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1

Klingensmith, James Meade Jr. "Reinventing Britain: British National Identity and the European Economic Community, 1967-1975." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1337116642.

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2

Li, Kwan-leung, and 李君樑. "The European currency crisis: a replay of strains on bretton woods system." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31954522.

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3

SUZUKI, Hitoshi. "Digging for European Unity : the role played by the trade unions in the Schuman plan and the European coal and steel community from a German perspective, 1950-1955." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10420.

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Defence date: 13 December 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Wilfried Loth (Universität Duisburg-Essen) ; Prof. Bo Stråth (EUI) ; Prof. Pascaline Winand (EUI and Monash University) ; Prof. Gérard Bossuat (Université de Cergy-Pontoise)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
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4

Spelman, Greg Thomas. "Reconciling a policy of neutrality with the prospect of integration : Ireland, the European economic community, and Ireland's United Nations policy, 1965-1972." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2003. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/15787/1/Greg_Spelman_Thesis.pdf.

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The decade of the 1960s was a period of significant evolution in the foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Ireland. On 31 July 1961, Ireland applied for membership of the European Community. That application was vetoed in January 1963 by the French President, Charles de Gaulle. Nevertheless, it was an indication of the growing "Europeanisation" of Irish foreign policy, which was secured in May 1967 in a renewed and ultimately successful application by Ireland for membership of the Common Market. Because of the overlapping interests of the European Community and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), however, these initiatives towards integration with Western Europe posed a dilemma for the decision-makers in Dublin given that, in the Irish context, foreign policy was predicated on neutrality. Since Ireland's admission to the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and especially from the reinstatement of Frank Aiken as Minister for External Affairs in 1957, the diplomatic component of Ireland's neutrality was defined largely by its UN policy. Ireland's continued attachment to neutrality, despite its application for European Community membership, caused significant frustration to the governments of the member-states, especially France under de Gaulle, and was seen to be an obstacle to Ireland's accession. These concerns were communicated explicitly to Dublin, along with the view that Ireland needed to demonstrate a greater propensity to support Western interests on major international issues. Pressure of this kind had dissuaded other European neutrals (Austria, Finland, Malta and Sweden) from pursuing membership of the European Community until 1995 - after the Cold War had ended - but it did not deter the Irish. Despite the pressure from the European Community, Irish policy continued to be characterised by neutrality and, almost invariably, conflict with French UN policy. This included, amongst other matters, policy in relation to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the financing of peacekeeping, the Vietnam War, representation of China at the UN, and various decolonization problems in Southern Africa. This insulation of Ireland's foreign policy from the imperatives of the application for membership of the European Community was largely the product of the fragmentation of decision-making in the formulation of Irish diplomacy. This research project takes a unique perspective on the topic by focusing, in particular, on the period 1965 to 1972 and, also, breaks further new ground in utilizing documentary material only recently released by the National Archives in Dublin, the University College Dublin Archives, the Public Record Office, London, and the UN Archives in New York, along with published diplomatic records and secondary sources. Consequently, it offers an original contribution to our understanding of Irish foreign policy in this crucial period of its development and the capacity of the Irish Government to reconcile the two fundamental and apparently conflicting pillars of its foreign policy - neutrality and membership of the European Community.
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5

Spelman, Greg Thomas. "Reconciling a Policy of Neutrality with the Prospect of Integration : Ireland, the European Economic Community, and Ireland's United Nations Policy, 1965-1972." Queensland University of Technology, 2003. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/15787/.

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The decade of the 1960s was a period of significant evolution in the foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Ireland. On 31 July 1961, Ireland applied for membership of the European Community. That application was vetoed in January 1963 by the French President, Charles de Gaulle. Nevertheless, it was an indication of the growing "Europeanisation" of Irish foreign policy, which was secured in May 1967 in a renewed and ultimately successful application by Ireland for membership of the Common Market. Because of the overlapping interests of the European Community and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), however, these initiatives towards integration with Western Europe posed a dilemma for the decision-makers in Dublin given that, in the Irish context, foreign policy was predicated on neutrality. Since Ireland's admission to the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and especially from the reinstatement of Frank Aiken as Minister for External Affairs in 1957, the diplomatic component of Ireland's neutrality was defined largely by its UN policy. Ireland's continued attachment to neutrality, despite its application for European Community membership, caused significant frustration to the governments of the member-states, especially France under de Gaulle, and was seen to be an obstacle to Ireland's accession. These concerns were communicated explicitly to Dublin, along with the view that Ireland needed to demonstrate a greater propensity to support Western interests on major international issues. Pressure of this kind had dissuaded other European neutrals (Austria, Finland, Malta and Sweden) from pursuing membership of the European Community until 1995 - after the Cold War had ended - but it did not deter the Irish. Despite the pressure from the European Community, Irish policy continued to be characterised by neutrality and, almost invariably, conflict with French UN policy. This included, amongst other matters, policy in relation to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the financing of peacekeeping, the Vietnam War, representation of China at the UN, and various decolonization problems in Southern Africa. This insulation of Ireland's foreign policy from the imperatives of the application for membership of the European Community was largely the product of the fragmentation of decision-making in the formulation of Irish diplomacy. This research project takes a unique perspective on the topic by focusing, in particular, on the period 1965 to 1972 and, also, breaks further new ground in utilizing documentary material only recently released by the National Archives in Dublin, the University College Dublin Archives, the Public Record Office, London, and the UN Archives in New York, along with published diplomatic records and secondary sources. Consequently, it offers an original contribution to our understanding of Irish foreign policy in this crucial period of its development and the capacity of the Irish Government to reconcile the two fundamental and apparently conflicting pillars of its foreign policy - neutrality and membership of the European Community.
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6

Dunbar, Cameron A. "Walking a Fine Line: Britain, the Commonwealth, and European Integration, 1945-1955." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1505144142763366.

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7

Chen, Maria X. "Wine in their veins : France and the European Community's common wine policy, 1967-1980." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/933/.

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This thesis analyses the impact that the European Community had on table wine growers in the Midi region of France in the 1970s. This work is divided into the following parts: the negotiations leading to the creation of the Common Wine Policy (CWP) in 1970, its operation in the early 1970s until its first major crisis in 1975-1976, its drastic transformation from liberal policy to one of restrictive control in the late 1970s, the reaction of table wine producers in Languedoc-Roussillon to these changes over the decade, and the change in political relationships and governance at three levels - Brussels, Paris, and Languedoc-Roussillon - as a result of this process. It argues that the first decade of the CWP changed relationships between different groups at the European, national, and local level in two major ways: first, national French government institutions voluntarily decreased their power over a key national industry – this was the most marked feature in the French wine industry of this time period. Second, the CWP helped facilitate the rise of sub-national and non-state actors in policy circles from which they were previously excluded. Empowered by the new responsibilities given to them by the French government, particularly via a newly-created national office of wine, French vignerons began attempting to bypass the national French bottleneck to the Community and directly lobby European-level institutions, either via their own organisations or as part of transnational endeavours. Given the French government’s particularly adamant control of who represented the country at the Brussels levels in the 1960s, this change in only a decade was a significant shift. In analysing this process, this thesis also makes broader comments on the integration process as a whole, adding particularly to the literature on the Community’s agricultural integration, and is the first comprehensive review of the history of the Common Wine Policy, and the first to make an extensive assessment of the impact on local farmers in the Midi during this time in relation to the European Community’s policies.
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8

Hughes, Hannah Cole. "Contemporary Perspectives on the French Communist Party: A Dying Ideology?" Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1368205610.

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9

Nichter, Luke A. "Richard Nixon and Europe confrontation and cooperation, 1969-1974 /." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1213987283.

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10

Le, Guen Delphine. "Merger control in the European Economic Community." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56895.

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The present thesis analyzes merger control in the European Economic Community, a topical domain on the eve of the completion of the internal market. After a definition according to three approaches (traditional, geographical, quantitative), the provisions of the Rome Treaty on competition law (articles 85 and 86) are elaborated upon, to underline the reinforcement of the Commission's control powers since the entry into force of Council Regulation N$ sp circ$4064/89, in September 1990. The air transport industry has been chosen to illustrate the concept of a priori control of concentrations and its modalities of application in different economic policies.
Jurisprudence and various regulations have promoted the application of EEC competition law to the air transport industry, and have contributed recently to the emergence of a common policy in this field. The Aerospatiale/de Havilland decision constitutes the first dismissal of a concentration notification, since the entry into force of the new provisions. It confirms the wide scope of the Commission's powers in the control of competition.
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11

Tyrrell, Nicola. "European identity beyond boundaries : conceptualising a future European community." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26128.

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This thesis maintains that the study and practice of European integration is hindered by an unquestioned and all-embracing conceptual foundation, derived from 17th/18th century political thought. By virtue of identity-related assumptions including 'nation-state', 'nationalism', and 'sovereignty', which rest on an exclusive binary distinction between "self" and "other", this foundation is inadequate and anachronistic as a theoretical lens through which to understand the dynamics of contemporary Europe.
Chapter 1 reveals the inadequacy of existing theories of European integration, and Chapter 2 traces this inadequacy to the issue of identity, tying it in with a modern identity crisis. It is argued that the theory and practice of European integration in the 1990's depends on a fundamental reconceptualisation of identity, to eliminate the conceptual rigidity of exclusive self/other binary distinction, and so to provide the basis for a new kind of European identity. In Chapter 3, the framework of a new "non-fixed", "non-essential" and pragmatic identity (and therefore European identity), beyond the self/other boundaries of contemporary thought, is elaborated through the work of Ludwig Wittgenstein, Michel Foucault, and Jacques Derrida, and its effect on the study and practice of European integration is assessed.
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12

Wilkes, George Richardson. "British attitudes to the European Economic Community, 1956-63." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.619704.

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13

Waitt, G. R. "International specialisation of manufacturing activity and economic integration within the European Economic Community." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384256.

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14

Korres, George M. "Technological performance in Greece within the European community." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.281667.

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15

Field, Heather. "Consequences of concentration on the CAP for European integration." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/123114.

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This sub-thesis deals with the concentration of the European Community (EC) on the Common Agricultural Policy or CAP as its main policy to date, and the consequences of this for the process of integration. This process of integration is considered to be both economic and political, with both the economic welfare and the influence in international affairs of the integrated whole, the European Community, being greater than the sum of these from the individual parts, in this case the member states.
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16

DeGuise, Alexander. "DeFoe's «Review» and the language of eighteenth-century economic information." Thesis, McGill University, 2009. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66939.

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This thesis attempts to historicize our understandings of economic rationality and economic action, specifically in the period leading up to the South Sea Bubble of 1720, an event which seemingly remains shrouded in mystery. The fundamental question addressed is what sort of "information" would have been available to people making decisions about financial assets in the early-eighteenth century? Related to this is a question of a more cultural nature: How did contemporaries determine what information was relevant and how did they evaluate its truthfulness and reliability? Through an investigation into the language used by Daniel Defoe in his widely read newspaper, Review of the Affairs of the British Nation (1704-1713), this thesis aims to show how one emblematic contemporary framed the information he deemed relevant for determining the potential of a British trade to the South-Seas and how he attempts to establish his authority as an interpreter of trade and finance.
La présente thèse vise à présenter en termes historiques notre compréhension des rationalités et des actions économiques, plus spécifiquement durant la période menant à la "South-Sea Bubble" de 1720, un événement qui reste encore mal compris. La question fondamentale abordée est quelle sorte d'« information » aurait été disponible aux personnes prenant les décisions sur les actifs financiers au début du XVIIIe siècle ? Liée à cette question en est une autre de nature plus culturelle : comment les contemporains ont-ils déterminé quelles informations étaient pertinentes et comment ont-ils évalué leur véracité et leur fiabilité ? Grâce à une étude du langage utilisé par Daniel Defoe dans son journal à grand lectorat, Review of the Affairs of the British Nation (1704-1713), le présent thèse cherche à démontrer comment un contemporain de renom a utilisé les informations qu'il jugeait pertinentes pour identifier le potentiel d'un commerce britannique avec les Mers du Sud et comment il tentait d'établir son autorité en tant qu'interprète de commerce et de finance.
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17

Koh, Jae Bang. "Regional disadvantages and economic and political integration within the European Community /." The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487778663286902.

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18

Marinova, Yona Georgieva. "Bifurcation of parallel trade in the European Community." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2008. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=25821.

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This thesis examines the regulation of parallel imports of trade marked goods in the European Community (EC), demonstrates its deficiencies and advocates its amendment by the Community legislator. The thesis identifies as a primary characteristic of the regulation the bifurcation of intra-EC and extra-EC parallel importation, that is to say, the fundamental divergence of the regimes of parallel imports coming from another EC Member State and imports coming from third countries.  The split as to the rationale, justification and outcome of the two regimes is so substantial that it is viewed as the existence of ‘parallel regulations on parallel trade’ in the Community. The study establishes four different manifestations of this bifurcation, the most evident one concerning the fact that while internal imports are lawful under EC law, external ones could be repelled by the mark owner as trade mark infringement.  It is submitted that this variable legal tolerance to parallel trade has been legitimised through the Community rule of limited, regional exhaustion of trade mark rights and the manner in which the European Court of Justice has interpreted its application. Against this background, the thesis raises three groups of legal arguments for reviewing the current Community exhaustion policy and implementing a rule of international trade mark exhaustion.  They relate to trade mark law, competition law and certain proclamations of the importance of free unrestricted global trade, made by the Community on international level and in the EC context as well. Finally, the study complements the above legal arguments with socio-economic justifications in support of international exhaustion.  The research suggests that the Community should consider the implementation of international trade mark exhaustion and carry out the necessary preparatory steps outlined by the study in this regard.
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Haidar, Abdulhassan Hassan. "The legal framework of the external relations of the European Economic Community and the European coal and steel community with Lebanon." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.402691.

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20

Silva, Ana Paula Africano de Sousa e. "The impact of European Community membership on Portuguese trade in manufactured goods." Thesis, University of Reading, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283642.

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21

Marinova, Yona Georgieva. "Bufurcation [sic] of parallel trade in the European Community /." Available from the University of Aberdeen Library and Historic Collections Digital Resources. Restricted access until May 22, 2014, 2008. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?application=DIGITOOL-3&owner=resourcediscovery&custom_att_2=simple_viewer&pid=25821.

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22

Kadow, Alexander. "Essays in European integration and economic inequalities." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2012. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3403/.

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The ongoing process of economic integration in Europe and beyond has already led to profound changes that are likely to manifest themselves further. Within Europe, formerly centrally planned economies have joined the European Union (EU) with the intention to ultimately introduce the common currency. On a more global scale, marginalised farmers in developing countries seek to become integrated in the world trading system to lift themselves out of poverty. However, issues surrounding economic inequalities are no longer exclusively confined to emerging economies. Indeed, awareness of income inequalities and their impact on the domestic economy is increasing among industrialised nations. This dissertation seeks to contribute to these topical debates in the form of three self-contained essays. The first essay is concerned with monetary integration in Europe. More specifically, we consider the EU member countries from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) that seek to adopt the euro in the foreseeable future. Our analysis is based on a global VAR (GVAR) model to investigate to what extent central banks in CEE follow the European Central Bank’s lead. We look in another core chapter at the economic implications of the Fair Trade (FT) movement. This is a fairly novel topic to the economics profession and we thus aim to provide intuitive insights. One of the key elements of our trade model is that FT generates and hinges upon economic inequalities. We combine these two aspects in the third core chapter. In particular, we analyse how monetary policy operates in an environment which is characterised by wage inequalities using a New Keynesian model that features heterogeneous labour. The third essay is motivated by the case of the United States, where, similar to many European countries, there is strong empirical evidence for rising internal economic divergence. Overall, the thesis not only combines and investigates topical issues, it moreover does so employing various techniques with the intention to also make contributions on the methodological level. We conclude the monograph by highlighting policy implications and by providing directions for future research.
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23

Bernel, Alexandre. "Le principe d'équivalence ou de "reconnaissance mutuelle" en droit communautaire." Zürich : Schulthess, 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/214938406.html.

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24

Spieker, Kathleen M. "A community perspective on the interaction of EC external relations and European political cooperation in the pre-Maastricht Community : case studies of actor behaviour manifested through economic sanctions and trade used as political instruments." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15241.

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The interaction of Community and European Political Cooperation (EPC) affairs is a subject which has been neglected in the research on European integration. While legal scholars have partially taken up the complex task of treaty exegesis, there has been a dearth of research from the political perspective. This thesis fills a major gap in the discussion of EPC from theoretical, analytical and empirical aspects. Thus, it explores from a Community perspective not only the normative question of whether the European Community (EC) requires or even desires an institutionalised, external political voice to fulfil its role as an international trade alliance; but also, and more important, it examines the political linkages implicit in and inseparable from economic decisions and actions. In this context the thesis examines, through a series of case studies, the issues and tensions that have come about and still exist in the European Community in the interplay between forces of integration, external relations, and EPC: the aspiration for political integration on one hand, and the desire by the member states of the Community to retain independence on the other. The resulting tension from these forces is best reflected in the relationship between EC external economic relations, and European Political Cooperation, manifested in the quest for actorness by the Community.
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Cross, Peter John. "Negotiating a comprehensive long-term relationship between South Africa and the European Union: from free trade to trade and development." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978.

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On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
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Ward, Stuart. "Discordant communities : Australia, Britain and the EEC, 1956-1963." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1998. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27667.

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This work is concerned with the demise of ‘British race patriotism’ in Australian political culture in the late 19505 and early 1960s. The organic ideal of British racial community was a founding ideological pillar of Australian nationality for much of this century, yet the declining relevance of these ideas, and the emergence of a more limited, exclusive conception of Australian ‘community’ has not been adequately addressed in the existing historical literature. In many respects, the waning appeal of ‘Britishness’ in Australia was a gradual and piecemeal process, but at the level of Australian political culture the shifts in outlook and assumptions occurred surprisingly rapidly, and converged largely around a single key event; namely, the first British application for membership of the European Economic Community in the years 1961 to 1963. The Macmillan Govemment’s painful choice between the discordant communities of ‘Europe’ and the ‘the British race’ provoked a crisis of British race patriotism in Australia, and prompted long overdue reflection, discussion and debate about the changing determinants of Australian nationhood in the post-war world. This occurred, not under the impetus of an instinctive dawning of an innate and assertive Australian nationalism as is often suggested, but in reaction to the demise of British race patriotism as a viable and credible framework for the ordering of Australian loyalties, priorities and policies. In the case of Britain's EEC membership application, it is significant that the revision of sentimental assumptions took place after it had become painfully self-evident that the United Kingdom was determined to pursue national interests and a national destiny that could no longer be reconciled with the traditional conception of organic Anglo-Australian community. The tensions and contradictions between ‘sentiment’ and 'self—interest‘, long inherent in Australia's political and economic ties to Great Britain, imploded under the impetus of the Macmillan Government's EEC aspirations. Before any limited. sovereign, national community could become fully imaginable in Australian political culture, it was a necessary precondition that the wider sense of British racial community should become ‘unimaginable’.
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Turgeon, Christopher D. "Bacchus and Bellum: The Anglo-Gascon Wine Trade and the Hundred Years War (987 to 1453 A.D)." W&M ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626260.

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28

Castro, Vítor Manuel Alves. "Growth, cycles and macroeconomic policy in the European Union." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2008. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/1046/.

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The implementation of the Maastricht criteria, establishment of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP), creation of the European Central Bank (ECB) and the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) raised several challenges for the European Union (EU) countries. The main aim of this dissertation is to analyse the economic implications of those institutional changes. Chapter 2 provides an empirical answer to the question of whether Maastricht and SGP fiscal rules have affected growth in the EU countries. Results from the estimation of a growth equation show that growth of real GDP per capita in the EU was not negatively affected in the period after Maastricht. The main conclusion of this analysis is that the institutional changes that occurred in some European countries after 1992 were not harmful to growth. Chapter 3 tries to identify the main causes of excessive deficits in the EU. A conditional logit model is estimated over a panel of EU countries, where an excessive deficit is defined as a deficit higher than 3% of GDP. Results indicate that a weak fiscal stance, low economic growth, elections and majority left-wing governments are the main causes of excessive deficits. They also show that the institutional constraints imposed after Maastricht over the EU countries have succeeded in reducing the probability of excessive deficits, especially in small countries and in countries traditionally affected by large fiscal imbalances. A widespread idea in the business cycles literature is that the older is an expansion or contraction, the more likely it is to end. Chapter 4 provides further empirical support for this idea of positive duration dependence controlling simultaneously for the effects of other factors on the duration of expansions and contractions. This study employs for the first time a discrete-time duration model to analyse the impact of some variables on the likelihood of an expansion and contraction ending for a group of EU and non-EU countries. The evidence suggests that the duration of expansions and contractions is not only dependent on their actual age: the duration of expansions is also positively dependent on the behaviour of the OECD composite leading indicator and on private investment, and negatively affected by the price of oil and by the occurrence of a peak in the US business cycle; the duration of a contraction is negatively affected by its actual age and by the duration of the previous expansion. Finally, Chapter 5 raises the question of whether central banks’ monetary policy can be described by a linear Taylor rule or, instead, by a more complex nonlinear rule. This chapter also analyses whether those rules can be augmented with a financial conditions index containing information from some asset prices and financial variables. A forward-looking specification is employed in the estimation of the linear and nonlinear rules. A smooth transition model is used to estimate the nonlinear rule. The results indicate that the behaviour of the Federal Reserve of the United States can be described by a linear Taylor rule, whilst the behaviour of the ECB and Bank of England is best described by a nonlinear Taylor rule. In particular, these two central banks tend to react to inflation only when inflation is above or outside their targets. Moreover, the evidence also suggests that the recently created ECB is targeting financial conditions, contrary to the other two central banks.
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29

Caruana, Galizia Paul. "Economic development and market potential : European regional income differentials, 1870-1913." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3062/.

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This dissertation examines the extent to which proximity to markets - as measured by market potential, the trade cost-weighted sum of surrounding regions’ GDP - can explain late-nineteenth century Europe’s regional per capita income differentials. The research questions are: (1) was the spatial distribution of regional income random; (2) how helpful are traditional explanations - coal and institutions - of regional income; (3) how helpful is market potential when controlling for traditional explanations; and (4) did market potential have an effect on other determinants of income? This dissertation finds that: (1) the distribution of regional per capita income increasingly concentrated in the northwest; that there was little tendency to income convergence; and regional inequalities were higher within than between countries; (2) while a measure of regional institutions is correlated with income, simple distance-to-coal and a cost-to-coal measures are not; (3) market potential has a significant effect on income; foreign market potential more so than domestic; and increasing core relative to peripheral market potential results in perpherial income losses; and (4) changes in literacy rates, a proxy for human capital, responded to changes in market potential. In conclusion, a new economic geography framework with market potential at its core fits the historical experience well. Certain regions performed better than others generally because they had cheaper access to markets. At the start of the period, trade costs were high, and so economic activity - long concentrated in Britain - was spread out more or less evenly across the Continent. By the end of the period, when trade costs dropped dramatically, economic activity concentrated in the northwest of Europe at the cost of the periphery.
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Palma, Nuno Pedro G. "Harbingers of modernity : monetary injections and European economic growth, 1492-1790." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3283/.

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In this dissertation I assess some of the effects for the early modern European economy which resulted from the large-scale discovery and exploitation of precious metals in the New World. I argue that the monetary injections which were a direct result of the increased precious metals availability were an important cause of stimulus for several early modern European economies. The thesis mainly consists of three papers. In the first paper I argue variation in production of precious metals in America can be helpful to identifying the causal effects of money in a macroeconomic setting. Using a panel of six European countries for the period 1531-1790, I find strong reduced-form evidence in favor of non-neutrality of money for changes in real economic activity. The magnitudes are substantial and persist for a long time: an exogenous 10% increase in production of precious metals in America leads to a hump-shaped positive response of real GDP, peaking at an average increase of 1.3% four years later. The evidence suggests this is because prices responded to monetary injections only with considerable lags. The following two chapters are focused on different aspects of the measurement and analysis of the causal effects of the monetary injections for the English economy. In the second paper, I put forward new data on annual coin supply for England over the long run. This is offered not only as a data construction exercise within the specific context of England, but also as a methodological contribution which in principle can be reproduced for some other countries. Finally, in the third paper, I present a historical discussion of the long-term effects of the early modern monetary injections in the context of the English economy. I show the increased availability of precious metals led to liquidity injections which matter for our understanding of the English industrious, industrial, and financial revolutions during early modern period.
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Benton, Mark G. Jr. "To Embrace the King| The Formation of a Political Community in the French County of Anjou, 1151---1247." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10262537.

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Historians of the Middle Ages have long reflected on the chronicles and archival sources of Western Europe, seeking to find the birth of the modern state. This thesis represents one such contribution to this historical problem, exploring the question of political centralization in the kingdom of France during the reigns of Capetian kings between 1151 and 1247. Focusing on the county of Anjou, this thesis contends that local aristocrats not only constructed their own political community but also used local customs to shape the contours of centralization in Anjou. Angevin sources suggest that state-building in France emerged less from conquest and occupation than as the result of cooperation between the political center and peripheral communities. The kings of France benefited from the loyalty of the Angevin political community, while local elites used royal concessions to define and defend their political and legal rights as Angevins.

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Parr, Helen. "Harold Wilson, Whitehall and British policy towards the European Community, 1964-1967." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2002. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/28815.

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Britain's second attempt to seek membership of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1967 has widely been regarded as inevitable. This thesis traces the development of Britain's policy towards the EEC from the accession of the Labour Government in 1964 to the failure of the application for membership in December 1967. Drawing primarily on official British records, it takes as its premise that policy decisions must be reconstructed as they appeared to participants at the time. It therefore places as central the roles and attitudes of key ministers and officials. It seeks to elucidate three main historical themes. First, by assessing the detailed progress of policy, it examines Harold Wilson's own ambiguous attitude towards European membership. Second, it considers how the British approached the Community, analysing Cabinet's acceptance of the policy as well as the conduct of Britain's diplomacy towards the members of the Six. Third, it places Britain's turn to Europe within the context of wider decisions about Britain's foreign and economic policies. It shows that Wilson's policy towards membership of the EEC developed only gradually and under duress, as he initially hoped to create a free trade area in Europe. Wilson did agree to study the implications of membership early in 1966, yet the decisive turning point was the July 1966 sterling crisis. It offers a new interpretation of Britain's approach to the Community, arguing that Wilson's attitude towards the tems of entry emerged only gradually. Britain's diplomacy with the Six foundered on Britain's economic weakness and the ability of General de Gaulle to manipulate his European partners. Although this was a period of considerable transformation in Britain's global orientation, British policy did not represent a decisive break with the past. Decisions were taken reluctantly and piecemeal, in response to economic crisis.
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33

Osman, Rehab Osman Mohamed. "The EU Economic Partnership Agreements with Southern Africa : a computable general equilibrium analysis." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/38615/.

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This thesis examines the potential impacts of the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the EU and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). It provides a quantitative assessment of the prospective implications for welfare, output and trade structures, resource allocation, prices and fiscal revenue. The thesis undertakes country- and sector-specific analyses using the multi-region, multi-sector computable general equilibrium (CGE) GLOBE model. The model is calibrated to the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) Database- version 7 for 2004. Different scenarios are implemented in order to simulate the alternative EU-SADC EPA scenarios in addition to their WTO-compatible alternatives. The thesis aims to contribute novel insights to the ongoing debate on the EU-SADC EPAs. It provides detailed country- and sector-specific impact projections within an internally consistent modelling framework. Furthermore, it contemplates the other WTO-compatible arrangements for SADC-EU trade in the case of not signing final EPAs. The simulation results inform answers for several research questions, as follows. Who gains and who loses from the EU-SADC EPAs? Do the agreements help SADC to effectively integrate into the world economy? What type of structural change might SADC experience under the EU-SADC EPA scenarios? How significant are potential adjustment costs for the SADC members likely to be? Are the WTO-compatible alternatives preferable for SADC members compared to the EU-SADC EPAs scenario? The simulation results suggest that a comprehensive EPA scenario is welfare-improving for many SADC members. The agreements, however, do not serve as a stumbling block towards more integration for SADC members into the world markets. Overall, SADC production structures become more concentrated in export-oriented sectors. These structural changes are accompanied by a high degree of adjustment in factor markets and substantial fiscal losses. A comprehensive EPA scenario is the best option vis-à-vis the WTO-compatible alternatives for SADC non-LDCs, whereas the results for SADC LDCs are mixed.
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Biçak, Hasan Ali. "The impact of the European Economic Community on the economic structure of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/35468.

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The Cyprus problem started in 1963 with the first coup of the Greeks. The second coup in 1974 by the Greeks aimed to annex Cyprus to Greece and the counter intervention of Turkey led Cyprus being divided into two. The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) in the North and the Greek Cypriot Administration in the South. This research uses input-output theory in analysing the economic structure of TRNC in 1986. Descriptive analysis, enabled comparison of the two economies of the Island. Linkage analysis provided a better understanding of the interindustry relations. Computation of type I and type II output, income, and employment multipliers, and the source of output, income, employment and competitive imports for final demand categories gave a further information about the structural interdependencies of the industries. Using Klein's adopted model for the TRNC economy, OLSQ, LSQ, 2SLS, and NL-2SLS estimation methods are compared in their backward and forward performances over a period of 1977-1988. Dynamic multipliers are also computed. Financial aid received from Turkey was 11 times more effective than aid received from the EEC. Forward projections showed that unless the financial aid received from the EEC is given with respect to need rather than to the projects in the South, or a separate agreement is made with the TRNC, then the present financial aid has very negligible effect on the TRNC economy.
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Reid, Emily Sarah. "Reconciling economic and non economic interests in the legal regulation of international trade : lessons from the European Community?" Thesis, University of Southampton, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289576.

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36

Knutson, Keith. "Britain's functional approach to integration /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9988679.

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37

Fink, de Backer Stephanie. "Widows at the nexus of family and community in early modern Castile." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289931.

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Widows as individuals and as a social group held fundamental importance to both the family and civic life of early modern Castile. Archival sources indicate that widows' influence throughout all levels of Castilian society was magnified by their relative degree of legal autonomy, combined with a tacit acceptance of women's activities in many areas of familial and municipal life. The use of documents more closely reflecting women's daily activities allows for contextualization of the complex impact of moral and legal rhetoric on the social construction of widowhood, providing concrete examples of widows' practical and often highly tactical employment, evasion, and/or manipulation of patriarchal and moral norms. The experience of widowhood both forces a re-examination of gender boundaries by questioning current theories of female enclosure and demands a re-evaluation of gendered patterns in expressions of patronage and parentage. Marital status and social class become more important that the gendered moral and legal strictures of an apparently patriarchal society in terms of early modern women's ability to take part in a wide range of activities normally not considered possible for their sex. Toledo's widows challenge public/private spheres models by giving evidence of the public nature of private lives and the private ends of public acts. Examining widows' lives provides insight into the complex mechanisms lying behind the formulation of gender boundaries in the early modern world and the pragmatic politics of everyday life at the nexus of family and community.
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38

Horovitz, Dan D. "Regulation of competition under the rules of the free trade area agreements concluded by the European Economic Community." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213301.

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39

Peldán, Carlsson Gustav. "Economics, political values and historic legacy : Determinants of public support for EU membership and European integration in post-communist Europe." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-300364.

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This study examines the explanatory power of the traditional explanations as to what determines public support for EU membership and European integration – the economic explanation and the political values‐based explanation – in the context of the post-communist member states of the EU. Further, an alternative explanation – the communist legacy explanation – is presented and tested. It is hypothesized that a high degree of Soviet influence and suppression during the communist period leads to a low degree of support for EU membership and European integration, because of a willingness to protect oneself from violation of national sovereignty once again. The explanatory power of the traditional explanations does not obtain convincing empirical support, even if many individual predictors are statistically significant as determinants. Communist legacy seems to be important as a determinant of public support for EU membership and European integration. However, the hypothesis can neither be accepted nor rejected, because of the methodological problems associated with the dummy variable approach used in order to test it. Further, the direction of the relationship between communist legacy and public support for EU membership and European integration seems to be two‐fold, rather than one-sided as hypothesized.
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40

Mohammed, Yasmin. "The Free Trade Agreement between Mercosur and the European Union: a long journey of negotiations." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-196034.

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41

Ifestos, Panayiotis J. "Some aspects of external relations and foreign policy of the European Community: European political cooperation and defense / security issues." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213536.

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42

KISER, EDGAR VANCE. "KINGS AND CLASSES: CROWN AUTONOMY, STATE POLICIES, AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN WESTERN EUROPEAN ABSOLUTISMS (ENGLAND, FRANCE, SWEDEN, SPAIN)." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184073.

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This dissertation explores the role of Absolutist states in the transition from feudalism to capitalism in Western Europe. Three general questions are addressed: (1) what are the determinants of variations in the autonomy of rulers? (2) what are the consequences of variations in autonomy for states policies? and (3) what are the effects of various state policies on economic development? A new theoretical framework, based on a synthesis of the neoclassical economic literature on principal-agent relations and current organizational theory in sociology, is developed to answer these three questions. Case studies of Absolutism in England, France, Sweden, and Spain are used to illustrate the explanatory power of the theory.
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43

Goodison, Paul. "Relations between the European Economic Community and the Southern African Development Coordination Conference - an assessment." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.383646.

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44

Carter, Caitriona A. "Economic and social dynamics of part-time employment law as policy within the European Community." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/21133.

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This thesis explores the regulation of part-time employment, within a European Community (EC) context, examining law as an instrument of policy. The domestic policies of two Member States, the UK and France, are analysed as examples of alternative approaches to part-time employment. Conclusions drawn from such different national policies are re-explored at EC level, as is EC Part-Time Employment Policy itself, with the intention of explaining a weakened political interest in the regulation of part-time employment at EC level. The thesis adopts a distinct theoretical position to explore the complex interweaving of economic and social factors at two levels - firstly, at the level of theoretical conceptions of labour market functioning and part-time employment and secondly, at the level of national and EC law as policy. This position is reached by drawing together the findings made by the advanced form of Labour Market Segmentation theory, which points to a consequentialist understanding of labour market functioning. The focus is on two legal options of part-time employment policy - the application of Sex Equality Law and the application of the Principle of Non-Discrimination between Full- and Part-Time Workers. I analyse these routes from a consequentialist stance, taking issue with the causalist approach to both regulation and policy analysis. I find that, irrespective of whether a policy has an economic or social goal, it relies on a certain conceptualisation of labour market functioning. I argue that, at present, national and EC Social Policies fail to follow the consequentialist recognition of market functioning and that EC Social Policy is in addition dominated by the economic and social dynamics of internal market functioning.
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45

MOURLON-DRUOL, Emmanuel. "The emergence of a European bloc? : a trans-and supranational history of European Monetary Cooperation, from the failure of the Werner Plan to the creation of the European Monetary System, 1974-1979." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14487.

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Defence date: 21 June 2010
Examining Board: Prof. Harold James (Princeton University - EUI) – supervisor; Prof. N. Piers Ludlow (LSE); Prof. Kiran Patel (EUI); Prof. Éric Bussière (Paris IV-Sorbonne)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The creation of the European Monetary System (EMS) represents one of the landmarks of post-war European economic and political history, and constitutes a fascinating case-study of the formation of an incipient trans- and supranational polity, namely the European Economic Community (EEC). This thesis is the first detailed archivally-based study of European monetary cooperation from the mid- to late 1970s. It is based on an extensive multi-archival and multinational research, including archives of the French, British and German governments, as well as of EEC institutions (Commission, Council of Ministers, Monetary Committee, Committee of Central Bank Governors). This thesis analyses the complex interaction between the numerous actors involved in the process (Finance Ministers, heads of government, central bankers, economic advisors, academic economists) at various levels (domestic, EEC, international), and explains why and how the attention shifts from one level to another. In order to explain the reasons, modes and the extent to which Western European governments were willing to further their monetary cooperation through the EEC, it is essential to go beyond a strictly intergovernmental approach based on 'material interests.' Instead, this thesis delves into a more sophisticated and refined understanding of the process, looking at different modes of governance (transnational, international, supranational), as well as the interplay between different policy areas (transatlantic relations, trade, common agricultural policy) and various connected issues (political, political-psychological, economic, institutional, financial). Contrary to the conventional account of the EMS negotiations, which focuses primarily on the year 1978, this thesis presents a different way of understanding the creation of the EMS by highlighting two longer-term processes: a transnational learning process among a transnational monetary elite, and the impact of the emergence of the European Council on the monetary discussions in the EEC. The interaction of these two features explains why the EMS fundamentally was a fairly trivial technical step, but a tremendously important political one. This thesis therefore shows that more profound trends considerably influenced the inception of the EMS, which remain crucial to a thorough understanding of today's economic and financial world.
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IKONOMOU, Haakon A. "Europeans : Norwegian diplomats and the enlargement of the European Community, 1960-1972." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/41144.

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Defence date: 29 April 2016
Examining Board: Professor Federico Romero (European University Institute EUI); Professor Youssef Cassis (European University Institute, EUI); Doctor N. Piers Ludlow (London School of Economics and Political Science, LSE); Doctor Morten Rasmussen (University of Copenhagen).
Awarded the Prize for the 'Best Thesis in EU Integration' at the European University Institute conferring ceremony on 9 June 2017
September 25, 1972, marked the end of the most bitterly fought political struggle of Norwegian postwar history. With a slight majority, those opposed to membership in the European Community (EC) prevailed in a popular referendum. With the Norwegian 'no', the date also marked the first non-enlargement of the EC. This thesis investigates how a group of diplomats – who worked throughout the 1960s and early 1970s to negotiate a Norwegian EC membership – became Europeans. Being a European meant developing an emotional and professional conviction that membership in the EC was a good thing in itself. But it also entailed a certain displacement: who the Europeans were and how they worked with the EC-case was determined by their in-betweenness. The study of who the Europeans were, and how they worked with the EC-case, is structured around a three-level analysis: 1)The anthropo-institutional investigation 2)The discursive framework, and 3)The study of the Europeans' diplomatic practice regarding the EC-case. The Europeans profoundly shaped Norwegian European policy between 1960 and 1972, helping to redirect the Norwegian postwar foreign policy in quite a fundamental way, and also changed the Community itself. The Europeans were forged into a community and received their political potency/weakness from their in-betweenness: both professionally and personally invested in the membership issue, their actions lay between traditional diplomacy and politics, their ideas, practices and spaces were constituted between 'Europe' and 'Norway' in multiple ways, and their ultimate task remained to bridge the division between the two entities. In brevity, the thesis tells the story of a handful of Norwegian diplomats that became passionately pro-European in the 1960s, and who worked to get Norway on the inside of the EC – a failed elite, shaped in the middle, which nonetheless made a lasting, yet untold, mark on Norway, Europe and the diplomatic trade.
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MITZNER, Veera. "Research for growth? : the contested origins of European Union research policy (1963–1974)." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/28044.

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Defence date: 4 July 2013
Examining Board: Professor Kiran Klaus Patel (University of Maastricht) – Supervisor Professor Federico Romero (European University Institute) Professor John Krige (Georgia Institute of Technology, Atlanta) Professor Johan Schot (Eindhoven University of Technology).
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis examines the difficult creation of a common European research policy as part of the process of the emergence of the European Community (EC)/European Union (EU) as an increasingly powerful global political and economic actor. It shows that strong discursive continuity and institutional path-dependency, together with the ability of the promoters of the common research policy to adapt their claims to a broader ideational framework, were the key factors that enabled the EC to enlarge its role in a field in which it originally lacked policy competence, and in which states have traditionally been reluctant to pool national sovereignty in supranational institutions. Moreover, the concept of EC/EU research policy, and the concrete steps towards its realisation, would not have been possible without three fundamental ideational and political transformations: the changing relationship between science and the state and the subsequent establishment of national institutions and practices to promote and orient scientific activity the emergence of economic growth as an ubiquitous political objective in all industrialised countries and the increasing conceptualisation of science in economic terms the rapid liberalisation of the world markets, where knowledge soon became regarded as a vital resource for power and money. These three developments were the origins of the crucial change in perception of the European policymakers concerning not only scientific research but also the major goals of European integration.
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48

ASBEEK, BRUSSE Wendy. "West European tariff plans, 1947-1957 : from study group to Common Market." Doctoral thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5708.

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Defence date: 23 May 1991
Examining board: Prof. R.T. Griffiths (supervisor) ; Prof. J. Pelkmans (second supervisor) ; Prof. G. Gerbet ; Prof. P. Hertner ; Prof. A.S. Milward
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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49

GEARY, Michael J. "Enlargement and the European Commission : an assessment of the British and Irish applications for membership of the European Economic Community, 1958-73." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12001.

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Defence date: 20 February 2009
Examining Board: Prof. Pascaline Winand (EUI/Monash University, Supervisor); Prof. N. Piers Ludlow (London School of Economics, Co-supervisor); Prof. Kiran Klaus Patel (EUI); Prof. Jan van der Harst (University of Groningen)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The thesis examines how the European Commission responded to the challenges posed by Britain’s and Ireland’s attempts to join the European Economic Community (EEC) between 1958 and 1972.1 The part played by the Commission in the enlargement process of the 1960s is one that has received little critical attention by scholars dealing with the history of European integration. Each chapter examines the enlargement question largely from the Commission’s perspective intertwined with British and Irish views. It therefore moves beyond the more traditional focus of scholarly research that has to date been almost exclusively based around national accounts of how the Community went from six to nine members in January 1973. This dissertation aims, in part, to fill this void in the history of the early years of the EEC.
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Shrivastava, Aseem. "Property rights, deforestation, and community forest management in the Himalayas: An analysis of forest policy in British Kumaun, 1815-1949." 1996. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI9709654.

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Under what conditions can one expect to see a sustained system of community management of forests in operation? Considerable theoretical scepticism has been expressed by economists and others about the viability of any such institution. In this view, such institutions will inevitably result in a "tragedy of the commons." However, evidence from around the world has accumulated in recent years which suggests that common property institutions do exist, and in some cases, have existed for a long time. Using archival sources in India and the U.K., this thesis explores the fate of community management of forests in a region of the central Himalayas known as Kumaun. Kumaun was under British administration over the period 1815-1949. The forests of the region were not under formal state management till the 1860s. In fact, there is evidence of customary cooperative arrangements--informal local institutions--before the arbitrary takeover of forests by the new administrators. The new property regime had a disruptive effect on local institutions and precipitated much deforestation, especially since the state did not have the logistical wherewithal to enforce the new forest rules at a time when local arrangements had lost credibility. Two schools of thought emerged within the state bureaucracy to address the emerging crisis of rapidly diminishing forests. The "centralizers" argued for more effective supervision and an increase in state power in order to protect the forests. The "devolutionists," by contrast, canvassed for decentralized management by user communities. Several decades of experimentation with centralized methods failed to protect forests effectively and caused much political protest. The government ultimately had to resurrect local institutions in the 1920s. In the beginning this was a failure, since community management had lost all credibility in the eyes of local users. However, persistent efforts by government officers finally paid off and the new system of van panchayats (village forest councils) finally solved a problem which the state, on its own, could not.
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