Journal articles: 'Euromaidan'

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Iwaniuk, Oleksandra. "Der Euromaidan." Indes 7, no. 2 (November 12, 2018): 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/inde.2018.2.94.

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Iwaniuk, Oleksandra. "Der Euromaidan." Indes 7, no. 2 (November 12, 2018): 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/inde.2018.7.2.94.

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Nikolai Kochergin. "IMAGINARY EUROMAIDAN." Current Digest of the Russian Press, The 75, no. 038 (September 24, 2023): 16–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.88455838.

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Syrovátka, Jonáš, and Jan Holzer. "Euromaidan(s) in Russian Academic Literature." Russian Politics 6, no. 2 (June 2, 2021): 233–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00602004.

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Abstract Euromaidan events represented a major political issue for discussion among Russian political analysts. While from a distance the perception in Russian society might seem monolithic, a closer look suggests that Euromaidan events spurred multiple reactions within the population. To demonstrate this, the article describes the different perceptions of Euromaidan in 108 texts published by Russian academics between 2013 and 2018. While analyzing the argumentation of these texts, it is possible to identify two main differences—terminology in the use of either coup or revolution to describe the happenings, and the importance of the local context for the course of events. Significant differences among texts allow us to conclude that there have been various interpretations of Euromaidan among Russian academics. This conclusion not only sheds new light on the state of public debate in the Russian Federation but can be also seen as a contribution to the debate about how so-called modern authoritarian regimes operate.

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Horbyk, Roman. "Marta Dyczok. Ukraine’s Euromaidan: Broadcasting Through Information Wars with Hromadske Radio." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 4, no. 2 (September 19, 2017): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t26w6f.

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Book review of Marta Dyczok. Ukraine’s Euromaidan: Broadcasting Through Information Wars with Hromadske Radio.Preface by David R. Marples, E-International Relations Publishing, 2016, www.e-ir.info/2016/03/22/open-access-book-ukraines-euromaidan-broadcasting-through-information-wars-with-hromadske-radio/. E-IR Open Access, edited by Stephen McGlinchey. vi, 103 pp. Map. $23.51, paper.

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Horvath, Robert. "The Euromaidan and the crisis of Russian nationalism." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 6 (November 2015): 819–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2015.1050366.

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This article examines the reverberations in Russia of the Euromaidan protests and the fall of the Yanukovych regime in Ukraine. It shows how the events in Kyiv provoked a major crisis in the Russian nationalist movement, which was riven by vituperative denunciations, the ostracism of prominent activists, the breakdown of friendships, the rupture of alliances, and schisms within organizations. Focusing on pro-Kremlin nationalists and several tendencies of opposition nationalists, it argues that this turmoil was shaped by three factors. First, the Euromaidan provoked clashes between pro-Kremlin nationalists, who became standard-bearers of official anti-Euromaidan propaganda, and anti-Putin nationalists, who extolled the Euromaidan as a model for a revolution in Russia itself. Second, the events in Ukraine provoked ideological contention around issues of particular sensitivity to Russian nationalists, such as the competing claims of imperialism and ethnic homogeneity, and of Soviet nationalism and Russian traditionalism. And third, many nationalists were unprepared for the pace of events, which shifted rapidly from an anti-oligarchic uprising in Kyiv to a push for the self-determination of ethnic Russians in Crimean and southeast Ukraine. As a result, they were left in the uncomfortable position of appearing to collaborate with the oppressors of their compatriots.

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Miazhevich, Galina. "Russia Today's coverage of Euromaidan." Russian Journal of Communication 6, no. 2 (April 15, 2014): 186–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19409419.2014.908692.

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Saryusz-Wolski, Jacek. "Euromaidan: Time to Draw Conclusions." European View 13, no. 1 (June 2014): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12290-014-0290-x.

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Tchermalykh, Nataliya. "Will Pussy Riot Dance on #Euromaidan? New Dissidence, Civic Disobedience and Cyber-Mythology in the Post-Soviet Context." Religion and Gender 4, no. 2 (February 19, 2014): 215–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18785417-00402010.

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Written in the beginning of December 2013, this article was inspired by two events that temporarily coincided: the massive manifestations in Kiyv’s Maidan Square, called ‘Euromaidan’ and the release of Pussy Riot from prison in Russia. Asking myself if those two events were pure coincidence, or if there were a certain political or at least media causality between the two, I try to analyse both processes (Euromaidan media representation and Pussy Riot media plot) as new myths (referring to Barthes, McLuhan and Meletinskii’s theories) of political resistance in post-Soviet territories, created through the media.

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Hurska-Kowalczyk, Liana. "Organisations Established by the Parliamentary Opposition during the Euromaidan in Ukraine." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 76, no. 4 (2022): 173–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2022.76.09.

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The aim of this article is to define the role of the organisations established by the parliamentary opposition during the Euromaidan. The political opposition created the National Resistance Headquarters and the All-Ukrainian Union “Maidan” at that time. In the long term, they were supposed to become a tool for the opposition in the upcoming presidential elections. In the short term, in turn, they were to coordinate the actions of protesters during the Euromaidan throughout Ukraine. In order to achieve the research objective, the historical, systemic, and case study methods were used.

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Nikitina, Maria. "Euromaidan: gli inganni della "libertà" ucraina." HISTORIA MAGISTRA, no. 17 (June 2015): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/hm2015-017005.

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Lisnychenko, Anton. "Euromaidan. The Youth Mobilization in Ukraine." Der Donauraum 56, no. 1-2 (January 28, 2016): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/dedo.2016.56.1-2.155.

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KVASHNIN, Yu D. "RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN INVESTMENT TIES AFTER EUROMAIDAN." World Economy and International Relations 62, no. 4 (2018): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2018-62-4-63-71.

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Kuzio, Taras. "European Identity, Euromaidan, and Ukrainian Nationalism." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 22, no. 4 (October 2016): 497–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2016.1238249.

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MacDuffee Metzger, Megan, Richard Bonneau, Jonathan Nagler, and Joshua A. Tucker. "Tweeting identity? Ukrainian, Russian, and #Euromaidan." Journal of Comparative Economics 44, no. 1 (February 2016): 16–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jce.2015.12.004.

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SHESTAKOVSKI, OLEKSII, MAKSYM KASIANCZUK, and OLESIA TROFYMENKO. "THE REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY AND INSTRUMENTALISATION OF LGBT RIGHTS: HOW DID ATTITUDES TOWARDS LGBT PEOPLE CHANGE IN UKRAINE AFTER EUROMAIDAN?" Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing, Stmm 2021 (1) (April 7, 2021): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/sociology2021.01.127.

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The aftermath of Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity provoked a lot of criticism among the students of LGBT topics. The principles of non-discrimination and protection of LGBT rights are an exemplary manifestation of European values to which Euromaidan declared adherence. The Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union, which was signed after the Revolution, as well as visa-free travel, which was granted to Ukrainian citizens, obliged this country to liberalise LGBT-related laws due to the EUʼs policy on the instrumentalisation of LGBT rights. However, there is a view that this step may cause conflicts in Ukrainian society, which is still predominantly homophobic, and only lead to a superficial change in the condition of LGBT people owing to pressure from the European Union. Some scholars (e.g. Shevtsova [2020], Wannebo [2017]) claim that the instrumentalisation policy has even resulted in a backlash against the LGBT community and worsened the overall situation for them. But has this backlash (if it really happened) entailed a corresponding change in public opinion on LGBT issues? Surprisingly, the dynamics of public attitudes towards the LGBT community and their rights remain unexplored. The paper proposes to fill this gap by a comparative analysis of two cross-sectional surveys on this topic, which were conducted before (in 2013) and after (in 2016) the Revolution of Dignity in several regions of Ukraine. Within the framework of the study, three research questions have been posed: 1. Have Ukrainians’ attitudes towards the LGBT community changed since Euromaidan? 2. How different (e. g. positive) were the attitudes towards LGBT people among Euromaidan supporters? 3. Have the events that happened after the Revolution of Dignity, such as Russia is hybrid war against Ukraine, been able to affect attitudes towards LGBT rights? The results show that there have been modest, albeit statistically significant positive changes in Ukrainians’ attitudes towards the LGBT community since Euromaidan. However, practically no change in terms of support for LGBT rights has been recorded. Our findings are consistent with other relevant nationally representative surveys according to which public perception of LGBT individuals has not worsened. This fact suggests that the instrumentalisation of LGBT rights has not faced any backlash, at least from the general population. Other data in our study indicate that not all proponents of the Revolution of Dignity displayed favourable attitudes towards LGBT people; nevertheless, they held more positive views on the LGBT community and same-sex marriage than those who did not take part in Euromaidan. The respondents who have experienced the impact of the Donbas conflict also demonstrated relatively better attitudes to LGBT individuals and expressed support for their rights. Still, this may be linked to a significant percentage of Euromaidan participants among them.

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Mironova, Vera, and Sam Whitt. "Mobilizing civilians into high-risk forms of violent collective action." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 3 (August 19, 2019): 391–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319856043.

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We consider whether prior political activism increases the likelihood of engaging in higher-risk forms of violent collective action. We test our hypothesis in the context of the 2014 Euromaidan and subsequent separatist violence in Eastern Ukraine. In the aftermath of the Euromaidan protests, the Ukrainian government began a widespread campaign to mobilize young men for military service against separatist movements in the Donbas region amid escalating tensions with Russia. In July 2014, we survey young men who were volunteering to join the Ukrainian military’s counterinsurgency efforts and compare them to other young men who live in the same community but had not volunteered. Using a case control study design, we interviewed 100 young men who reported to a local Ukrainian army recruitment station in Kharkiv, a city in Eastern Ukraine which was an important center for military recruitment efforts. We compared them to 100 other young men who lived in the same communities, received recruitment notices, but had chosen not to report. Military recruits were sampled by cluster-sampling at the recruitment station, with random selection of recruits by cluster. Civilian males were sampled by random route in the vicinity of the recruitment station. When comparing survey responses between recruits and civilians, we find strong linkages between prior Euromaidan participation and military mobilization. Our results are robust to controls for parochial ethnocentrism and mere support for Euromaidan goals. Maidan participation and military mobilization are also correlated with a strong sense of self-efficacy, optimism, risk tolerance, patriotic nationalism, and feelings of in-group solidarity with protesters and the military. These correlates illustrate plausible mechanisms for how individuals could transition to increasingly higher-cost, higher-risk forms of collective action.

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Voytyuk, Oksana. "Rola kobiet ukraińskich w wydarzeniach rewolucyjnych na przełomie 2013-2014 roku." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 44 (December 15, 2014): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2014.010.

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The role of Ukrainian women in revolutionary events at the turn of 2014The article explains the notion of European revolution, Revolution of Dignity, Revolution of the Fire, Euromaidan. There is also an analysis of women participation in the events that took place at the turn of 2014, as well as examples of various kinds of initiatives which appeared during the revolutionary events in Ukraine. Rola kobiet ukraińskich w wydarzeniach rewolucyjnych na przełomie 2013-2014 rokuArtykuł wyjaśnia takie pojęcia jak: Rewolucja Europejska, Rewolucja Godności, Rewolucja Ognia, Euromaidan. Analizie poddano również udział kobiet w wydarzeniach, które miały miejsce na przełomie lat 2013-2014, a także przykłady różnego rodzaju inicjatyw, które pojawiły się w czasie rewolucyjnych wydarzeń na Ukrainie.

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19

Kulyk, V. "Ukrainian nationalism since the outbreak of Euromaidan." Ab Imperio, no. 3 (2014): 94–122.

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Fursov, K. K. "Euromaidan Media Discourse: Debate about the Lessons." Discourse-P 19, no. 1 (2022): 165–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17506/18179568_2022_19_1_165.

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Kulyk, Volodymyr. "Language and identity in Ukraine after Euromaidan." Thesis Eleven 136, no. 1 (October 2016): 90–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513616668621.

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Kulyk, Volodymyr. "Ukrainian Nationalism Since the Outbreak of Euromaidan." Ab Imperio 2014, no. 3 (2014): 94–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/imp.2014.0064.

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MacDuffee Metzger, Megan, and Joshua A. Tucker. "Social Media and EuroMaidan: A Review Essay." Slavic Review 76, no. 1 (2017): 169–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2017.16.

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As more than a billion people had done previously, on November 21, 2013, Ukrainian journalist and activist Mustafa Nayem wrote a Facebook post; this post, however, would have a much larger impact on subsequent political developments than most that had preceded it. Frustrated with President Viktor Yanukovych’s decision not to sign a long-promised association agreement with the European Union, Nayem asked others who shared his frustration to comment on his post. Even more importantly, Nayem wrote that if the post received at least 1000 comments from people willing to join him, they should all go to Independence Square to protest. And indeed they did: starting with just a few thousand people, the protests would swell to be the largest since Ukraine’s independence, particularly after police used force against protesters at the end of November 2013. Eventually, these protests led to the resignation of the government, the exile of the former president, and indirectly to the secession of Crimea and the ongoing conflict in the eastern part of the country.

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Nikolayenko, Olena, and Maria DeCasper. "Why Women Protest: Insights from Ukraine's EuroMaidan." Slavic Review 77, no. 3 (2018): 726–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2018.207.

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This article examines why Ukrainian women participated in the 2013–14 anti-government protests, widely known as the EuroMaidan. Based upon in-depth interviews with female protesters, the study uncovers a wide range of motivations for women's engagement in the revolution, including dissatisfaction with the government, solidarity with protesters, motherhood, civic duty, and professional service. Political discontent was the most cited reason for protesting. Solidarity with protesters was another major catalyst for political engagement. In addition, women who were mothers invoked the notion of mothering to provide a rationale for activism. The study contributes to the growing literature on women's participation in contentious politics in non-democracies.

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Hurska-Kowalczyk, Liana. "Characteristics of volunteering in Ukraine after Euromaidan." Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia 25, no. 2 (February 5, 2019): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/k.2018.25.2.117-125.

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Zelinska, Olga. "Ukrainian Euromaidan protest: Dynamics, causes, and aftermath." Sociology Compass 11, no. 9 (August 4, 2017): e12502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/soc4.12502.

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Anlar, Aslıhan. "Ukraine’s Euromaidan. Analyses of a Civil Revolution." Europe-Asia Studies 68, no. 8 (September 13, 2016): 1450–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2016.1230399.

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Hosaka, Sanshiro. "Hybrid Historical Memories in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine." Europe-Asia Studies 71, no. 4 (April 2, 2019): 551–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2019.1578863.

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Shevel, Oxana. "A Decade of Dramatic Change in Ukrainian Society." Current History 122, no. 846 (October 1, 2023): 273–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2023.122.846.273.

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Gaufman, Elizaveta. "World War II 2.0: Digital memory of fascism in Russia in the aftermath of Euromaidan in Ukraine." Journal of Regional Security 10, no. 1 (2015): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x151spg48.

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The events in Ukraine in 2013-2014 will have long-lasting ramifications for the future of international security being in essence the end of a post Cold War order. While the scale of Russia's involvement in Ukraine is still debated, the discursive construction of Ukrainian crisis in Russian media undeniably draws heavily on the World War II narrative of fascism. Representing Euromaidan participants as being on the 'wrong side of history' helps bolster an existential threat frame that resonates extremely well on the Post-Soviet space. This paper explores the digital memory of fascism on Russian social media in the aftermath of Euromaidan in Ukraine by analysing debates on Russian segments of social networks, such as Twitter, Livejournal.com and Vkontakte.com.

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Risch, William Jay. "European Dreams and European Nightmares in Prewar Donetsk." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 47, no. 1 (August 13, 2019): 39–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04603008.

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Abstract This article is based on interviews with and questionnaires completed by Donetsk area residents when the author visited the city January 7–17, 2014. They demonstrate that, at least among Donbas area residents with higher education, there were possibilities for building a “European dream” that Euromaidan protesters in Kyiv championed. Fighting for the rule of law, human rights, and an end to corruption—values identified with the Euromaidan—could have transcended Ukraine’s regional divisions. Even those skeptical of “European values” still agreed that they belonged to one nation with differing political objectives. Yet the manipulation of the Kyiv protests by politicians, outbursts of violence in Kyiv, continued stereotypes of Ukraine’s regions, and complex economic ties with Russia and Europe made this European dream elusive. Escalating violence in January 2014 and the sudden implosion of the regime of Viktor Yanukovych the next month polarized public opinion in Donetsk. Due to manipulations by local politicians, pro-Russian activists, and pro-Russian propaganda in local media, Donetsk residents and others in the Donbas protested the Kyiv “Junta” and demanded greater rights for their region. The ensuing geopolitical battle brought about greater Russian intervention, both politically and militarily, making it impossible for civil society to resist the sudden emergence of separatist republics. As pro-Russian activists and armed militants, some from across the Russian border, terrorized pro-Ukrainian citizens and Euromaidan activists, the European dream in Donetsk came to an end for the foreseeable future.

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Kozachenko, Ivan. ""Re-Imagining" the Homeland? Languages and National Belonging in Ukrainian Diasporas since the Euromaidan." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 5, no. 2 (September 30, 2018): 89–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus420.

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From the first days of the Euromaidan protests, Ukrainian diasporas around the globe took an active part in supporting democratic change in Ukraine. These diasporic communities actively used social media to “represent” their national identity, to promote their visions of Ukraine’s past and future, and to network and coordinate their actions. This paper argues that the events of the Euromaidan made Ukrainian diasporas in Western countries “re-invent” and “re-imagine” their national belonging. In these processes historical memory, language, and regional identifications play a crucial part within the continuum between conservative ethnonationalist identities and “civic” ones that try to accommodate the ethnic and linguistic diversity of Ukraine in the diasporic setting. This study reveals that “civic” identity elements became more visible across Ukrainian diasporas, but that Russian aggression somewhat haltered the acceptance of diversity and reinforced previously existing conservative sentiments.

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Kozyrska, Antonina. "Ukraińska Cerkiew Prawosławna wobec Euromajdanu 2013 – 2014." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 50, no. 2 (June 30, 2016): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2016.50.03.

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Oliinyk, Anna, and Taras Kuzio. "The Euromaidan Revolution, Reforms and Decommunisation in Ukraine." Europe-Asia Studies 73, no. 5 (March 15, 2021): 807–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2020.1862060.

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Worschech, Susann. "Euromaidan goes Parliament: Wer sind »die neuen« ParlamentskandidatInnen?" Ukraine-Analysen, no. 138 (October 15, 2014): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31205/ua.138.02.

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Marples, David R. "Russia's perceptions of Ukraine: Euromaidan and historical conflicts." European Politics and Society 17, no. 4 (March 16, 2016): 424–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2016.1154129.

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Kuzio, Taras. "Competing Nationalisms, Euromaidan, and the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 15, no. 1 (April 2015): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/sena.12137.

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Beesley, Celeste. "Euromaidan and the Role of Protest in Democracy." PS: Political Science & Politics 49, no. 02 (April 2016): 244–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096516000147.

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ABSTRACTProtest can be seen as a highly democratic expression of popular opinion. However, protest is also a non-representative, extra-institutional process for political change. In hybrid regimes, such as Ukraine, the legitimacy of effecting change through mass protest is a subject of debate. Because of the influence of mass protests in Ukrainian politics, individual views on the democratic legitimacy of protest are potentially important in perceptions of government legitimacy. Using original survey data from December 2013, this article finds that, whereas satisfaction with the functioning of democracy, partisanship, and the oft-cited regional divide are important determinants of approval for the Euromaidan protests, they do not influence how Ukrainians perceive the role of protest in a democracy. However, among those less committed to democracy, protest is more likely to be seen as illegitimate.

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Shveda, Yuriy, and Joung Ho Park. "Ukraine's revolution of dignity: The dynamics of Euromaidan." Journal of Eurasian Studies 7, no. 1 (January 2016): 85–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2015.10.007.

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Krasynska, Svitlana, and Eric Martin. "The Formality of Informal Civil Society: Ukraine’s EuroMaidan." VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 28, no. 1 (December 9, 2016): 420–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-016-9819-8.

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Stojanović, Lazar. "Cyber components of colored revolutions: The Euromaidan case." Politička revija, no. 00 (2023): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pr76-43862.

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Cyberspace represents an increasingly important ground for the realization of the most diverse ideas and goals. In addition to the undeniable facilitation of everyday activities, cyberspace is also becoming the subject of abuse in the most diverse spheres of society. The presence of a large number of actors, along with the simplicity and efficiency of the execution methods, opens up wide possibilities. The field of political action is by no means left out, what is more, it represents an important sphere of interest on which it is possible to exert influence by imposing political ideas. The genesis of such a process often leads to significant socio-political changes. The paper, starting from more general insights, points to the main characteristics of both cyberspace and color revolutions. It represents the historical component of both syntagms, successively bringing them closer to a concrete example, which is presented in detail in the central part of the paper. In this sense, the primary goal of the work is to approach the causal relationship between cyberspace and color revolutions with a special reference to the political change in Ukraine better known as the Euromaidan revolution. For this purpose, a combination of basic research methods, analytical and synthetic, will be applied. Through the gradual analysis of key concepts, the subject of research is first broken down into factors that are analyzed individually, while later they are synthesized by systematic procedures, creating a meaningful whole.

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Flynn, Molly. "Class Act: East-West." TDR: The Drama Review 66, no. 2 (June 2022): 191–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1054204322000442.

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In the years between Ukraine’s Euromaidan Revolution (2013-14) and Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022, Ukraine witnessed an incredible boom in socially engaged performance. One of the most impactful was Class Act: East-West, a series of playwriting workshops for teenagers.

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Shumilo, Olga, Tanel Kerikmäe, and Archil Chochia. "Restrictions of Russian Internet Resources in Ukraine: National Security, Censorship or Both?" Baltic Journal of European Studies 9, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 82–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0023.

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Abstract In this paper, the authors analyse the ambiguous political decision to ban the major Russian web resources from access to the Ukrainian market, in spite of heavy criticisms from local and foreign experts. While the supporters of the new internet policy claimed the new strategy to be coherent with cybersecurity priorities of the country, the opponents pointed out a set of legal and political limitations. Drawing on the setting and results of taking a new approach to information policy, we describe the fragility of Euromaidan democratic heritage and drawbacks of the current political regime. The logical method of legal interpretation has been applied to analyse the controversies of the current legislation on Russian internet resources restriction. The article concludes that Ukrainian post-Euromaidan governance model needs to consolidate the efforts in order to prove the commitment to freedom of speech as a core European value and replace spontaneous actions with an evidence-based approach to political decision-making.

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Maksymenko, Olha. "THE REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY AS SEEN BY TURKISH MEDIA." Scientific Journal of Polonia University 51, no. 2 (June 14, 2022): 79–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/5110.

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Euromaidan, also known as the Revolution of Dignity, is undoubtedly an epoch-making event in the history of independent Ukraine. The mass protests, which began in Kyiv as a response to the government’s sudden decision to abandon the planned signing of landmark agreements with the EU and a short time later spread far beyond the capital of Ukraine, could not but capture the global community’s attention. Numerous media outlets widely covered those historic events. Turkey, whose political life has always been full of contradictions, did not stand aside either. The paper provides a comprehensive picture of how different Turkish newspapers portrayed the Euromaidan events and what they put special emphasis on. The following aspects have come to the fore: a) what caused mass protests in Kyiv’s Independence Square (both immediate and remote causes were being explained); b) who were Euromaidan participants, how they looked and behaved, how they described their political views and explained their own motives for participation in anti-government protests; c) what was the character of protests and how it changed over time; d) what forces contributed to the continuation of protests; e) the outcomes of the Revolution of Dignity; f) predictions about what “a post-Maidan Ukraine” will look like in the near future. In total, about 20 newspaper articles from various sources (“Cumhuriyet” – “The Republic”, “Milliyet” – “The Nation”, “Avrasya Haber” – “Eurasian News”, “Özgür Gündem” – “The Free Agenda”, etc.) have been analysed. The findings were initially presented at an international conference “The Maidan Phenomenon in Ukrainian Society: Sociological Interpretations” held in memory of an eminent Ukrainian sociologist Natalia Panina (Kyiv, Institute of Sociology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, 10 December 2014).

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KHYZHNYAK, Igor. "SECOND STAGE OF «STATE DEFIANCE»: COUNTER VISIONS ON THE EUROMAIDAN`S PRECEPTS* *The article is published in the author's edition." Світ Кліо 3, no. 2 (November 8, 2022): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31392/cw-2021.3(2).03.

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The purpose of the article. The specific features of the second stage of the phenomenon of «state against» and its consequential factor – Euromaidan, as well as their mutual influence on the course of historical events in Ukraine after the removal of the Yanukovych administration from the presidency are considered. Scientific novelty. The first sign of changes in the entire political architecture in Ukraine was the thesis that the government is fighting primarily with the legitimacy of people's trust, and not just through elections. The Euro revolution on the Maidan is a revolution of human dignity. The Maidan’s Euro revolution is a Revolution of Human Dignity. The Maidan in Kyiv is a new generation Maidan of the second decade in the XXI-st century. Euromaidan in Kyiv is the Maidan of the new generation of Ukrainians of the second decade of the XXI century and it stood for European values. He is also a factor in reforming the obsolete system, it is a conflict of society, not the opposition with the government. It began to form a sociality, based on the principles of a new type of ethics. Literally inseparable domination of the hidden system of transport corruption has been one of the brightest features of the category «state against» for almost a quarter of a century. Therefore, emerging new political elites must avoid constructions that divide society, make it a disintegrated, apathetic, ethnic community. One of the important achievements of Euromaidan can be attributed to the demand for new people in politics, but not just performers, but those who are mainly in favour of changing the rules of the game and the entire system of government.

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Bahid, Yassin, Olga Kutsenko, Nancy Rodríguez, and David White. "The statistical and dynamic modeling of the first part of the 2013-2014 Euromaidan protests in Ukraine: The Revolution of Dignity and preceding times." PLOS ONE 19, no. 5 (May 28, 2024): e0301639. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0301639.

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Ukraine’s tug-of-war between Russia and the West has had significant and lasting consequences for the country. In 2013, Viktor Yanukovych, the Ukrainian president aligned with Russia, opted against signing an association agreement with the European Union. This agreement aimed to facilitate trade and travel between the EU and Ukraine. This decision sparked widespread protests that coalesced in Kyiv’s Maidan Square, eventually becoming known as the Euromaidan protests. In this study, we analyze the protest data from 2013, sourced from Ukraine’s Center for Social and Labor Research. Despite the dataset’s limitations and occasional inconsistencies, we demonstrate the extraction of valuable insights and the construction of a descriptive model from such data. Our investigation reveals a pre-existing state of self-excitation within the system even before the onset of the Euromaidan protests. This self-excitation intensified during the Euromaidan protests. A statistical analysis indicates that the government’s utilization of force correlates with increased future protests, exacerbating rather than quelling the protest movement. Furthermore, we introduce the implementation of Hawkes process models to comprehend the spatiotemporal dynamics of the protest activity. Our findings highlight that, while protest activities spread across the entire country, the driving force behind the dynamics of these protests was the level of activity in Kyiv. Furthermore, in contrast to prior research that emphasized geographical proximity as a key predictor of event propagation, our study illustrates that the political alignment among oblasts, which are the distinct municipalities comprising Ukraine, had a more profound impact than mere geographic distance. This underscores the significance of social and cultural factors in molding the trajectory of political movements.

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Golovchenko, Nina. "Genre-style modifications of modern ukrainian documentary literature on Euromaidan and anti-terrorist operation (ATO)." LITERARY PROCESS: methodology, names, trends, no. 15 (2020): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2412-2475.2020.15.4.

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The article is devoted to the problem of genre-style modifications of modern Ukrainian documentary literature on Euromaidan (2013−2014) and armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine (2014−2020). An example of the book “Chronicle of Eyewitnesses: Nine Months of Ukrainian Resistance” (2014, the author of the project — O. Zabuzhko, compiler — T. Teren) explores the content and form of the collective chronicle (eyewitnesses chronicle) genre. It is noted that the posts of 150 authors, placed on various Internet resources and selected for the book, are structured according to the logic of the development of the classic plot. The texts present a diverse range of images of Euromaidan participants. The description of the events is expressed by original artistic means and vivid emotions. Collection of essays «Point Zero» by Artem Cech represents the narrative of a writer who participated in the ATO in 2015−2016. It is a “self-portrait of the artist”, in which the author makes an objective analysis of his subjective war experience. Both books are a kind of objective artistic and emotional document of the era.

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Kozyrska, Antonina. "Decommunisation of the Public Space in Post–Euromaidan Ukraine." Polish Political Science Yearbook 45 (December 1, 2016): 130–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2016010.

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S. Belov. "State Politics of Memory in Ukraine After the Euromaidan." International Affairs 68, no. 003 (June 30, 2022): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.78084832.

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Malanchuk, Oksana, Nataliya Chernysh, and Viktor Susak. "Forced choice: identities and attitudes before and after Euromaidan." Ukrainian society 2016, no. 4 (December 30, 2016): 8–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/socium2016.04.008.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Euromaidan'

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