, interaktiva beslutsfattandet på flera nivåer indirekt formar lokala processer genom att definiera legala och politiska ramverk inom vilka förvaltningsbeslut fattas.
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Yercan, Hatice Funda. "A comparative analysis of the Turkish and European Union passenger ferry market in the Eastern Mediterranean." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/444.
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This thesis covers Turkish and EU maritime policies for the passenger ferry industries. It concentrateso n the positioning of ferry operatorsi n the passengefre rry market in the Eastern Mediterranean. A general background to Turkey and to its maritime industry is drawn before developing a model. A positioning model is developed in a quantitative approach to this research. Furthermore, it is operationalised by using the Multidimensional Scaling (MDS) Technique within multivariate analysis. A specific programme, MDPREF, from the MDS(X) Series of MDS Programmes is used for the calculation and illustration of the analysis. The Positionso f the Turkish and EU passengerfe rry operatorsi n the EasternM editerranean are measured and identified, within the positioning model, by data and information from the operators, for 1994, that were received from questionnaires and data files. The data and information are based on the '7P's of the service marketing mix, which are product, price, place,p romotion, people,p hysical evidencea nd process,s incep assengefre rry operationsa re widely considered to be services for people. The resultso f the analysisi ndicatet he positionso f the Turkish and EU passengefre rry market in the EasternM editerraneanw ith the Turkish and EU operatorsg rouping togethera t different places in the market place. An exception is made by one of the EU operators illustrating similarity with the Turkish operators by positioning its place close to them in the market place.I t was also discoveredt hat only the Greeko peratorsa ppeart o representt he EU because Greece is an EU country and there were no operators other than the Greeks in 1994. However Greeced oesn ot totally reflect the characteristicso f the EU maritime policy. The discussionc oncludest hat the EasternM editerraneanp assengefre rry market is a dynamic and a growing market with potential points for further research.
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Efraimsson, Sanna. "Environmental Policies and the EKC : To what extent can national environmental policies contribute to the EKC theory? Sweden and EU." Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, IHH, Economics, Finance and Statistics, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-19142.
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The purpose of this thesis is see if national policies regarding aimed at combating climate change could work even if international ones, such as the Kyoto Protocol, are considered to fail. The question was if environmental policies could be included as an explanatory variable for the Environmental Kuznets Curve (EKC). The environmental polices of interest were the market-based instrument, environmental taxes. First, the hypothesis whether or not Sweden fit the EKC theory is tested, and this proves to be the case when looking at the years 1800-1996. Second, a hypothesis was tested to see if environmental taxes can help decreasing carbon emission intensity further once a country has reached its turning point. Comparing Sweden to six other countries from the European Union show that this is the case, although environmental taxes must be one of many tools and cannot work alone. The study shows that the role of taxes were significant, thus showing their importance for the work on climate change. It is also observed that national policies do work, while regional, or international, ones are harder to conduct. The importance of national policies is enhanced since they will be guiding countries when deciding whether or not to commit to international policies.
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Martinov, Sonja. "Multi-Actor Multi-Criteria Decision Analysis of EU Policies for First Generation Biofuels." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för geovetenskaper, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-254952.
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In this paper multi-actor multi-criteria decision aid methodology are developed to examine the impacts of EU policies related to first generation biofuels on identified key stakeholders. The thesis focuses on the integration of relevant qualitative and quantitative criteria defined by key stakeholders into one comprehensive evaluation process, to serve as a decision support tool for decision makers. Weight allocation of the defined criteria will be assessed by using the Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) framework, where the multi-criteria decision-aid method PROMETHEE II is used to rank relevant policy alternatives based on the information provided. In the end, results will help the decision makers to identify the impacts of different EU policy alternatives on each stakeholder group.
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Lisztwan, Iwona. "Regional dimensions in rural development policies? : the case of Poland in the EU." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/724.
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This thesis is concerned with the regional dimensions of Polish EU rural development policies. Two major streams in this research, theoretical and practical, correspond to the core intertwined research questions: " What (if any) policy regionalisation is desirable for EU rural policies in Poland? " How should the rural development process be conceptualised with what implications for regionalisation of policy? This research has a direct policy linkage as under the EC legislation Poland has a possibility to implement rural development programmes at "an appropriate geographical level". This thesis explores whether the region (at NUTS 2 level) is such an appropriate level. The thesis is structured around four potential justifications for policy regionalisationin Poland: 1) regionally differentiated rural development patterns across Polish regions; 2) heterogeneityo f regionalp referencesfo r rural policiesa nd their legitimacy; 3) territorial fairness and compliance with regional cohesion objectives, safeguarded by specific regionally set policy budgets; 4) political feasibility. In conclusion, a synthetic framework is proposed, based on a complex system approach. The thesis sprang from a participant observation experience in setting Polish EU preaccession policies. It adopts a multidisciplinary perspective with elements from development economics, economic geography, political studies, regional science, sociolinguistics, and policy evaluation leading to a complex system analysis. A multiplicity of data has been mobilized: participant observation, secondary statistical data, past policy data as well as a series of semi-structured interviews. The empirical analysis suggests there is little evidence of the relevance of NUTS 2 level for rural policy making in the Polish EU context based on the propositions examined here. However, rural policy regionalisation can be more adequately conceptualized as a process, not as a policy desideratum. The forces driving policy regionalisation in Poland are weakly developed at present, but predicted to gain in force in longer term, implying that regionalised policies may become more relevant in the future. The theoretical strand of the thesis leads to a formulation of an integrated framework for rural policy analysis. The model recognizes that the policy making has a multiple rationality, namely actors perform a multiplicity of actions in economic, political and cognitive paradigms when setting and implementing policy, embedded in, and feeding back to fundamental resource capacities. It is argued that such a conceptualization has significant policy consequences, putting the multi-rational policy process rather than purely policy outputs at the centre of policy advice and analysis.
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Kim, Tu-jin. "EU trade policies, international competitiveness and the market power of Korean electronics multinationals." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270561.
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Holdenrieder, Jürgen. "Comparative evaluation of long-term care policies for the elderly in the EU." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270453.
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Nickerson, William Arthur 1971. "Policies to manage electronics waste : an analysis of US and EU regulatory initiatives." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/29296.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Engineering Systems Division, Technology and Policy Program, 2002.Includes bibliographical references (p. 128-139).
Policies to address the environmental challenges associated with the disposal of electronics waste are being developed in the US and the EU. This paper offers a standard critique of those policies and also analyzes them in terms of the likelihood they will induce innovation in response to their requirements. The US proposal relaxes the hazardous waste handling requirements for cathode ray tubes and mercury containing equipment, with the intent that more of them will be recycled. However, the rule does not contain any requirement that recycling occur, and the economic incentives to do so are minimal. Technological innovation and diffusion of current technology are both unlikely responses to the proposed rule. In addition, the rule does not apply to many users and types of electronics equipment, thereby only addressing a very small portion of the overall electronics waste issue. The rule fails to consider other materials found in electronics equipment and issues regarding recyclability, recycled content, secondary markets, and materials substitution. Two of the EU proposed directives are much more comprehensive in their coverage of electronics waste. They require certain recycling targets to be met and mandate the elimination of some hazardous substances from electronics equipment. Diffusion and incremental innovation are likely responses, with perhaps radical innovation only as the targets become more stringent in future years. The directives require additional clarification regarding the types of electronics equipment covered, financing mechanisms, the structure of the recycling targets, the granting of exemptions, and the development of secondary markets. Portions of the two EU proposed directives may be challenged under World Trade Organization rules. An analysis shows that provisions in the directives could face some difficulty in obtaining exemptions. A growing disconnect between global trade rules and the making of environmental policy is examined. Finally, one additional proposed EU policy that would require manufacturers of electronics equipment to consider the life cycle environmental impacts of the equipment during its design and manufacture is analyzed. At present, innovation is an unlikely response to this directive, though the inclusion of specific performance requirements could substantially improve it. Suggested modifications are offered for each of the policies examined.
by William Arthur Nickerson.
S.M.
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Nalepa, Moa. "EU Migration Policy Changes in Times of Crisis: Discourses surrounding EU migration policies during the 'refugee crisis' - A discursive institutionalist analysis." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21869.
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This thesis examines the migration policy changes that were adopted by the European Union during the so called ‘refugee crisis’ 2014-2016 and problematises the discourses that were deployed by EU policy makers. It builds the method and theoretical framework around Vivien Schmidt’s discursive institutionalism, and complements it with constructivist conceptual theories around discourses that are identified through the researched empirical material. The primary material is to a large extent based upon official documents from the EU such as regulations and communications, but also includes speeches from officials such as Jean Claude Juncker (President of the Commission), Donald Tusk (President of the Council) and Martin Schulz (President of the European Parliament). The findings are comprised of discourses that can all be connected to the EU imaginary. The thesis also concludes that there has been a continuation of the securitisation of migration during the ‘refugee crisis’ as well as a normalisation of this discourse. In regards to the communicative and coordinative skills of the EU actors, it becomes clear that the former still is problematic, whilst the coordinative discourses have increased the cooperation within the EU institutions during the time period studied.
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Ahmad, Mohamad. "The WTO-EU Environmental Policies for the International Olive Oil Market and Trade Competitiveness." Doctoral thesis, Universitätsbibliothek Chemnitz, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:ch1-qucosa-131513.
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A debate over environmental policies and trade competitiveness, “Do environmental policies really matter to impact trade competitiveness?” still exists during the past decade. The thesis aims at investigating the impact of WTO-EU environmental policies for the international olive oil market on production and export competitiveness of developing countries. In particular, we focus our analysis on the agro-industrial sector in the Arab countries, and we take specific reference to the case of the olive oil agro-industrial sector in Syria. In the frame of a partial equilibrium trade model, we incorporate the “end-of-the-pipe” environmental policies which in turn enhance the productivity of the polluting input. Moreover, a part of the burden of environmental compliance may be shifted onto foreign consumers. The most novel part of our model consists of the augmented effect of compliance with environmental policies, which includes not only the standard impact on the effective product price, but also on the input shadow price. The empirical findings, based on Syrian data, provide strong support to the Porter Hypothesis and its application to international markets for agro-industrial products. Accordingly, the study disproves the legitimacy of concerns that stricter environmental policies in developing economies may have negative impacts on their production and export competitiveness. In contrast, our results show that compliance with environmental policies under the large country assumption has positive effects on their international competitiveness of environmentally sensitive sectors, in particular. Therefore, the policy implications suggest the implementation of strict environmental regulatory policies supporting environmentally sound technologies.
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Emmett, Caitlin Mae. "The Integration of Non-EU Immigrants into the Spanish Labor Market: Policies and Implications." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/157224.
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Kacarska, Simonida. "National minority policies in the EU accession process : the cases of Croatia and Macedonia." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6300/.
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This thesis examines the role of EU in shaping national minority policies in Macedonia and Croatia since the launching of the first forms of EU conditionality in relation to the Western Balkans in the late 1990s. Research on EU conditionality has developed foremost in the context of the Eastern enlargement, largely neglecting the former Yugoslav countries. This dissertation contributes to filling this gap by studying the dynamic interactions between the EU and the national level in relation to national minority policies. The thesis utilizes primary document analysis and open-ended interviews in a combination of comparative case study method and process tracing. It tracks and explains the construction, application and implementation of EU conditionality in relation to minority policies between 1997 and 2012. The study employs before and after approach in relation to 2004/2005 when Croatia and Macedonia applied and became official candidates for EU accession. As national minority policies are not part of the EU acquis, the research studies how the EU institutions, especially the EU commission have used international instruments (such as the Framework Convention on the Protection of National Minorities) and national legislative provisions as elements of EU conditionality. In addition, the research examines in depth the policy of employment of minorities in the administration as a novel segment of EU conditionality in the two case studies. The analysis demonstrates the lack of consistency of this mechanism, its development and change over time as well as its potential for polarisation. Primarily, the thesis fills an existing gap in literature concerning the study of the role of conditionality in national minority policies in Croatia and Macedonia. On a conceptual level, this research sheds light on dynamic relationship between Europeanisation by conditionality and democratic consolidation in the conditions of post-communism.
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Ketola, Markus. "Europeanisation and civil society : the early impact of EU pre-accession policies on Turkish NGOs." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/87/.
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Turkey’s European Union (EU) membership aspirations form a critical junction on the road to further European integration. During the past decade, the role of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) as facilitators of the accession process has grown exponentially in relevance. In Turkey’s case, specific policies have emerged to support this element of the pre-accession process. By targeting NGOs, these policies aim to Europeanise and democratise Turkish civil society and in so doing prepare Turkey for eventual EU accession. This logic draws on the liberal democratic tradition that anticipates democratisation to be a key outcome of NGO support. The thesis questions the appropriateness of such assumptions, since Turkish NGOs respond to EU policy in a variety of locally meaningful ways that may circumvent the stated policy outcomes. The wider the gap between policy and reality, the more space there is for NGOs to exercise their agency, and more uncertain the Europeanisation processes become. The thesis starts out by juxtaposing the European and Turkish perspectives in turn. The EU approach suggests that NGOs behave similarly across different cultural contexts and can be called upon to perform a variety of roles deemed useful for the overall policy process. However, civil society in Turkey has developed along a different trajectory, fostering NGOs that are highly politicised in their activities and cultivating social debates that are essentialist rather than compromising in nature. The latter part of the thesis explores different aspects of this disconnect. The relationships NGOs construct with each other and with governmental bodies are politicised and lack the culture of cooperation expected by EU policy. NGOs exhibit different reactions to EU funding: some embrace it while others pursue it unsuccessfully and grow resentful, or even reject any external funding outright. These differences lead NGOs to generate a variety of survival strategies that minimise the impact of EU policy on changing NGO behaviour where the change is unwelcome by the NGO, or maximise the impact where NGO and EU interests are mutually advanced. The thesis examines how the Europeanisation of Turkish civil society unfolds through a policy process that both affects and is shaped by NGO actors, where the eventual outcomes of EU policy remain uncertain.
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De, Perini Pietro. "From inception to professionalisation : the evolution of intercultural dialogue in EU Mediterranean policies (1990-2014)." Thesis, City, University of London, 2016. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/16951/.
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This thesis investigates the promotion of intercultural dialogue (ICD) in the framework of EU external action on the Mediterranean between 1990 and 2014. ICD is understood as a cultural foreign policy instrument that the EU has promoted in a changing, vague and contradictory manner to engage the civil societies of Europe and of the Mediterranean into a common effort to attenuate the tensions that derive from the socio-cultural divergences among the people and governments of this whole area. With the goal of shedding light on this obscure aspect of EU policy-making in the Mediterranean, this thesis aims primarily to analyse why the approach of the EU to ICD has changed during the time frame in reference, and how the EU has modified the formulation, implementation and role of this policy instrument. Guided by the conceptual lens of Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), the research examines ICD within a broader analysis of the evolution of EU foreign policy in the area. It argues that the EU commitment to advance ICD within its Mediterranean policies can be divided into three distinct phases: a ‘phase of emergence’ (1990-2001), a ‘phase of consolidation’ (2001-2010) and a ‘phase of professionalisation’ (2010-2014). The main factor that shaped this three-phase evolution is identified in how EU policy-makers assessed the potential contribution of ICD to address the changing socio-cultural divide in the Euro-Mediterranean space following three major events: a) the conclusion of the Cold War in 1990; b) the terror attacks of 9/11 2001; and c) the outbreak of the Arab uprisings in December 2010.
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Brown, Scott Alexander William. "Power, perception and policymaking : the foreign policies of the US and the EU towards China." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5104/.
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China’s rise has put it on a trajectory to overtake the international system’s dominant powers – the United States of America (US) and the European Union (EU) – at some point this century. Some observers conclude that the historical pattern of such transitions catalysing great power conflict is likely to continue with China’s ascendancy. Power-transition theory (PTT) anticipates that the established powers will strive to maintain the status quo by extending their relative power advantage over the rising challenger and curtailing its power where possible. Yet the actual responses of the US and the EU have not conformed to these expectations; instead, they have both largely welcomed China’s rise and sought to integrate it into the international system. We can see that policymakers continually express interpretations of China’s rise which we would not expect to find if the logic of PTT prevailed. This raises a question: How have different interpretations of the ‘rise of China’ influenced the foreign policies of the US and the EU towards China? I argue that varied perceptions of the implications of China’s rise have shaped policy preferences in ways that are inconsistent with concerns over the threat of an impending power-transition. Policy discourse at key junctures in bilateral relations revealed that ‘China’s rise’ is actually a contested notion and that the different interpretations in play at that point in time affect the policymaking process in ways that cannot be accounted for from state-centric perspectives. While China’s growing power and relations with these actors have been widely studied, little attention is paid to how competing interpretations of China’s rise impact upon policymakers’ preferences and the eventual responses. Despite the growing prevalence of threat rhetoric (at least in the US), China’s rise is often conceptualised by key policymakers as presenting considerable economic and political opportunities. In the EU, perceptions of economic and political opportunities have not been challenged by threat interpretations and thus its overall approach has been informed by the former with little substantive debate amongst key actors.
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Andrews, Johanna. "Facing Obstacles to Change : implementing EU gender equality policies in the Central and Eastern European Countries." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2632.
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On May 1st 2004 the European Union was enlarged with ten new countries. Eight of these share a common background as satellite states of the former Soviet Union and today three more are candidate countries for an EU membership. These countries share a state-communist past. In terms of gender equality this affects the countries’ norms regarding gender and the conception of equality between the sexes. The EU has an outspoken commitment to gender equality and has throughout the years developed a number of Equal Opportunity Policies to combat the problem with gender discrimination within the EU. What happens when the EU is implementing these policies into the former communist countries and norms from two different environments meet? T
he thesis aim to critically review and discuss EU equal opportunity policies concerning the labour market in the former communist countries from perspectives of neo-institutionalist and contemporary feminist theory. The discussion concern obstacles to change and the creation of norms regarding gender equality, and whether the specific background (the communist experience) shared by the countries of the Eastern Europe might have implications for the process.
The thesis uses a multi strategy approach, combining text studies, interviews and quantitative data. The analytical framework consists of concepts relating to change and norm formation from cultural neo-institutionalism and a feminist perspective. The input consists of the present rules and roles in the former communist countries and the existing EU equal opportunity policies. The situation that appears when the perspectives meet is analysed from a critical feminist perspective based on modern debates regarding the east-west dichotomy within the school of feminism. By adding concept of change from the school of cultural neo-institutionalism the situation can be evaluated from a norm creating perspective. This creates an opportunity to discuss potential future scenarios.
The findings of the thesis show that there is a significant difference between the theoretical foundation for a discussion on gender equality between the EU15 and the CEEC11. This is reflected in a lack of gender awareness in the CEEC11 acknowledged by both NGOs and EU officials. The implication of this is that the EU is challenged to make the public aware of the importance of these values. They are forced to create a change in the norms governing gender equality in the CEEC11. However, the findings also show that the EU is somewhat uncritical towards its own role as the norm shaper in the process. There is a need for the European Commission to reflect over the present equal opportunity policies in order to create sustainable change. If the EU fail to do so it will most likely be the uncontested norm-holder and socialisation ceases to be a two way process. The consequence may be ineffective policies.
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Sosa, Núñez Gustavo Sadot. "Convergence of GM maize labelling policies : a comparative assessment between the EU and the NAFTA region." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2011. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/32693/.
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Wang, Li. "Higher education policies in the EU and in the People's Republic of China : a comparative approach /." Tampere : University of Tampere, 2005. http://www.niaslinc.dk/gateway_to_asia/nordic_webpublications/x506003336.pdf.
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Coulibaly, Adama Ekberg. "The EU wheat market and Agenda 2000 farm reform : policies, decision-support tools and impact multipliers /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9901308.
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Oberngruber, B. (Bernhard). "The migration-security nexus in domains of insecurity:a qualitative content analysis of two recent EU-policies." Master's thesis, University of Oulu, 2016. http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:oulu-201601201063.
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Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, issues in migration gradually gained importance and are now firmly on top of European policy makers’ agenda. Against the backdrop of an increasing public and political awareness of the matters related to migration, new problem-solving approaches emerged. The proposal of securitizing issues in migration is among the most prominent approaches. This would allow to break free from procedures and rules by placing the matter beyond the rule of the established political game. The impacts for migrants of the securitization of migration would however be substantial, as securitization also places the issue in a much more hostile environment.
This thesis is thus concerned with the analysis of two recent EU-policies in terms of identifying possible political speech acts, which are a basic requirement of securitization. In most cases, speech acts are highly expedient towards labelling the issue as a threat to security. Theoretically grounded in the work of Jef Huysmans’ The politics of insecurity, this thesis is guided by two research questions:
1. What are the threat definitions of migration in European post-9/11 policies and how do they correspond with the politics of insecurity?
2. Which kind of political reframing is taking place in the shift from migration as a non-politicized issue to the securitization of migration?
This thesis uses Qualitative Content Analysis as a research method. It is concerned with identifying themes and patterns in two recent EU-policies and sets them in relation to three main categories, which emerged from the theory of this research. These categories are the following:
1. Migration as a threat to internal security and domestic labour markets
2. Migration as a threat to European cultural values
3. Migration as a threat to European welfare
The data can be identified as belonging to two different policy areas, the security area and the migration area. The first policy, the European Security Strategy, is taken from the security area and was published as a reaction to the violent attacks of 9/11 in the United States. The document deals with threats all along the spectrum as related to European security. The second document, the Global Approach for Migration and Mobility, is the overarching framework of the European Union external migration and asylum policy since 2005. The document defines the premises under which the EU is conducting policy dialogues and development cooperation with non-EU countries.
The findings of this research revealed that migration poses almost exclusively a threat to the first category, European internal security and domestic labour markets. Further, empirical evidence revealed correlations between migration, organized crime and terrorism. However, no convincing evidence has been found that cultural values or European welfare is threatened by migration.
The last chapter discusses the findings and analyses them against the backdrop of the administration of fear and trust, which has a distorting effect on the relationship between refugees and frightened societies in Europe. This is because, in domains of insecurity, previously trusted or indifferent relationships between established and outsiders are relocated in a climate of fear and prejudice. This chapter also reveals potential solutions to disrupt the widespread intermingling between migration and the feeling of insecurity.
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Giuashvili, Teona. "Understanding security policies of the EU and Russia in the "shared neighbourhood" : the case of Georgia." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0057.
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La présente thèse vise à étudier le rôle stratégique de l'UE au-delà de ses frontières, à expliquer et à évaluer la politique de sécurité que l'Union a poursuivie à l'égard des pays voisins de l'Est pendant plus de deux décennies depuis le début des années 1990, avec un accent particulier sur la Géorgie. L'objectif principal est d'examiner dans quelle mesure l'UE - une zone de paix et de sécurité - a réussi à devenir un acteur sécuritaire dans son voisinage de l'Est, étendant la paix et la stabilité hors de ses frontières, surtout en vue de la politique d'un autre acteur central, qui essaie de renforcer sa puissance dans le complexe sécuritaire régional, la Russie. D'une part, un certain nombre de questions empiriques interroge la substance du rôle sécuritaire de l'UE en explorant ses caractéristiques principales en tant qu'acteur sécuritaire. D'autre part, l'étude s'intéresse à l'efficacité de la politique de l'UE à contribuer à la sécurité de la Géorgie. C’est dans le 'voisinage commun' que l'incompatibilité entre les intérêts et les instruments politiques de l'UE et la Russie devient apparente - les acteurs ayant des identités contrastées, proposant/représentant des modèles sécuritaires opposés pour la région. Pour analyser l'UE et la Russie en tant qu'acteurs sécuritaires en Géorgie et comprendre les implications de leurs politiques sécuritaires sur la région, cette étude s'interroge sur les principaux aspects qui sont intervenus dans la conception du rôle sécuritaire de l'UE, et ses performances - les facteurs qui ont contribué à renforcer ou bloquer l'efficacité du rôle sécuritaire de l'UEThe present dissertation aims to study the strategic role of the EU beyond its borders, explain and assess the security policy that the Union has pursued towards its Eastern neighboring countries for more than two decades since the early 1990s with a particular focus on Georgia. The overall objective is to examine to what extent and how the EU - an area of peace and security - has been able to become a security actor in its Eastern neighborhood, extending peace and providing stability beyond its borders in view of security policy of another main actor seeking to increase its power projection in the regional security complex, Russia. From one side, a number of empirical questions inquire the substance of EU’s security role through exploring its main characteristics, and providing an understanding of how the EU functions as a security actor and explaining its particularity. From another side, the study is interested in the effectiveness of EU’s policy to contribute to Georgia’s security. It is in the 'shared neighborhood' that the incompatibility between the interests and political instruments of the EU and Russia becomes apparent - actors with contrasting identities an power natures, who provide opposing security models for the future of the region. To explore the EU and Russia as security actors in Georgia and get a better grip on the empirical meaning of their roles and implications of their policies on the region, this study questions the main aspects that have intervened in the conception of security roles by the EU and Russia, and their performance - the factors that have contributed or restrained the effectiveness of security role of the EU and Russia
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Talibova, Dinara Malik. "Economic relations of the United Kingdom inside the EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-15338.
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From 1971 UK has committed herself to the new brand name of Europeanism. Since that time Britain is continuously forced to adjust itself to the EEC regulations. The questions brought up in this thesis are about an outcome from the EU membership as well as reflection on Britain's regional policies. The work is streamed towards better understanding of main roles and activities that Britain was, is and will consign to the European Union. Moreover, there are several issues which bringing up a point of having some disadvantages from EU member. But with a time people could be concerned of more benefits that EU membership brought as an effective economic strategy is proved.
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Brooks, David. "Convergence but competition in French and German China-policies : toward an understanding of underdeveloped EU foreign policy." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/23494.
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The China-policy of the European Union (EU) continues to be characterized by underdevelopment, even as it becomes more and more important to engage a China developing economic and political world power status. A general consensus has developed that EU Member States are largely responsible for the current state of EU China-policy. How they are specifically to blame is still controversial. The prominent study by John Fox and François Godement, “A Power Audit of EU-China Relations” (2009), suggests Member States, particularly the “Big Three,” Germany, France and the UK, are to blame because they take different political and economic “approaches” to China—approaches which may change from one administration to the next. National interests might naturally be assumed to play an important role in such approaches. National interests are generally regarded to be an important factor in the level of support given to EU common foreign and security policy (CFSP) formation by Member States. Keukeleire and MacNaughtan (2008) explain that Member State interests may contribute to under-supported common foreign policy either by being “divergent and incompatible” or “convergent but competitive” with each other. This paper seeks to understand to what extent Member State interests vis-à-vis China fall into one of these two categories, and to determine the theoretical implications in the sphere of European integration. The paper uses a case study methodology of China policies in the period 1997 to 2008 of two powerful Member States, Germany and France, to determine the focus of interests. It then investigates the extent to which these interests are cooperative or competitive. The paper calls largely on news reports and government documentation of official state visits of German and French executive leadership to China, as well as personal interviews with French and German experts in academia, civil society and government. The analysis suggests that French and German interests toward China focus heavily on benefit to their respective national economies—a focus which is largely competitive in nature, implying for theory that realism may still hold a place in explaining aspects of European integration, in particular failures in CFSP formation.
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Voges, Anna Catharina. "Farming under Changing EU Policies : the Influence of Monetary and Non-Monetary Vocational Characteristics of Farmers' Choices." Thesis, Imperial College London, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.502906.
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Stetter, Stephan Erich. "Cross pillar politics of the European Union : EU actors and the centralisation of foreign and interior policies." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2524/.
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The pillar structure of EU politics dates back to the Maastricht Treaty and has since then been subject to several reforms but has never been formally abolished. According to a standard view, there is a fundamental distinction between the allegedly 'supranational' first pillar and the 'intergovernmental' second and third pillars. This standard view asserts that policy making in foreign and interior affairs - those areas which are partly located in each of these pillars - also follows two different institutional logics. This thesis proposes a different perspective on foreign and interior policies and analyses the role of EU actors - the Commission, the European Parliament, the Council Secretariat, the Court of Justice and the Court of Auditors - in these two areas. It argues that policy making is not primarily characterised by the supranational-intergovernmental divide but rather by functionally induced cross pillar dynamics applying equally to both policy areas. It shows that EU actors were able to shape 'intergovernmental' bargains and that the primary division in foreign and interior policies is not on the supranational-intergovernmental dimension but rather between executive actors and those controlling the executive. Middle East and migration policies serve as case studies for this analysis. The thesis shows that both areas have since the Maastricht Treaty become an integral part of the political system of the EU. Moreover, the centralisation process in foreign and interior policies, which stretches beyond the pillar confines, has consolidated the specific functional feature of both areas. It is argued that both areas constitute one policy type, referred to as macro political stabilisation. The functional dynamics of macro political stabilisation policies affect the way in which capabilities have been delegated to EU actors within the cross pillar institutional setting of EU foreign and interior policies. Moreover, the preferences of actors as well as the specific patterns of interaction in the policy making process also have to be understood against this functional background.
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Ionescu, Daniela. "Controlling corruption or controlling states? : EU and anti-corruption policies : the case of Bulgaria and Romania, 2000-2008." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7583/.
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This thesis challenges the idea that the EU anti-corruption policies’ main rationale is to root out corruption. The research hypothesis is that EU anti-corruption policies are used not so much to control corruption as to control and diminish the powers of nation states and to redesign the classic power balance in these democratic states. The actors who end up being empowered are supranational, international and non-governmental entities: the EU/ the European Commission, International Organizations and domestic civil society with a pro-EU agenda. The domestic decision-makers are structurally disempowered by the anti-corruption policies. The lessons derived from the specific experience of Romania and Bulgaria have a general value because their model inspired the recent decision of the European Commission to introduce the same anti-corruption policies across the EU.
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Göhmann, Dominik [Verfasser], Wolfgang [Akademischer Betreuer] Wessels, and Hartmut [Akademischer Betreuer] Marhold. "‚Farewell state by-passing, hello national government!‘ The preferred lobbying strategy of legislative regions in Germany and the United Kingdom in EU Competition, EU Environment and EU Education policies / Dominik Göhmann. Gutachter: Wolfgang Wessels ; Hartmut Marhold." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1072755467/34.
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Göhmann, Dominik Verfasser], Wolfgang [Akademischer Betreuer] Wessels, and Hartmut [Akademischer Betreuer] [Marhold. "‚Farewell state by-passing, hello national government!‘ The preferred lobbying strategy of legislative regions in Germany and the United Kingdom in EU Competition, EU Environment and EU Education policies / Dominik Göhmann. Gutachter: Wolfgang Wessels ; Hartmut Marhold." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2015. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:hbz:38-61733.
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Sander, Reinhard. "Einfluss der Agrarpolitik auf die regionalen landwirtschaftlichen Produktionsstrukturen in der EU : Analyse auf der Grundlage eines regional differenzierten Agrarsektormodells." Bonn : Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität, Institut für Agrarpolitik, Marktforschung und Wirtschaftssoziologie, 2002. http://hss.ulb.uni-bonn.de/ulb_bonn/diss_online/landw_fak/2002/sander_reinhard/0077.pdf.
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Takman, Johanna, and Oscar Walfridsson. "Hur påverkar pullfaktorer fördelningen av asylansökningar inom EU-25?" Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Nationalekonomi, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-131347.
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De senaste åren har världen upplevt den största flyktingkrisen sedan andra världskriget. Inom EU har fördelningen av asylansökningar varit ojämnt fördelad mellan medlemsländerna trots gemensamma asylpolicyer. Genom paneldataanalys undersöker vi i denna studie hur ekonomiska, nätverksrelaterade, attitydrelaterade och policyrelaterade pullfaktorer har påverkat det relativa asyltrycket hos medlemsländerna i EU-25 mellan 2005 och 2014. Resultaten visar att länders pullfaktorer har en påverkan på dess relativa asyltryck. Vi finner stöd för vad tidigare studier dokumenterat men även resultat som pekar i andra riktningar. Låg arbetslöshet, hög lön, migrantnätverk, attityder och att vara ett land som ligger längs de vanligaste flyktvägarna in till EU visar ett signifikant positivt samband med relativt asyltryck. I kontrast till tidigare forskning hittas ett signifikant negativt samband mellan beviljningsgrad och relativt asyltryck. Resultatet kan förklaras med att länder antingen reagerar på högt asyltryck genom att minska andelen asylbeviljningar, eller att asylsökande med låg sannolikhet att få beviljad asyl väljer länder med liberalare asylpolicyer. Inget samband hittas mellan ekonomisk jämlikhet och relativt asyltryck. Det ojämna asyltrycket i EU beror till viss del på faktorer som länder själva inte kan påverka och därför kan politiska regeländringar krävas för en jämnare fördelning.During the last years the world has experienced the largest refugee crisis since the Second World War. Within the European Union, the asylum shares have been uneven distributed even though member countries share common asylum policies to a certain degree. Using panel analysis, this study examines how policy related, attitude related, economical, and network related pull factors have affected the asylum shares in the EU-25 countries between 2005 and 2014. The results show that pull factors do have an effect on countries asylum shares. Low unemployment, high salaries, network effects, attitudes and countries bordering the most common smuggle routes into EU have a significant positive relationship with asylum shares. We find a significant negative relationship between recognition rates and asylum shares, which is in contrast to previous research. This result can be explained either by countries reacting to a large number of asylum applications by lowering their recognition rates, or by asylum applicants with a low probability of approval choosing countries with more liberal asylum policies. No relationship was found between economic equality and asylum shares. The uneven distribution of asylum shares depend to a certain degree of factors that countries themselves cannot control for and thereby policies might be required to reach an even distribution.
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Mayer, Matthias M. "Governmental preferences on liberalising economic migration policies at the EU level : Germany's domestic politics, foreign policy, and labour market." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/370/.
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The academic debate about European cooperation on immigration has focused on big treaty negotiations, presented an undifferentiated picture of the subfields of immigration, and has only recently begun to make use of the abundant literature on national immigration policies. As a macrostructure, this study uses a bureaucratic politics framework to understand the preference formation of national governments on liberalising economic migration policies. This allows unpacking the process of preference formation and linking it to a number of causal factors, which, by influencing the cost and benefits distribution of the relevant actors – intra-ministerial actors, employer associations, trade unions, and other sub-state actors – shape the position of the government. The influence of the causal factors is underpinned by different theories derived from the literatures on Europeanisation, immigration policy-making, and foreign policy. Germany is used as a longitudinal case study with four cases within it, as it has undergone a U-turn in a way no other relevant Member State has, from a keen supporter of EU involvement to being highly sceptical with regard to economic migration policies at the EU level. The empirical data is based on 43 open-ended interviews, archival research and newspaper analysis. The bureaucratic politics framework supplanted with the theoretical strands of domestic politics and foreign policy concerns provides a number of themes that can explain why and under what conditions a Member State supports liberalising economic migration policies at the EU level from 1957 until the Treaty of Lisbon. The thesis argues that if the European policy measure applies to a particular group of sending countries and the domestic salience of immigration is low, sending countries can lobby Member State governments to support EU-level liberalisation of immigration policies. The misfit between the existing national regulations for economic migration and European-level policies cannot be significant as otherwise the economic and political adaptation costs for actors involved are too high. A heated national debate on immigration is negatively related to governmental support for such measures as the political costs of support skyrocket. Conversely, if the decision-making process happens bureaucratically, this helps to attain governmental support as the political costs of doing so are kept minimal.
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Lucia, Caterina De. "Integrating local and EU environmental policies, trade and transboundary pollution in an enlarged Europe : a computable general equilibrium model." Thesis, University of York, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.444666.
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Duran, Maria. "Välkommen till den Europeiska Unionen : en litteraturstudie om ensamkommande barn i EU." Thesis, Högskolan Kristianstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hkr:diva-11122.
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Unaccompanied minors who are fleeing and being sent way from their countries of origin are nothing new. In 2011, 12 225 unaccompanied minors where registered in The European Union, none undocumented minors included. Most of the minors are coming from Afghanistan and Somalia. The aim of this essay is to investigate how The European Union’s migration policies are applied in reality and how United Nation’s Convention on the Right of Children are put in practice by the member states of The European Union and Norway. This will be investigated through a qualitative literature essay. The results of this essay illustrate that unaccompanied minors are being subjects of The European migration policies like Dublin II regulation, and are being held in detention around in Europe. The unaccompanied minors’ fundamental rights are taken from them, rights like education, health care and social welfare. The unaccompanied minors are not seen as children by the authorities; instead they are seen and treated as refugees and illegal migrants.Barn i Barnhus
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Apap, Joanna. "The migrant worker and EU social policies : an evaluation of the EU policy process towards migration of labour from the Maghreb countries in the nineties in the new receiving states." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298660.
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Muñoz, Cabré Miquel. "Renewable electricity policies: an analysis of quotas, feeds-in laws and a proposal for EU harmonization of feeds-in laws." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/4011.
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Les dues principals contribucions d'aquesta tesis son:1. una comparació entre els dos instruments per a la promoció de l'electricitat renovable, és a dir, feed-in laws I quotes.
2. una proposta per a l'harmonització de feed-in laws a la Unió europea
La tesis està estructurada en cinc parts.
La Part I explica el sector elèctric liberalitzat, així com les tecnologies existents per electricitat renovable. D'aquestes tecnologies, les que tenen ritmes de creixement majors Durant la última dècada son la solar fotovoltaica i l'energia eòlica. La Part I també explica els principals atributs i impactes de les energies renovables.
La Part II descriu els sistemes, polítiques, mesures i estratègies de finançament per a la promoció de l'electricitat renovable. Els dos instruments més importants són les quotes i els feed-in laws, també coneguts com a tarifes. En un sistema de quotes, s'estableix un objectiu (la quota) d'energies renovable, i es crea un mercat per certificats d'electricitat renovable, de manera que s'aconsegueixi l'objectiu establer d'una manera eficient. En un sistema de tarifes, es garanteix als generadors d'electricitat renovable la compra de tota la seva producció a un preu mínim.
A part de quotes i tarifes, la tesis descriu altres mecanismes i polítiques, tals com sistemes de subhasta, mercats voluntaris, exempcions fiscals, fons d'energia neta, comptadors reversibles, subsidis, i inversió pública en recerca i desenvolupament.. La Part II també considera aspectes tals com accés a la xarxa, definicions i estàndards tècnics, assumptes administratius, establiment d'objectius, educació i conscienciació pública, estratègies de finançament, i gestió de risc.
La Part III descriu estudis de cas. Aquesta tesis no pretén ser un compendi estadístic de totes les polítiques existents a tots els països: Per això uns quants països de la Unió Europea es fan servir com a estudi de cas. La selecció de països s'ha fet pels següents motius: Alemanya i Espanya perquè il·lustren casos exitosos de polítiques de tarifes i primes; Dinamarca perquè es un dels països pioners en el desenvolupament de l'energia eòlica i els sistemes de tarifes que il·lustra els efectes negatius dels canvis de política; França per que il·lustra un sistema hostil a les energies renovables; els Països Baixos com un exemple de multiplicitat de polítiques; Irlanda perquè és un exemple de sistemes de subhasta; Suècia com un exemple de mercats voluntaris i sistemes fiscals verds; i el Regne Unit com un exemple de quotes. també es descriu els Estats Units d'Amèrica, així com el context de la Unió europea, i en particular respecte a la Directiva 2001/77/CE per a la promoció d'electricitat renovable.
La Part IV compara sistemes de quotes i tarifes en aspectes tals com l'eficiència, l'efectivitat, els incentius per a la innovació, l'eficiència sota incertesa, assumptes administratius, riscs regulatoris, finançament, discriminació tecnològica i distribució territorial. La Part IV conclou que les tarifes són instruments superiors a les quotes.
La Part V proposa i elabora polítiques per a l'harmonització dels sistemes de tarifes a la Unió Europea. En concret, proposa una metodologia per a l'harmonització basada en un sistema de primes, amb una prima modular i transparent per als productors d'electricitat renovable. Aquesta prima consideraria els costs tecnològics, els serveis a la xarxa, incentius polítics, i prioritats nacionals. L'enfoc que es proposa inclou mecanismes de flexibilitat per actualitzar les primes, per evitar beneficis inesperats, i per repartir els beneficis de la innovació tecnològica entre els productors i els consumidors, tot i mantenint els incentius per a la innovació. Els mecanismes de flexibilitat inclouen un mecanisme automàtic de revisió d'objectius, un sistema de revisió de primes i un llindar de rendibilitat. Les propostes de la Part V estan basades en la revisió dels principals aspectes de les lleis Alemanyes i Espanyoles.
The two main contributions of this dissertation are:
1. a comparison between two types of policy instruments for the promotion of renewable electricity, namely quotas and feed-in laws; and
2. a proposal for harmonization of feed-in laws in the European Union.
This dissertation is structured in five parts.
Part I explains the deregulated electricity sector and the existing renewable electricity technologies. Among these technologies, the ones with the highest growth rates in the last decade are solar photovoltaic and wind power. Part I also explains the main attributes and impacts of renewable electricity technologies.
Part II describes the existing support schemes, policies, measures and financing strategies for the promotion of renewable electricity. The two most important policy instruments are quotas and feed-in laws. Under a quota system, a target (the quota) is mandated for renewable electricity, and a market for renewable electricity certificates is created, to achieve the established target in a cost-efficient way. Under a feed-in law scheme, renewable electricity generators are guaranteed that all their renewable electricity will be bought at a minimum price.
Besides quotas and feed-in laws, other schemes and policies are described, such as tendering systems, voluntary markets, tax credits, clean energy funds, net metering, subsidies, and public research and development. Part II also addresses aspects such as grid access, definitions and standards, administrative issues, target setting, awareness and education, financing strategies, and risk management.
Part III describes country case studies. Because this dissertation does not pretend to be a compendium of data or existing policies in all countries, a few countries in the European Union have been selected. The selection of countries was broadly made for the following reasons: Germany and Spain because they illustrate successful feed-in systems; Denmark because it is also one of the pioneers of wind power and feed-in laws and illustrates the negative effects of policy changes; France because it illustrates a system hostile to renewables; the Netherlands because it is an example of multiplicity of policies; Ireland because it is an example of tendering systems; Sweden as an example of voluntary markets and green taxes; and the United Kingdom as an example of quotas. The United States is also described, as well as the context of the European Union, particularly with regards to Directive 2001/77/EC on the promotion of renewable electricity.
Part IV provides a comparison between feed-in-laws and quota systems in respect of efficiency, effectiveness, induced innovation, efficiency under uncertainty, administrative issues, regulatory risk, funding, discrimination among technologies and geographical dispersion. Part IV concludes that feed-in laws are superior policy instruments with regards to all those aspects, in some cases based on theory and in some on empirical evidence.
Part V elaborates policy proposals for the harmonization of feed-in laws in the European Union. In particular, it proposes a methodology for harmonization based on a feed-in law with a modular and transparent premium for renewable electricity producers. This premium considers technology costs, some grid services, political incentives and national priorities. The proposed approach includes flexibility mechanisms to update and revise premiums, to avoid windfall profits for producers, and to share technology innovation benefits with electricity consumers while maintaining incentives for innovation. The flexibility mechanisms include a profitability threshold, an automated premium revision, and a target revision trigger. The proposals on Part V are based on the review of the main features of the German and Spanish feed-in laws. Other considerations necessary for harmonization and not described elsewhere in the dissertation are also taken into account in Part V, such as ownership of rights derived from renewables, and exceptions for small non-commercial producers and energy¬intensive industries.
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Beyer, Daniela [Verfasser]. "The Policy Consequences of the European Project : From Politics to Policies in the EU and the Member States / Daniela Beyer." Konstanz : KOPS Universität Konstanz, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1192665112/34.
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Pinkasová, Petra. "Agrární politika EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-5286.
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Diploma work characterizes Common agricultural policy in the European Union. The main part of the work devotes to the development of Common agricultural policy (CAP) since its beginning to the present, problems it battled, performed reforms and evaluation of accepted measures. There are also mentioned principles and instruments of CAP, financing, European Community bodies concerned with CAP and liberalization process of agriculture within the round of negotiations of WTO. The work further attends to development of agricultural policy in the United States and comparison of agricultural policies in the European Union and the United States.