Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Euro-Mediterranean Partnership'

The aim of this thesis is to examine, analyse and discuss the ways in which the European Union is structuring its relations with its neighbours in the Mediterranean region, in regards of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, its Third Basket which is dealing with the socio-cultural cooperation and human affairs, and the initiative of the intercultural dialogue. In this thesis, it is shown that the human dimension of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership has experienced an increase in related debates, activities and initiatives within the post-9/11 world order. To organise the intercultural relations and the civil society input in the process, the Anna Lindh Euro-Mediterranean Foundation for the Dialogue between Cultures was established in 2005. It is observed that within the framework of this renewed significance of the Third Basket and the notion of intercultural dialogue, there exist clear problems regarding the issues of the politicisation and securitisation of the process, the representation of cultural entities and the participation of civil society organisations. To conclude, it is suggested that the independence of the Euro-Mediterranean Foundation regarding the issues of funding and civil society participation need to be enhanced extensively as within the current situation the political actors and the governments of the partner countries have strict control over the functioning of the intercultural dialogue which is initiated as a solely non-governmental institution that would regulate the cultural relations in the region.

This thesis attempts to assess the security aspect of the Barcelona Process (Process), or so called Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) within the theoretical framework of new regionalism and the Copenhagen School (Security complex theory) which agrees with neo/realism, neo-liberal institutionalism and constructivism in some aspects. The end of the Cold War broadened the security agenda and new security concerns emerged. Actually, most of the so- called security threats are not new, but the perception of them by the states has changed with globalization which increased the interconnectedness and density of the interaction. Global challenges have made states more vulnerable so appreciated the cooperative interaction at regional level. Comprehensive and cooperative security approaches gained importance and led regional security partnership among states. The construction of Euro-Mediterranean security partnership is one case stemming from the high level of interdependence between the European and the Mediterranean countries. The historical ties, economic dependency, geographical proximity increased the EU’s interest towards the Mediterranean. While new regionalism enables to grasp systemic factors in the Process, the Copenhagen School permits to understand security partnership at the regional level. The rise of illegal immigration flows and religious fundamentalism in the Mediterranean as well as tension in the Middle East conflict, the Iraqi War, and terrorist attacks to the US, Algeria and recently Turkey appreciated the importance of the EMP policy and security cooperation so make this study more crucial.

This study showed that the security challenges in five sectors of the security defined by the Copenhagen School are observable in the EMP’s case. Both military and non-military concerns threaten the stability and prosperity in the Mediterranean Basin. The three baskets of the EMP depict its comprehensive security approach. Having made an overview of the Barcelona Process, the thesis evaluated the security challenges in general and the thematic areas of concerns in depth. Since security cannot be defined without reference to the perceptions and security cultures of the actors, the study examined the perceptions and security cultures in the EMP.

The evaluation of the EMP showed that the EMP has shown certain developments on the way for the security cooperation. However, it could not produce tangible results due to the fundamental shortcomings categorized as inter and intra-institutional incoherence, definitional/perceptional problems and multi- actor involvement in the region. The lack of institutional structures, asymmetrical relations among partners, unbalanced distribution of powers and lack of commitment of the EU are crucial problems. On the basis of all problems lie the gap between the perceptions and security culture of Europe and the Arab world. Thus, this thesis emphasizes the enhancement of inter- subjective understanding and cultural dialogue in order to improve trust and interaction among partners. The EMP is on right track to build zone of peace in the Basin, but it requires longue durée to achieve this.

The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU) has often been characterised by legal scholars as an intergovernmental ‘pillar’ within the constitutional structure of the EU, distinct from the type of law and legal processes common to other dimensions of the European integration process. The perceived limitations caused by the intergovernmental nature of the CFSP have contributed to the widespread view that it is largely ineffective in meeting its goals. This thesis analyses the CFSP by characterising it as a system of governance. Building on the language and meanings of ‘governance’, an institutional constructivist framework of legal analysis is developed. Using this framework helps to show that characterising the CFSP in this way demonstrates how its (legal) effects go beyond the instruments provided for in the Treaty on European Union. The CFSP as a system of governance can be seen to influence other Union-level instruments, tools and policies in which the EU’s foreign policy goals are pursued. The case is made that the CFSP can be understood as an integral part of the constitutional order of the EU and legal analysis need not be limited to the competences and instruments found in the Treaty. The thesis uses the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EuroMed) to demonstrate how the EU’s foreign policy goals are pursued. Although EuroMed was not formally created by a CFSP instrument, analysis of its institutional framework and operation shows that it bears close affinity with the CFSP goals, both globally and towards the Mediterranean. EuroMed can also be seen as a system of governance, in which the EU institutions act as strong, central actors which enable foreign policy goals to be pursued within an institutionalised framework. As a policy area within EuroMed, the broad issues of migration are examined against the background of growing EU competence in migration law and policy. The analysis demonstrates that migration issues have come to the forefront in EuroMed, which is increasingly used as a means by which foreign policy and security goals can be pursued by the EU under the guise of a ‘partnership’ with Mediterranean states. Applying the institutional constructivist framework of legal analysis to the CFSP shows that, as a system of governance, it has strong effects on other policy-making spheres within the EU, and these effects can justifiably be termed as ‘legal’. As such, the CFSP should therefore not be regarded as a policy which is limited in its usefulness but one which can be seen to fulfil its goals through a wider set of means than previously thought.

L'obiettivo di questa tesi di dottorato è quello di individuare alcune tematiche che permettano la comprensione, anche e soprattutto dall'interno, di un processo storico, politico, economico e socio-culturale che ha fortemente caratterizzato e condizionato la sponda sud del Mediterraneo e, in particolare la Tunisia. I fili conduttori della ricerca sono lo studio del sistema-Paese Tunisia, della sua storia dall'indipendenza fino ai nostri giorni, del funzionamento delle istituzioni politiche, della complessa relazione tra etnie, religione, partiti politici e poteri istituzionali, delle relazioni internazionali e dell'economia. Ampio spazio viene assegnato all'analisi del ruolo della donna in Tunisia alla luce del Code du Statut Personnel, che ne regolamenta la posizione e le funzioni nella società tunisina. Infine, viene affrontato il tema del Partenariato euromediterraneo, con particolare attenzione all'area socio-culturale: quest'ultima fa sì che la Tunisia si ponga oggi tra i Paesi Terzi Mediterranei maggiormente all'avanguardia nella cooperazione.
The objective of this thesis of doctorate is to characterize some thematics in order to permit the understanding, above all from the inside, of an historical, political, economic and socio-cultural process. This has strongly characterized and conditioned the south side of the Mediterranean and, in particular Tunisia. The threads of the search are the study of the system -Country Tunisia, of its history from independence until our days; of the operation of the political institutions; of the complex relation between ethnic groups, religion, political parties and institutional powers; of the international relations and the economy. Wide space is given to the analysis of the role of the woman in Tunisia to the light of the Code du Statut Personnel. It prescribes the position and the woman's functions in the Tunisian society. Finally, it is faced the topic of the Euromediterranean Partnership, with particular attention to the socio-cultural area. In such a way Tunisia today places between the Mediterranean Thirds Countries mainly to the vanguard in the cooperation.

Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos Europeus
Nos últimos anos, tem vindo a ser reforçado o relacionamento institucional entre a União Europeia e a Argélia, sobretudo com base no Acordo Euro-Mediterrânico de Associação celebrado entre aqueles dois actores que, entre outros objectivos, visa a constituição de uma Área de Comércio Livre até 2017. Este estudo pretende verificar, com recurso aos dados relativos ao comércio e investimento estrangeiro bilaterais se, e de que forma, aquele reforço das relações União Europeia/Argélia no plano institucional se traduziu num fortalecimento do relacionamento económico e comercial nos primeiro quinquénio de vigência do dito Acordo, i.e. entre 2005 e 2010, tendo presente que a Argélia solicitou em 2010 a revisão do calendário de desmantelamento tarifário visando a criação da dita Área de Comércio Livre. Os resultados apurados revelam, no período em apreço, um menor aumento do volume comercial do que em quinquénios precedentes, devido a um conjunto de factores, e evidenciam uma redução substancial do superávite no saldo comercial a favor da Argélia, devido a um maior crescimento do valor das importações argelinas da União Europeia do que das exportações. Tal parece dever-se mais a factores internos argelinos, como um aumento da procura interna, por um lado, e à existência de fragilidades estruturais da economia, como a elevada dependência das exportações do sector dos hidrocarbonetos, por outro, do que constituir um resultado directo do mencionado desmantelamento tarifário. No que respeita ao Investimento Directo Estrangeiro, verificou-se entre 2005-2010 um crescimento significativo da entrada de fluxos europeus na Argélia.
In the last years, the institutional relationship between the European Union and Algeria has been strengthened, particularly based on the Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreement signed between those two interlocutors which, among other objectives, aims at the creation until 2017 of a Free Trade Area. This study intends to verify, using data on bilateral trade and foreign investment, if and in what extent, that reinforcement of European Union/Algeria institutional relations resulted in a strengthening of the economic and trade relations in the first five years of enforcement of the said agreement, that is between 2005 and 2010, especially having present that Algeria has requested in 2010 the review of the calendar of tariff dismantling envisaging the creation of the above mentioned Free Trade Area. The results obtained reveal, within the period under review, a smaller increase of trade volume comparing to precedent homologue periods and show a substantial reduction in Algerian surplus in the trade balance, due to a higher growth in the value of Algerian imports from the European Union than that of the exports. This appears to be due more to Algerian internal factors, such as an increase in domestic demand, on the one hand, and the existence of structural weaknesses in the economy, like the high dependency of exports from the hydrocarbon sector, on the other, than being a direct result of the referred tariff elimination. As regards Foreign Direct Investment, there has been between 2005-2010 significant growth in inward flows to Algeria from European Union.

This thesis aims to analyze the development of the collective policies of the European Union towards the Middle East by focusing on the reasons behind the formulation of these policies, and the degree of success, failure and prospects of these policies. The general success of the European Community in the 1970s created a desire for European states to form a coordinated European foreign policy. Since the 1970s, the Community started to show willingness to shape international events and to strengthen its international role. The Middle East was one of the leading regions to which the Community turned in the early 1970s, an area, which, for historical and geographical reasons, is of vital interest to it. EU has been becoming a coherent and strategic actor in the Middle East since the 1990s. It has secured an important presence in the Middle East Peace Process and it has further strengthened its role in the Middle East through the adoption of a common, comprehensive regional strategy called the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and developed it with the initiation of the European Neighborhood Policy. However, the European Union&rsquo
s presence is still limited due to its institutional weaknesses, the lack of political unity among its member states, lack of political instruments and military capabilities.

In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, Tunisia is often described as the solitary success among the political transitions which followed. Much has been ascribed to the trade agreement (Euro-Mediterranean Partnership or EMP) between EU and Tunisia in promoting said democracy. Recently, Tunisia has also become dependent on IMF loans. This has raised concerns of the effect of neoliberal policies that are advocated for by the IMF, EU and the World Bank. The correlation between neoliberal policies and political stability is still being debated among scholars and the linear causalities remain unclear. Several scholars have criticised the EU-Tunisian trade agreement and EU policies, claiming that this has led to increased poverty and social instability in the country. This study seeks to determine, in accordance with such critique, if a neoliberal agenda is advocated for by the EU. Previous studies have focused on policy effects of the trade and foreign relations between EU and Tunisia. Instead this study analyses the mutual trade agreement and EU political policy agenda for Tunisia to understand the intent of the EU. A content analysis is used on the Association Agreement as well as the EU Policy Paper `Cadre Unique d’appui 2017-2020´ towards Tunisia.This study uses a definition of neoliberalism based on Joseph Stiglitz well-renowned critique on IMF-policies in developing countries in the 1980s-1990s. The result of the analysis shows that even though policy or trade provisions may correspond to a neoliberal agenda, the overall language in both the trade agreement and the policy documents suggest that EU is well-aware of possible negative effects of neoliberal policies. Throughout the documents EU advocates for a balanced approach including both economic and social interests.The study does not find evidence for EU knowingly pursuing a neoliberal agenda in Tunisia. Instead it suggests that future studies on the topic should focus on the EU Commission’s own projections of its policies, a more thorough study on policy effects of specific treaty- and policy provisions, and/ or how neoliberal approaches have recently evolved in development policies.

Abstract

The thesis investigates how the European Union promotes stability and security in the Mediterranean region. The aim is to analyse the European Union’s security ambitions with Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the Barcelona Process. An analytical framework with five sectors (military, political, economic, environmental and societal), based on the Copenhagen School’s theories about security sectors and securitization, is used for the analysis. Within the framework threats, objectives and methods are categorized into each security sector. Then it is possible to distinguish if any sector is more prioritised by the EU. Qualitative text analysis is used to examine relevant EU-documents. The result of the analysis shows that the European Union prioritizes the economical and societal sector in promoting peace and security within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. Through economical integration and cultural dialogue, the EU tries to enhance security and stability. The EU emphasises the importance of global governance and international law for a stable peace. The study concludes that the widened concept of security, within the Copenhagen School, can help to explain the European Union’s work inside the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership.

Avec le lancement du Partenariat Euro-Méditerranéen (PEM) en 1995, les relations entre l’Union européenne et les Pays tiers méditerranéens (PTM) connaissent une évolution notable. Du fait de la mise en place d’un cadre multilatéral complété par la conclusion des accords d’association, ce Partenariat représente une rupture avec les politiques méditerranéennes antérieures. Dans le contexte du cinquième élargissement de l'Union européenne du 1er mai 2004, la Politique Européenne de Voisinage (PEV) transforme le PEM en préconisant la création d’un cercle d'amis avec les voisins méditerranéens du Sud et les nouveaux voisins de l’Est. Ce métissage est le résultat de la rencontre entre deux cadres à objectifs différents et contextes géostratégiques différents : le PEM comme cadre de coopération régionale établi dans les années quatre-vingt-dix et une PEV en tant que politique de l’UE employant les méthodologies issues du processus de préadhésion. Les transformations des relations euro-méditerranéennes après la PEV ont permis l'émergence progressive d'une nouvelle forme relationnelle avec un impact contrasté sur les dimensions bilatérale et multilatérale du PEM. Cette étude définit le résultat de cette nouvelle dynamique interactive des politiques de l’UE sous le nom de cadres de voisinage euro-méditerranéens. La délimitation des cadres de voisinage euro-méditerranéens passe par l’analyse des transformations des relations après le cinquième élargissement en distinguant la dimension multilatérale de la dimension bilatérale. Si la dimension régionale euro-méditerranéenne post-élargissement n’est que partiellement affectée par la PEV, la dimension bilatérale est, quant à elle, profondément modifiée par l’instauration progressive d’un cadre relationnel à mi-chemin entre l’association et l’adhésion
With the launch of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) in 1995, the relation between the relationship between the EU and Mediterranean countries witnessed a significant evolution. With the establishment of a multilateral framework supplemented by the conclusion of association agreements, this Partnership represents a break with past Mediterranean policies. In the context of the fifth enlargement of the European Union on May 1st, 2004, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) transforms the PEM; advocating for the creation of a circle of friends with Mediterranean neighbors in the South and the new neighbors in the East. This mix is the result of the encounter between two frameworks with different objectives in different geo-strategic contexts: the EMP as a regional cooperation framework established in the nineties on one hand and the ENP, i.e. an EU policy using the pre-accession process methodologies on the other hand. The transformation of Euro-Mediterranean relations after the ENP allowed for the gradual emergence of a novel relational framework with a mixed impact on the bilateral and multilateral dimensions of the EMP. This study defines the result of this new interactive dynamic of the EU policies falling under the Euro-Mediterranean neighbourhood framework. The delimitation of the Euro-Mediterranean neighbourhood frameworks involves the study of the transformations in the relations following the fifth enlargement, distinguishing between multilateral and bilateral dimensions. While the Euro-Mediterranean regional dimension post-enlargement is only partially affected by the ENP, the bilateral dimension is, in turn, profoundly changed by the progressive introduction of a relational framework halfway between the association and the membership

Avec les accords euro-méditerranéens d’association, les pouvoirs publics algériens sont appelés à respecter les engagements internationaux et régionaux qui en résultent. Il s’agit en particulier de mettre en conformité les administrations fiscales et douanières. En effet, les transformations économiques et juridiques que produit la mise en place de ce genre d’accord d’association interpellent notamment les législateurs algériens pour entreprendre des réformes fiscales et douanières qui s’imposent par la libéralisation des échanges. L’objectif est donc de rapprocher le droit fiscal et douanier de l’Algérie avec les législations en vigueur dans les Etats de l’Union européenne et plus généralement euro-méditerranéens. C’est dans ce cadre que notre sujet se propose d’approcher et de débattre la réforme fiscale et douanière en Algérie. Pour cela, ce travail débute par une réflexion sur cet accord d’association, qui passe par l’évolution des relations entre l’Algérie et l’Union européenne. Puis nous abordons plus précisément la question des réformes fiscales et douanières en Algérie dans le cadre de cet accord d’association. Pour terminer nous traitons de l’importance de la bonne gouvernance financière dans le cadre de l’intégration régionale
With the Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements, the Algerian authorities are required to comply with the resulting international and regional commitments. This concerns in particular the conformity to the tax and customs administrations. In fact, the economic and legal transformations implemented by such an association agreement demand the Algerian legislators to undertake fiscal and customs reforms required by trade liberalization. The goal, therefore, is to bring the Algerian tax and customs law closer to the laws in force in the European Union states and more particularly in the Euro-Mediterranean ones. It is in this context that we aim through our subject to approach and discuss tax and customs reform in Algeria. For this, the work begins with a reflection on the Association Agreement, achieved through the development of relations between Algeria and the European Union. Then, we tackle specifically the issue of tax and customs reforms in Algeria on the occasion of the Euro-Mediterranean agreements. Finally we discuss the importance of good financial governance in the context of regional integration

Dans un contexte de plus en plus concurrentiel, fortement influencé par les événements géopolitiques internationaux, et par l’évolution des goûts et des aspirations, le Mashrek occupe toujours une position touristique majeure aux niveaux régional et international. Ce projet facilite-t-il le dialogue entre les cultures? Il est bon de se pencher à nouveau sur le patrimoine commun du Bassin méditerranéen. Le 1er aspect important, c’est de redécouvrir ce patrimoine partagé afin que chacun puisse se réapproprier son propre patrimoine (un des objectifs de l’UPM « Union Pour la Méditerranée »). Il y a un grand lien entre le Mashrek et les besoins des Partenaires euro-méditerranéens dans le domaine touristique. Même si le tourisme, surtout dans contexte de coopération, permet aux gens de dialoguer et de surmonter la question des frontières, il ne faut pas occulter des blocages d’une autre nature. Cette question est très pertinente. Lors de la conception du projet, de manière à impliquer tous les acteurs et leurs besoins, c’est sans doute un avantage du programme, sur le plan de la conception du projet. Un renouveau touristique au Mashrek qui s’adapte continuellement à la réalité et introduit des modifications, ce qui permet de prendre en compte des études préalables afin de réorienter le projet en fonction des besoins, c’est une des clés de la réussite, dont la dimension régionale est une valeur ajoutée. L’aide de l’UE se révélera très précieuse à cet égard afin de huiler les synergies! Et les premiers signes concrets se manifestent: L’échange et l’ouverture d’esprit, c’est le fruit du commerce du tourisme
In an increasingly competitive context, strongly influenced by the international geopolitical events, and the evolution of the tastes and the aspirations, Mashrek always occupies a major tourist position on the regional and international levels. Does this project facilitate the dialogue between the cultures? It is wise to lean again on the common inheritance of the Mediterranean basin. The 1st important aspect, it is to rediscover this shared inheritance so that each one can re-adapt his own inheritance (one of the objectives of the UFM “Union For the Mediterranean”). There is a great link between Mashrek and the needs of the Euro-Mediterranean Partners in the tourist field. Even if the tourism, especially in the context of co-operation, allows people to have a dialogue and to overcome the question of the borders, one should not occult obstacles of another nature. This question is very relevant! When designing this project, so as to imply all the actors and their needs, it is undoubtedly an advantage of the program, in the field of the design of the project. A tourist revival in Mashrek which adapts continuously to reality and introduces modifications, which makes possible to take into account preliminary studies in order to re-orient the project according to the needs, is one of the keys to success, whose regional dimension is an added value. The support of the EU will appear very invaluable in this respect in order to oiling synergies! And the first concrete signs appear: The exchange and the broadmindedness which are the commercial fruit of tourism

Cette thèse étudie la contribution assez complexe du partenariat euro-méditerranéen au soft powerde l’UE. Nous avons procédé à l’examen de l’articulation entre les objectifs, les instruments, lesprogrammes, les accords et l’efficacité de l’action de l’Euromed. Il ne s’agit pas d’évaluer lepartenariat en tant que tel mais plutôt son utilisation par l’Union européenne comme instrument desoft power pour instaurer une démocratie libérale dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les quatreaspects fondamentaux de la démocratie libérale ont été donc examinés. Dans le domaineéconomique, il y eu des améliorations économiques dans les pays sud-méditerranéens del’Euromed, surtout par la mise en oeuvre de réformes économiques et institutionnelles, mais la zonede libre-échange prévue pour 2010 n’a pas été établie. L’intégration régionale et internationale, deces pays partenaires a connu des avancées qui demeurent encore modestes. La promotion de labonne gouvernance occupe une place centrale au sein des objectifs politiques du Partenariat.Ciblant principalement le renforcement des capacités des institutions et l’indépendance du systèmejudiciaire, les efforts menés dans le cadre de l’Euromed ont apporté une amélioration globale, maisinsuffisante, de la bonne gouvernance dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les actions menées dansle cadre du partenariat sur le terrain des droits de l’Homme ont mis surtout l’accent sur les questionsde sécurité, de la lutte antiterroriste et du contrôle des migrations, tandis que les questions relativesaux droits de l’Homme et à la démocratisation étaient plus ou moins passées sous silence. Mêmel’action civile est insuffisamment renforcée
This thesis studies the rather complex contribution of the Euro-Mediterraneanpartnership to the EU’s soft power. We have examined the link between the objectives,instruments, programs, agreements and effectiveness of the euro-Mediterraneanpartnership’s action. It is not a matter of evaluating the partnership as such but rather itsuse by the European Union as a soft power instrument to establish liberal democracy inthe South Mediterranean countries. The four fundamental aspects of liberal democracywere therefore examined. In the economic field, there have been economicimprovements in the southern Mediterranean countries, mainly through theimplementation of economic and institutional reforms, but the free trade areaanticipated for 2010 was not established. The regional and international integration ofthese partner countries has made some progress that remains however modest. Thepromotion of good governance is central to the political objectives of the Partnership.Focusing mainly on institutional capacity building and the independence of the judicialsystem, Euromed efforts have brought about a global but insufficient improvement ingood governance in the southern Mediterranean countries. Actions in the framework ofthe Human Rights Partnership have focused on security issues, counter-terrorism andmigration control, while human rights issues and democratization were more or lessignored. Even civil action is not sufficiently strengthened

Le grand élargissement de 2004 et la perspective d’une Europe élargie ont amené l’Union européenne (UE) à imaginer un cadre contractuel d’action homogène pour les voisins de l’Est et du Sud dénommée la politique européenne de voisinage (PEV). L’objectif de la PEV est d’éviter l’émergence de nouvelles lignes de division entre l'UE élargie et ses nouveaux voisins, mais également d’encourager la stabilité politique, la sécurité et la prospérité économique dans son voisinage. Il s'agit d'une stratégie incitative fondée sur une plus grande différenciation visant à encourager les réformes politiques et économiques internes. Dans le cadre de la PEV, l’UE propose au Maroc, à travers le statut avancé (SA), une relation privilégiée à mi-chemin entre association et adhésion basée sur l’acquis du Processus de Barcelone (PB). Les transformations des relations euromarocaines après la PEV ont permis l’émergence progressive d’une nouvelle forme relationnelle avec un impact positif sur la dimension bilatérale du partenariat euro-méditerranéen (PEM). Entre complémentarité et substitution, c’est la question de l’articulation entre les deux processus qui est au centre de notre étude. Outre cette problématique, le SA qui incarne la PEV suscite des incertitudes quant à sa finalité. Ce partenariat privilégié a pour finalité de mettre le Maroc dans une situation comparable à celle des États candidats à l’adhésion sans perspective d'adhésion. Dans un contexte international en pleine mutation et face à l’émergence d’autres puissances en Méditerranée, l’UE devrait repenser sa PEV, identifier un projet clair et cohérent visant à structurer les relations euro-méditerranéennes de demain
The great 2004 enlargement and the prospect of an enlarged Europe led the European Union (EU) to imagine a uniform contractual framework for action for the neighboring Eastern and Southern named the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). The objective of the ENP is to avoid the emergence of new dividing lines between the enlarged EU and its new neighbors, but also to encourage political stability, security and economic prosperity inits neighborhood. It is an incentive strategy based on greater differentiation to encourage internal political and economic reforms. Under the ENP, the EU proposes to Morocco, through the Advanced Status (AS), a privileged relationship midway between association and membership based on the acquis of the Barcelona Process (BP). The transformation of Euro-Moroccan relations after the ENP allowed for the gradual emergence of a novel relational framework with a positive impact on the bilateral dimension of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP). Between complementarity and substitution, the question of the relationship between the two processes is central in our study. In addition to this addressed question, the AS that embodies the ENP, creates uncertainty to its purpose. This special partnership aims at putting Morocco in a situation such that of the States applying for accession without membership prospects. In an international context, changing with the emergence of other powers in the Mediterranean, the EU should rethink its ENP, identify a clear and coherent plan to structure the Euro-Mediterranean relations in the future

This work focuses on the Mediterranean Union project proposed by Nicolas Sarkozy during the French presidential campaign in 2007. It represents a comprehensive portrayal of the Mediterranean region which has been due to its unique characteristics the center of attention of various international parties involved. These have been trying to take advantage of the Mediterranean Sea potential namely since the end of the 20th century and, at the same time, to introduce stability by means of various integration groups and further projects of cooperation. The Barcelona Process was the most complex partnership project within the Mediterranean territory which was launched by the European Union in 1995. The Barcelona Process or the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership nevertheless has not brought any significant achievements, with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict being considered the greatest impediment to its success. The work stresses the significance of the new project of the Mediterranean Union, which should learn a lesson from all the previous and, in many aspects unsuccessful, integration efforts and try to find a different way which would lead to achieving stability and cooperation of the countries within the region. In 2008, the Union for the Mediterranean developed from the Mediterranean Union project, which should reassume within the most possible extent the Barcelona Process. At the same time, the new integration approach should not consist of setting general goals but of formulating specific goals and their gradual implementation, which could lead to the unity of the region in the end. Complex political issues, however, still pose the major threat today.

Tenue à Barcelone les 27-28 novembre 1995, la Conférence euro-méditerranéenne des ministres des Affaires étrangères a marqué le début d’un Partenariat nouveau entre l’Union européenne, ses 15 Etats membres (désormais 27 Etats membres) et leurs 12 Partenaires Méditerranéens (désormais 10). Ce Partenariat comprend une coopération bilatérale (conclusion d’un accord d’association qui couvre les trois objectifs fixés par la Déclaration de Barcelone entre l’Union européenne et chaque pays partenaire), d’une part, une coopération régionale, d’autre part. Le Partenariat euro-méditerranéen repose sur la conviction commune qu’il est souhaitable de développer une politique globale axée sur l’association étroite, dans un large éventail de domaines présentant un intérêt commun, du fait de la proximité des deux régions. La Déclaration de Barcelone, adoptée lors de la Conférence de Barcelone, a établi les trois objectifs essentiels du Partenariat : 1- la définition d’un espace euro-méditerranéen de paix et de stabilité par le renforcement du dialogue politique et de sécurité (partenariat politique et de sécurité) ; 2- le rapprochement entre les peuples au moyen d’un partenariat social, culturel et humain qui vise à favoriser la compréhension des cultures et les échanges entre les sociétés civiles (partenariat social, culturel et humain) ; 3- la construction d’une zone de prospérité partagée et l’instauration d’une zone de libre-échange (partenariat économique et financier), fondée sur l’économie de marché et l’initiative privée dans le respect des règles de l’Organisation Mondiale du Commerce. La mise en place de la zone de libre-échange prévoit l’élimination des barrières douanières (et des taxes d’effet équivalent) et de toute entrave à la libre circulation des marchandises entre les pays de l’Union européenne et les pays du sud et de l’est de la Méditerranée. Or, dans le cadre du Partenariat euro-méditerranéen, les pays arabes partenaires sont confrontés à la nécessaire conciliation de deux impératifs majeurs : -d’une part, la demande sociale, liée à l’exigence du développement économique, entraîne un fort besoin de recettes publiques ; d’autre part, le désarmement tarifaire, résultant de l’instauration progressive de la zone de libre-échange euro-méditerranéenne, se traduit par une baisse significative de recettes douanières et entraîne de ce fait la nécessité de mobiliser plus largement la fiscalité interne. Dès lors, quid de la dimension économique et financière et des incidences financières publiques sous-jacentes du Partenariat ? Quels sont les défis auxquels les partenaires arabes méditerranéens sont désormais confrontés en matière de finances publiques ? Du Processus de Barcelone, découle une nécessaire prise de conscience par les Etats arabes méditerranéens de l’exigence d’une réforme de leurs finances publiques
Held in Barcelona November on 27 and 28 1995, the euro-Mediterranean Conference of ministers of Foreign Affairs marked the kick-off of a new Partnership between the European Union, its 15 member states (from now on 27 member states) and their 12 Mediterranean Partners (from now on 10). This Partnership includes on the one hand a bilateral cooperation (conclusion of an association agreement which covers the three objectives set out in the Barcelona Declaration between the European Union and each partner country), on the other hand, a regional cooperation. The euro-Mediterranean Partnership is founded on the mutual recognition of the value of developing a comprehensive policy of close association in a large number of sectors of common interest resulting from the proximity of the two regions. The Barcelona Declaration, adopted at the Barcelona Conference, has established the three key objectives of the Partnership : 1- the definition of a euro-Mediterranean area of peace and stability by strengthening the policy dialogue and the security (political and security partnership) ; 2- the rapprochement of peoples by means of a social, cultural and human partnership which aims at promoting understanding between cultures and exchanges between civil societies (social, cultural and human partnership) ; 3 – the creation of an area of shared prosperity and the establishment of free-trade area (economic and financial partnership), based on the market economy and private initiative in line with World Trade Organization standards. The establishment of a free trade area provides for the elimination of customs barriers (and of equivalent effect taxes) and of any obstacle to the free movement of goods between the European Union countries and South and East Mediterranean countries. However, in the framework of the euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the Arab partners countries are confronted with the necessary conciliation of two majors imperatives : - on the one hand, the social demand, linked to the requirement of economic development, involves a strong need for public receipts ; - in addition, tariff dismantling, resulting from the progressive establishment of a euro-Mediterranean free trade area, results in a significant decrease in the customs returns and thus caused the need to mobilize more broadly the internal taxation. So what about the economic and financial dimension and the underlying public financial implications of the Partnership ? What are the public finance challenges facing Arab Mediterranean partners ? Arising from Barcelona process, the necessary awareness by member states of the need for their public finances reforms

Le prolongement du processus de communautarisation va certes avoir des conséquences sur le plan extérieur de l'Union européenne. La reconnaissance des décisions tierces par le juge français sera désormais influencée par l’application des principes et valeurs européens. La présente étude mettra l'accent sur le sort des conditions exigées, en France, pour les décisions tierces. Le rôle du juge d'exéquatur sera déterminant pour illustrer la transition de la pratique juridictionnelle. En effet, c'est le pouvoir de celui-ci qui va déterminer le sort de cette pratique envers les décisions émanant des États tiers. Outre les conventions élaborées dans le cadre européen, la convention de Bruxelles du 27 septembre de 1968 et le règlement européen n° 44/2001, ainsi que le règlement Bruxelles II, Bruxelles II bis et les accords de partenariat, ne seront pas à l'abri de notre recherche. Autrement dit, nous voulons mesurer le développement du droit international privé européen, notamment en termes d'entraide judiciaire, sur le plan extérieur. Le but est de donner au droit européen une dimension universelle
The extension process of communitarisation will certainly have implications outside the European Union. Recognition of third decisions by the French judge will now be influenced by the application of European principles and values. This study will focus on the fate of the conditions required in France for the third decisions. The role of the judge will determine exequatur to illustrate the transition from legal practice. Indeed, it is the power of it will determine the fate of this practice to decisions from other States. In addition to the conventions developed in the European context, the Brussels Convention of 27 September 1968 and this Regulation No. 44/2001 (also Brussels II and Brussels II bis) and the partnership agreements, will not be immune to our research. In other words, we want to measure the development of European private international law, particularly in terms of mutual legal assistance on the outside. The goal is to give the European international private law a universal dimension

Ce travail de recherche a pour objectif d’analyser les différentes initiatives de partenariat liant les pays méditerranéens avec l’UE, ainsi que l’élucidation des différents degrés d’engagement et d'implication de ces pays et sous-groupements régionaux dans ces initiatives. Il vise également à dévoiler les différents atouts et faiblesses qui caractérisent les relations Euro-méditerranéennes. La finalité de ce travail de recherche consiste à éclaircir les enjeux de ces relations et la justification de l’utilité de rapprochement entre les pays Sud-méditerranéens avec l’UE dans un espace géographique restreint et dans un cadre historique limité. Ainsi, cette analyse s’est focalisée sur les différents atouts politiques, économiques et sociaux ayant marqué les relations euro-méditerranéennes, durant la période allant de la Chute du Mur de Berlin (1989) jusqu'à l'échec du Printemps Arabe (2013). A l’issue de cette thèse, plusieurs alternatives et pistes de réflexion ont été suggérées, dans la perspective d’éviter les raisons d’échecs déjà constatées et afin de contribuer à l’édification de fondements solides susceptibles de concourir à la réussite des futurs partenariats et initiatives de coopérations euro-méditerranéennes
This thesis is attempting to analyze the various partnership initiatives between the Mediterranean countries and the EU, as well as the different degrees of commitment and involvement of these countries and sub-regional groupings in these initiatives.It also aims at revealing the different strengths and weaknesses that characterize the Euro-Mediterranean relations.The purpose of this research work is to analyze the issues of the Euromed relationships and the size of building links between the Mediterranean countries and the EU in geographically restricted space and during a limited historical period. This analysis has focused on the different political assets, economic and social issues which characterized the Euro-Mediterranean relationships, especially in the period from the fall of the Berlin Wall (1989) until the failure of the Arab Spring (2013). Following this work, several alternatives and ideas have been suggested, with a view to avoiding the failure of stakes already recognized.The objective is to contribute to analysis of creating new strong frameworks which may contribute to the success of the future partnerships and initiatives in relation to the euro- Mediterranean cooperation

Primary assumption of this thesis is that the European Union (EU) represents a unique international actor that embodies the major changes in institution of diplomacy. These changes culminate in the 21st Century. They rest namely in widening of diplomatic agenda, increasing number and kind of actors conducting diplomacy, growing importance of multilateral frameworks and transformation of diplomatic actors' objectives. At the centre of our interest lays the concept of structural foreign policy (SFP) that constitutes an analytical framework of this thesis. SFP is an instrument through which the EU exercises its structural power towards third countries. The aim of this thesis is to provide an analysis and critique of the EU's SFP towards Maghreb. The region has been chosen as the subject of our analysis since despite a long term and continuous effort since 1990s the EU has largely failed to effectively exercise its structural power in the region.

The main aim of this thesis is the analysis of European Neighbourhood Policy, which was established in 2004 in connection with the eastern enlargement of European Union. The main goal of European Neighbourhood Policy is to create an area of stability, prosperity and welfare with its neighbourhood countries. Partnership is based on the commitments to create an area of rule of law, good governance, respect for human rights, promotion of principles of market economy and promotion of sustainable development. Political cooperation is complemented by EU financial aid to neighbourhood countries. Thanks to financial support the neighbourhood countries should implement the necessary reforms, which later help to establish shared values. This thesis seeks to examine what is the impact of EU to internal political situation of neighbourhood countries. The hypothesis assumes that the higher EU financial aid to neighbourhood countries increases its influence on the internal political situation at neighbourhood countries.

Normative Power Europe theory presented by Ian Manners defines the European Union as a normative actor in international relations. According to him, EU's ability to change what passes for "normal" in international relations originates from its internal set-up which the EU uses to shape its environment and international norms in its own image. After first studying Manner's tripartite analysis and defining normative goals, means and impact of the normative policy, the thesis then proceeds to test normative theory in the European neighbourhood, particularly in the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, by analysing EU's democracy and human rights promotion in Tunisia. It identifies discrepancy between EU's goals and means and discovers that on the one side, Euro-Mediterranean cooperation improves socio-economic development, however on the other it impedes the political one. This finding reflects incoherence and inconsistency of the EU's policies in the Mediterranean and arrives to the conclusion that EU is not a normative power in its neighbourhood policy.

Notre thèse a pour objectif de déterminer la nature des liens entre la multiplication des processus de macro-régionalisation, dans un contexte de mondialisation, et le renouvellement des politiques d’aménagement du territoire à travers la mise en place de nouvelles formes de coopération décentralisée entre villes et territoires. Notre projet de recherche cherche ainsi à établir comment la régionalisation permet la mise en place d’une gouvernance à niveaux multiples mettant en relation des acteurs territoriaux, à différents échelons de décision (supranational, national et infranational) dans le but de faire face à la complexité grandissante des problèmes actuels à l’échelle mondiale. Parmi ces projets régionaux qui émergent dans plusieurs parties du monde, nous avons choisi le Partenariat euro-méditerranéen comme cas d'étude en s'intéressant de manière particulière aux projets et programmes de coopération décentralisée et transfrontalière qui se mettent en place autour de la Méditerranée et qui mettent en relation plusieurs villes et régions riveraines. Afin de répondre à ces questions, nous avons décliné notre argumentation en plusieurs axes de réflexion. Un premier axe de réflexion tourne autour de la nature du projet régional euro-méditerranéen et de son implication au niveau des stratégies territoriales principales. Un deuxième axe concerne le contenu et les processus de mise en œuvre des programmes et projets de coopération décentralisée et transfrontalière et leur pertinence au niveau du développement local des territoires du Sud. Un troisième axe s’intéresse au rôle de l’État central en face du développement de ces initiatives qui le contourne. Enfin, un quatrième axe de réflexion concerne l’attitude de l’échelon local par rapport à ces initiatives qui l’interpellent et le sollicitent en tous sens.
The objective of our thesis is to determine the nature of the relation between two ongoing phenomena, i.e. the development of macro-regions in the context of globalization, on one hand, and the revival of spatial planning policies through the rise of new forms of crossborder cooperation between cities and local authorities and the preparation of regional policies related to transport and environment, on the other. Our main argument is that Regionalization encourages the development of a multi-level governance approach that provides a platform for interaction between various territorial actors, located at different decision-making level (supranational, national and local) in order to face the growing complexity of Globalization and its challenges. We selected the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership as a case study out of a number of world regional projects and paid special attention to crossborder and decentralized cooperation initiatives that are being implemented around the Mediterranean Sea and that join together Mediterranean cities and regions. Our arguments are presented along 4 main sets of questions. A first series of questions revolves around the nature of the Euro-Mediterranean regional project and its relevance for strategic spatial planning. A second set of questions is concerned with the content and the implementation processes of crossborder and decentralized cooperation programmes and their relevance to the local development of territories, mainly located in the South of the Mediterranean. A third set of questions is concerned with the way the Central State is facing such initiatives that are ultimately aiming to limit its authority. Finally, a fourth series of questions is interested in the position of the local level that is the main beneficiary of such initiatives.