Relevant bibliographies by topics / Europe – Foreign relations – 1815-1871

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Europe – Foreign relations – 1815-1871'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 27 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Europe – Foreign relations – 1815-1871"

1

Tsivatyi, V. "European Political and Diplomatic Dialogue in the Institutional Space of International Relations of Early New Age (XVI-XVIII centuries)." Problems of World History, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-2-4.

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The article deals with the analysis of the foreign policy and diplomacy of the European states of the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII centuries). Particular attention is given to the institutional development of public and political opinion as well as to the institutional and diplomatic practices in Western and Central Europe. The author defines the directions of the theoretical and practical development of diplomacy and foreign policy in Europe of the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII centuries) as well as their formation peculiarities in the leading countries of Europe. The Congress of Vienna (1814-1815) as an important historical event for political, diplomatic and institutional development of Europe is analyzed. The attention is paid to the diplomatic tools, national peculiarities of negotiations at the Congress. The results of the Congress of Vienna served as an important stimulus for the further socio-economic, political and diplomatic development of Europe. Practical achievements of the Congress of Vienna and the experience gained by the European diplomacy of the late XVIII – early XIX century determined the future institutional development of world diplomacy and international law, having its relevance for today.
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Mulligan, William, and Jack S. Levy. "Rethinking Power Politics in an Interdependent World, 1871–1914." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 49, no. 4 (March 2019): 611–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01340.

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Interdependence altered power relations between the European great powers between 1871 and 1914 in ways that both sustained the conditions for peace and, after 1911, made a European war more likely. Interdependence accelerated the development of international financial and commercial networks. Transnational social and cultural exchanges raised the costs of a general war, offered multiple channels for states and societies to exercise influence over each other, and altered power relations. The great powers pursued their interests through not only military force but also trade deals, financial loans, expert missions (teams sent to smaller states ostensibly to aid in modernization), and cultural diplomacy. They competed for influence in smaller states. Many of the crises that pockmarked this era derived from their contested interests in such strategically vital areas in Europe as the Balkans, the Ottoman Empire, and the Low Countries, as well as elsewhere in the world. States that lost out in this transformation, notably Austria-Hungary and Russia, saw the militarization of their foreign policies as a way to compensate for weaknesses in other forms of power.
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Ignatchenko, I. V. "France in the Vienna System of International Relations (the First Half of The 19th Century)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-9-14.

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Abstract: The Vienna system of international relations established at the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815, was a real challenge for the French political elite during all subsequent decades. France was a defeated party and was thus morally humiliated. The objective for all French governments after 1815 was to improve the position of France in this new system of international relations, including due to the destabilization and breaking of the Vienna system. In the years of the Restoration in France (1814-1830) a major foreign policy action of the government of Louis XVIII was the intervention in Spain in 1823, which refers to the Spanish revolution of 1820-1823. The French government, reflecting the interests of the European reaction, had hoped to raise these military prestige of France, and consequently to raise the question of the revision of the treatises of Vienna of 1815. Despite the success of the intervention, she has not brought the big political dividends in France. After the July revolution 1830 in France, the foreign policy of France intensified. Leading French politicians defined quite clearly exclusive spheres of influence of France, and in 1832 the French troops invaded Central Italy, capturing the city of Ancona. In 1840, during the second Oriental crisis, the French government has opposed themselves to the rest of Europe for the first time since the Napoleonic wars. Ultimately, the strategic position of France in the middle East was weakened. But the exacerbation of international conflict contributed to the strengthening of the French army and Navy. Further successes of the French diplomacy will be linked to the period of the Second Empire in France, in particular, with the Crimean war, that raised has raised status of France, and the decision of the Italian question in the second half of the 60-ies of the XIX century.
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Roşca, Adriana. "Evoluția diplomației." Hiperboreea A1, no. 11 (January 1, 2012): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.1.11.0047.

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Abstract This article speaks about the beginning of democracy in the Western Europe. Western European diplomacy was shaped early in his birth, as part of the system of interstate relations, a policy based on old traditional archaic forms of governance. The main factors for westernization diplomatic methods were determined mainly by the principle balance of forces. The main international political system that governed Europe, is composed of a complex set of symbols, concepts and methods, all reflected in the manner of dealing with other neighboring countries. So between this system of foreign affairs and culture of each people its own, as an emblem feature, you can see a close connection. The rules were laid the foundation stone of diplomacy began to be established early in the fifteenth century, when they begin to be addressed first attempts association and joint problem solving between the European states and begin to develop as a true field of real importance in the late-nineteenth century, when the Congress of Vienna in 1815.
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ALEXANDER, R. S. "FIVE RECENT WORKS ON FRENCH POLITICAL HISTORY FROM 1789 TO 1851 Radicals: politics and republicanism in the French Revolution. By Leigh Whaley. Phoenix Mill: Sutton, 2000. Pp. x+212. ISBN 0-7509-2238-9. £20.00. Massacre at the Champ de Mars: popular dissent and political culture in the French Revolution. By David Andress. Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer Ltd, 2000. Pp. x+239. ISBN 0-86193-247-1. £35.00. Napoleon and Europe. Edited by Philip G. Dwyer. London: Longman, 2001. Pp. xxi+328. ISBN 0-582-31837-8. £14.99. Politics and theater: the crisis of legitimacy in Restoration France, 1815–1830. By Sheryl Kroen. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000. Pp. xiv+394. ISBN 0-520-22214-8. £35.00. Paris between empires, 1814–1852. By Philip Mansel. London: John Murray, 2001. Pp. xi+559. ISBN 0-7195-5627-9. £25.00." Historical Journal 46, no. 3 (September 2003): 765–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0300325x.

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Study of French political history for the period of 1789 to 1851 is exceedingly complex. Not only must one possess knowledge of a succession of regimes (with their varying constitutions, institutions, laws, and conventions), one must also grasp the essentials of political traditions such as royalism, republicanism, and liberalism, all of which altered over time, and familiarize oneself with a plethora of groups or sub groups, such as Montagnards and Girondins, authoritarian and Revolutionary Bonapartists, moderate and ultra royalists, that often adjusted their beliefs and positions according to circumstance. Matters become further complicated when one takes foreign relations into account, assessing the impact of France abroad or the role of foreign relations in shaping French domestic politics.
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Parvev, Ivan. "The Struggle for World Dominationand the Great Eastern Crisis of 1875-1878." Slavs and Russia, no. 2019 (2019): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8570.2019.4.

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The proposed analysis evaluates Russian and British policies during the Great Eastern Crisis (1875-78), with bilateral relations being placed in the context of the global hostility between England and Russia lasting from 1815 onwards. In the period between the end of the Crimean War (1853-56) and early 1870s there were serious changes in the balance of power in Europe, which was related to the creation of the German Empire in 1871. The possibility of Russian-German geopolitical union however was a bad global scenario for the United Kingdom. Because of this, English policy during the Great Eastern Crisis was not that strongly opposed to the Russia one, and did not support the Ottoman Empire at all costs. This made it possible to establish political compromise between London and St. Petersburg, which eventually became the basis of the Congress of Berlin in 1878.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Europe – Foreign relations – 1815-1871"

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Murray, Scott W. "The origins of an illusion: British policy and opinion, and the development of Prussian liberalism, 1848-1871." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28832.

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The massive historiography dealing with the problem of Germany's development in the first half of twentieth century has been strongly influenced by the notion that certain peculiar national characteristics led Germany down a Sonderweq, or "special path," which diverged from that of other Western European nations. However, by helping to focus scholarly attention on various political, social and intellectual developments which took place in Germany in the nineteenth century, the Sonderweq thesis has distracted scholars from examining more closely the possible impact which the interplay of international relations had on Germany's development during this pivotal period. The present study examines the extent to which British foreign policy affected the growth of authoritarianism and the decline of liberalism in Prussia during the period 1848-1871, and how certain Intellectual currents in England at the time affected both the formulation and the expression of British policy regarding Prussia. By examining both the policies pursued by British statesmen at certain key points during the period 1848-1871, and the views expressed by a group of highly idealistic British liberal commentators who watched affairs in Prussia closely during this period, I have attempted to demonstrate the following: firstly, that existing interpretations of British policy regarding Prussia have overemphasized the role of liberal idealism in the calculations of British policy-makers, who appear instead to have consistently pursued pragmatic policies aimed at a Prussian-led unification of Germany; and secondly that it was this latter group of British commentators who provided policy-makers with a style of rhetoric which obfuscated the pragmatic considerations underlying British policy. Moreover, it was this same corpus of liberal, "Whig" commentary which laid the conceptual foundations for what was to become the standard interpretative approach to German history, particularly amongst Anglo-American historians writing since 1945 - the Sonderweq thesis. Thus, by separating the rhetoric from the actual practice of British policy, and by identifying the liberal biases which pervaded British liberal discourse on Prussia during this period, I have attempted to clarify Britain's role in the important developments taking place in Germany at this time, while broadening our appreciation of how and why subsequent scholarship on the German question has so readily embraced the notion that German history is "peculiar".
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Books on the topic "Europe – Foreign relations – 1815-1871"

1

Jeremy, Black. European international relations, 1648-1815. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave, 2002.

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2

J, Bullen R., ed. The great powers and the European states system 1814-1914. 2nd ed. Harlow, England: Pearson Longman, 2005.

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3

Britain and foreign affairs, 1815-1885: Europe and overseas. London: Routledge, 1998.

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Europe under Napoleon 1799-1815. London: Arnold, 1996.

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Britain and Foreign Affairs 1815-1885. London: Taylor & Francis Inc, 1998.

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European diplomatic history, 1789-1815: France against Europe. Malabar, Fla: Krieger, 1987.

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7

M, Birke Adolf, Wentker Hermann, and Prinz-Albert-Gesellschaft, eds. Deutschland und Russland in der britischen Kontinentalpolitik seit 1815 =: Germany and Russia in British policy towards Europe since 1815. München: K.G. Saur, 1994.

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Britain and the European powers, 1865-1914. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1996.

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Prados de la Escosura, Leandro. and O'Brien Patrick Karl, eds. Exceptionalism and industrialisation: Britain and its European rivals, 1688-1815. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge, 2004.

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European imperialism, 1860-1914. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Europe – Foreign relations – 1815-1871"

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Teschke, Benno. "Capitalism, British Grand Strategy, and the Peace Treaty of Utrecht: Towards a Historical Sociology of War- and Peace-making in the Construction of International Order." In The Justification of War and International Order, 107–28. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198865308.003.0006.

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Benno Teschke offers a specific focus on the historical sociology of normative change in the transition from early modernity to modernity in Europe. How can we explain international diplomacy and peace accords from within critical International Relations (IR) Theory? Teschke addresses this question by focusing on the Peace of Utrecht (1713) that concluded the War of the Spanish Succession. It tracks the relations between the domestic sources of the rise of Britain as a great power, the revolutionary transformations of its post-1688 foreign policy institutions, the formulation of a new British grand strategy—the blue water policy—in the context of the War of the Spanish Succession, and its strategic ability to impose through coercive and secret diplomacy a new pro-British ‘normative’ set of rules for post-Utrecht early modern international relations during the ‘long eighteenth Century’ (1688–1815). This British-led reorganization of early modern international order cannot be captured through prevailing IR concepts, including automatic power-balancing, off-shore balancing, hegemony, international society, formal or informal imperialism, or collective security.
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Mandelbaum, Michael. "The Continental Republic, 1815–1865." In The Four Ages of American Foreign Policy, 74–112. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197621790.003.0004.

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In the four decades leading up to the Civil War the United States maintained peaceful relations with Great Britain, the European power of greatest importance to Americans because of its maritime supremacy. At the same time, it increased its power in three ways. Its population grew. It expanded its territory all the way to the Pacific Ocean, incorporating Florida, Texas, and Oregon. Under the leadership of President James K. Polk it waged a victorious war against Mexico that ended with the acquisition of the territories that became the American Southwest. Meanwhile, the country’s economy grew rapidly. The dispute between the Northern and Southern States over slavery, which had been building since independence, culminated in the Civil War of 1861 to 1865. Led by President Abraham Lincoln and General Ulysses S. Grant, the North won the war, thereby not only preserving the federal Union and abolishing slavery but also determining that the United States would be an industrial rather than an agrarian country and thus capable of becoming a great power.
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