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Journal articles on the topic 'European Economic Community - History'
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1
Scichilone, Laura. "L'Europa verde. La politica ambientale comunitaria dalle origini al riconoscimento formale dell'Atto unico (1972-1986)." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 30 (July 2009): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-030007.
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- The article describes the main dynamics characterizing the beginnings of the European environmental policy in the Seventies. The author reconstructs the European institutions role and some aspects concerning their relations with the international context, which has deeply influenced the European Economic Community action in this sector. In particular, the author describes the first phase of this policy evolution, which ended in 1986, when the Single Act recognized the Community competence in the environmental field. During this time, the Community developed the environmental political action and it gradually changed its corrective approach into a preventive one. The article focuses on some important events of this transformation and some measures adopted by the European Economic Community in order to improve the environmental prevention standards in the member States.Parole chiave: Politica ambientale, Comunitŕ economica europea, Atto unico europeo, Crisi ecologica, Crisi energetica, Prevenzione ambientale Environmental Policy, European Economic Community, Single European Act, Environmental Crisis, Energy Crisis, Environmental Prevention
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Kaelble, Hartmut. "Social History of European Integration." Tocqueville Review 16, no. 1 (January 1995): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.16.1.61.
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In theory, the social history of European integration could be written in three different ways.l The first method would be to adopt the perspective of political historians and political scientists, who would apply social history to learn about new, neglected, but powerful factors affecting European integration. They might, for instance, try to identify those social factors underlying the founding of the European coal and steel community in 1950 or discuss the social background behind the creation of the European Economic Community in 1957.
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Podhalicz, Mateusz. "Caught in the grey area between European Economic Community and European Federation?" Vilnius University Open Series, no. 6 (December 28, 2020): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/os.law.2020.15.
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During the last decade of the EU history there has been an unprecedented increase of illiberal tendencies among certain EU Members – most notably Poland and Hungary, which in turn lead to violation of the values enshrined in Article 2 TEU. The present paper is brief attempt to determine whether the EU has any legal powers to confront rogue EU Members, which violate the rule of law and what these powers are.
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Jackson, S. J. "Attitudes to toxicology in the European Economic Community." Endeavour 12, no. 4 (January 1988): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0160-9327(88)90168-8.
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Obadic, Ivan. "A troubled relationship: Yugoslavia and the European Economic Community indétente." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 21, no. 2 (March 4, 2014): 329–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2014.888709.
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Maes, I. "The Development of Economic Thought at the European Community Institutions." History of Political Economy 28, Supplement (January 1, 1996): 245–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-28-supp-245.
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Zaets, Svetlana V., and Filipp Yu Kushnarev. "Poland in the European Union: history and modernity." Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania 8, no. 3 (September 24, 2022): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2022-3-274-287.
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The article shows the dynamics of the development of relations between Poland and the European Union from the early 1990s to the present day. The history of the entry of the Polish state into the European community, the political and socio-economic consequences of this event is analyzed. The facts testifying to the initial polarization of society in relation to EU membership between the conservative-nationalist party «PiS» and the liberal-democratic «Civic Platform» are presented. The topical issue related to the supremacy of European legislation over the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the attitude of the ruling party and the population of the country to it is considered. The authors of the article conducted a study on the attitude of Poles to membership in the European Union and concluded that most of them highly appreciate the role of their state in the EU, enjoy the benefits of European citizenship and see themselves as Europeans. Attention is drawn to the fact that the developed countries of the West do not perceive Poland as an equal member of the European Community, and it does not feel like such, because in terms of most economic indicators, the country initially lagged behind generally accepted indicators and is forced to receive financial assistance. The authors briefly touched upon the current events in Ukraine and the reaction of the Polish government in the context of the European Union. As a result, at the moment a picture is being created that Poland is in the wake of the EU's anti-Russian policy and sees its role in «saving the world from Russian expansion». Perhaps, by such participation in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, it seeks to compensate for its secondary position in the European Union and increase its authority in the international arena.
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Heckart, Beverly. "The Cities of Avignon and Worms as Expressions of the European Community." Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 3 (July 1989): 462–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500016005.
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At the end of 1978, the German art critic Walter Frentz, introducing a film and public lecture in the city of Worms, postulated that Europeans could breathe new life into the idea of European unity by devoting greater care and attention to the shape and form of European cities. The theme of his remarks that night specifically encouraged the preservation of historic urban cores, but more striking was his general concept linking the development of the European Community with the treatment of the European city. As a growing literature on architectural symbolism and urban imagery suggests, cities take the shapes that are expressions of a total society, reflecting the spectrum of their political, economic and cultural life. As Europeans rebuilt and developed their cities in the period after World War II, they also charted the course of their unification.
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Deng, Haoran, Tzuhan Lin, Zihao Ma, and Yixi Wang. "The impact of European Monetary Union on different countries within the EU." Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 2 (November 6, 2022): 255–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/hbem.v2i.2371.
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The decision on the establishment of economic and Monetary Union will be regarded as a major event in the economic history of Europe. A stable European monetary structure will affect the future not only of the Member States of the Community, but also of the whole world. It is likely to serve as a guidepost for the economic policies of future members of the European Community, such as Austria, Sweden and Finland, as well as the emerging market economies of Central and Eastern Europe. These countries are looking forward to closer links with the European Community. Monetary union would also provide a currency for the European Community. The creation of economic and monetary union is a complex undertaking from both a technical and a political point of view. It requires a high degree of consistency between economic policy and performance. At the same time, it would greatly reduce the economic autonomy of participating countries. The traditional differences in the economic and monetary policies of the member states of the European Community also have different effects. Therefore, this paper mainly studies the influence of EMU on different EU countries by studying the EU's political ideology, historical and economic development, economic main body structure and cultures of different EU countries.
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Kansikas, Suvi. "Acknowledging economic realities. The CMEA policy changevis-à-visthe European Community, 1970–3." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 21, no. 2 (March 4, 2014): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2014.893997.
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Canihac, Hugo. "Programming the Common Market: The Making and Failure of a ‘Dirigiste’ Europe, 1957–1967." Contemporary European History 30, no. 3 (May 27, 2021): 383–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000242.
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This article contributes to the debate about the history of the political economy of the European Economic Community (EEC). It retraces the efforts during the early years of the EEC to implement a form of ‘European economic programming’, that is, a more ‘dirigiste’ type of economic governance than is usually associated with European integration. Based on a variety of archives, it offers a new account of the making and failure of this project. It argues that, at the time, the idea of economic programming found many supporters, but its implementation largely failed for political as well as practical reasons. In so doing, it also brings to light the role of economists during the early years of European integration.
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Grazi, Laura. "Origini e sfide della politica regionale comunitaria: dagli studi preliminari all'Atto unico europeo (1957-1986)." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 30 (July 2009): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-030005.
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- The article describes the different stages which marked the elaboration of the EEC regional policy starting from the preliminary studies in the Sixties to the formal inclusion of this domain in the Single European Act (1986). The creation of the European Regional Development Fund (1975) and its reforms are crucial events in the definition of the EEC regional policy which highlight the slow and difficult passage from a system redistributing money among Member States to the launch of new form of supranational territorial solidarity. The ERDF, that was initially linked to the need to rearrange the financial benefits of membership/accession to the EEC for some members States (in particular, Italy and Great Britain), was later rearranged in order to allow more autonomous policy choices at the Community level (Community programmes). The Integrated Mediterranean Programmes, adopted in the Eighties, are the symbol of this new approach because they linked EEC regional measures to common problems arising from economic integration and increased the coordinating functions of the Commission.Parole chiave: Politica regionale della CEE, Commissione europea, Economie regionali, FESR, Programmi comunitari, PIM EEC Regional Policy; European Commission, Regional Economies, European Regional Development Fund, Community Programmes, Integrated Mediterranean Programmes
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Goedde, Celia J. "Competition, Community, and Privilege in Eighteenth-Century Vienna: The Viennese Pastry Bakers." Austrian History Yearbook 31 (January 2000): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800014351.
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During the course of the eighteenth century, Vienna, like many other European capitals, grew significantly in terms of population and economic activity. While not as large as the two urban behemoths of Paris and London, Vienna was the largest of the central European cities; including the suburbs, its population had nearly tripled since 1700 and approached 300,000 inhabitants by 1800.1 This rapid growth, spurred on by the presence of the imperial court, steadily expanded Vienna's market, but the increased number of customers did not necessarily translate into increased prosperity for Viennese artisans. A shift in economic regulations at midcentury that favored increased competition over corporate privileges upset the careful balance between political and economic interests. The Viennese pastry bakers, like many other artisans, faced growing ranks of competitors battling for position within the market. The pastry market, well known and much valued in Vienna then, as now, rested as much on the public's tastes as on legal and economic privileges. Guild pastry bakers struggled to maintain their hold on the market, while nonguild bakers introduced new types of pastries that lured away guild customers and transsformed the pastry
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Fujisawa, Jun. "The End of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 2 (2022): 532–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.213.
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This paper analyzes the negotiations within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance during the final years of its existence, focusing on the Soviet reform proposals and M. S. Gorbachev’s vision of the “Common European Home” as well as on Eastern European reaction to them. In the second half of the 1980s, Gorbachev tried to found a “unified market” for the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance by introducing a market-oriented reform of the organization. However, this attempt did not materialize because of the East German and Romanian objections. After the collapse of Eastern European socialist regimes in 1989, the Soviet leadership urged the member-states to accelerate the reform of this international organization, hoping to achieve the pan-European economic integration through close cooperation between the totally reformed Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and the European Community. Although the Central European countries, namely Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland, aspired to join the EC individually, they agreed to participate in a successor organization of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance because the EC was not ready to accept them. Accordingly, by the beginning of 1991, all the member-states agreed to establish a consultative organization, which would be named the Organization for International Economic Cooperation). However, as the Soviet Union failed to sustain trade with the Central European countries, the three countries lost interest in the project. As a result, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance was disbanded without any successor organization. In other words, it did not collapse automatically after 1989 but came to an end as a result of various factors, such as rapidly declining trade between the member-states, Western disinterest in the cooperation with it, and the Central European policy changes.
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Pașca, Vlad. "A Détente Equation: The United Nations Economic Commission for Europe and Socialist Experts before Helsinki (1947–1975)." East Central Europe 45, no. 2-3 (November 29, 2018): 160–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04502002.
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The article explores the main features of cooperation between economic experts during the pre-csce (Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe) period (1947–1975) under the aegis of the most comprehensive all-European organization of the period, the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (unece). At scientific and policy levels, contacts and exchanges between socialist and capitalist economic experts were circumscribed by common priorities and challenges faced by the unece staff and governments from both sides of the Iron Curtain. The article presents four types of activities pertaining to East-West cooperation: international conferences, training programs, institutionalized consultations (under the Committee for Trade Development and the group of Senior Economic Advisers to the unece Governments), and direct collaboration with the unece Secretariat and its subsidiary bodies. The contribution focuses on the institutional aspects of the socialist economic experts’ participation in the unece’s cooperative framework and the pan-European epistemic community. The study argues that the unece’s efforts towards détente also took into account community-building in the fields of economics, development of trade, and harmonization of policy-making from a transnational, all-European perspective.
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GILBERT, MARK. "Delusions of Grandeur: New Perspectives on the History of the European Community." Contemporary European History 16, no. 4 (November 2007): 545–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307004171.
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All four of these books are interesting additions to the corpus of historical research into European integration. Parr and Poggiolini's books are precise, document-based accounts of the trials and tribulations surrounding Britain's accession to the European Economic Community (EEC); Ludlow's book, which is based on an imposing quantity of archive research in six countries, is the most important work in English to date on the evolution of the European Community (EC) in the period that elapsed between Charles de Gaulle's veto of British entry and the Hague summit of December 1969, when the member states’ leaders ‘brought to an end a seven year struggle over its purpose, mode of operation and membership’ (p. 198). Gillingham's book reads like a 300-page op-ed in the Wall Street Journal, and is largely concerned with current events rather than history, but that does not mean that it has nothing of relevance for historians, as I hope to show at the end of this review.
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McPherson, Kenneth. "A Secret People of South Asia. The Origins, Evolution and Role of the Luso-Indian Goan Community from the Sixteenth to Twentieth Centuries." Itinerario 11, no. 2 (July 1987): 72–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511530001545x.
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Until fairly recently, histories of European imperial expansion in the Indian Ocean region have been written largely in terms of the endeavours of Europeans in creating and controlling empire. Only in the last couple of decades has recognition been given slowly to the role of the indigenous economic and political compradors, both large and small, who were vital to the evolution and sustenance of European colonial empires.
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Dell, Edmund. "The Report of the Three Wise Men." Contemporary European History 2, no. 1 (March 1993): 35–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000308.
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These days, the institutions of the European Community, and especially the Commission, are criticised for being, if anything, too effective and for submerging the sovereignty of member states in the interests of a concept of European union not universally shared. In the late 1970s the perceived problem was very different. The economic crisis following the breakdown of Bretton Woods and the oil price hike had caused a resurgence of nationalism within the Community and the reemergence of barriers to trade. ‘[S]ince about 1973, trade integration among the original six members has largely stagnated, as new market barriers outweighed new liberalising action, and economic growth was cut in half.’2 The one recent achievement, the European Monetary System (EMS), had been largely created outside the machinery of the Treaty of Rome. There was resentment within the Community at its failure to protect member states against the onset of crisis or to help them to find a way out of it. There was resentment at the way in which, at a time of crisis, France, Germany and the UK tended to ignore the Community, and their obligations under the Treaty of Rome, and to enter into consultations with the USA and Japan about matters which affected all member states.
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Hang, Nguyen Thi Thuy. "Us and European Integration Prior to 1968." Lithuanian Foreign Policy Review 33, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 83–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lfpr-2016-0011.
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Abstract This paper surveys the history of the United States policy towards European integration from 1945 up to 1968 before President Nixon came into office. Drawing on a detailed analysis of the documents mostly obtainable from the official websites of the US Department of State, the US National Archives, and the EU Historical Archives, the paper argues that it was the European geopolitical and economic context after the Second World War and the United States national interests which moulded this country’s pro-European integration policy. Thus, the paper will begin with an analysis of the search for global influence between the United States and the Soviet Union before examining how the United States redefined its core interests in recognition of the Soviet threat. Then, it will explore the role that the United States played in reconstructing Western European economy and defending it physically. Also, it is argued that the United States and Western Europe took concerted action together to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), European Economic Community (EEC), and the European Atomic Energy Community (EAEC or Euratom), the very first supranational institutions which have made the European integration process irreversible. It will be concluded that the vitality of the European integration project depended on US economic and political capital for its success.
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Smedley, Stuart. "Making a Federal Case: Youth Groups, Students and the 1975 European Economic Community Referendum Campaign to Keep Britain in Europe." Twentieth Century British History 31, no. 4 (November 28, 2020): 454–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwz043.
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Abstract To persuade the electorate to vote ‘Yes’ in the June 1975 referendum on the United Kingdom’s membership of the European Economic Community, Britain in Europe, the pro-European campaign organization, adopted a pragmatic approach, focusing on the economic benefits of membership and warning about the potentially grave consequences of withdrawal. Importantly, they avoided discussing proposed future advances in European integration. However, this theme was of importance to pro-European youth and student campaign groups—the subject of this article. Through a detailed analysis of their campaign literature, this article further transforms understanding of the 1975 referendum and, especially, the nature of the ‘Yes’ campaign by demonstrating how radical youth groups’ arguments for continued membership were. It argues that young activists yearned to discuss sovereignty and deeper integration in great detail as they offered idealistic visions for how the EEC could develop and benefit Britain. The article also advances knowledge of youth politics in the turbulent 1970s. Greater light is shone on the frustration pro-European youth groups felt towards the main Britain in Europe campaign. Meanwhile, it serves as a case study on the extent to which the perspectives of party-political youth groups and their superiors differed on a specific, highly salient policy issue.
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Wang, Yingqin. "CSDP: A Balancing Strategy against the United States?" World Journal of Social Science Research 6, no. 2 (March 19, 2019): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v6n2p128.
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<em>In the aftermath of the Second World War, European integration progressed rapidly. Despite economic performance, the European community is far from playing a major role in security and defense. The catalyst for a European defense policy is the war in Yugoslavia, which shows that Europeans are dependent on Americans. Thus, the EU has the CSDP and has conducted many military and civilian operations. Yet a new wave of academic studies, launched by proponents of American neorealism, argues that the EU is engaged in an attempt to “balance” the US by exploiting the CSDP. By studying European history in terms of security, we find that the balancing theory can not be justified.</em>
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Wodak, Ruth, and Salomi Boukala. "European identities and the revival of nationalism in the European Union." Discourse analysis, policy analysis, and the borders of EU identity 14, no. 1 (May 26, 2015): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.14.1.05wod.
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To date, the concept of ‘European identity’ remains quite vague and obscure. Who is European and who is not? What values do Europeans share, and who is included in or excluded from the European community? This paper deals with the renegotiation of European identity/ies and the simultaneous increase of discourses about national security and nationalism in Europe, especially during the financial crisis since 2008. We first discuss a range of theoretical approaches to European identity from an interdisciplinary perspective. In a second step, after summarising the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) to Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) and especially the concept of topos, we illustrate the link between discursive constructions of European identities and cultural ‘Others’ via some recent examples of European and national debates on migration and economic issues. More specifically, we first analyse a speech by Geert Wilders on immigration and multiculturalism after the clashes in Tunisia in 2011 and the subsequent arrival of many refugees in Italy; secondly, we focus on a speech about British relations to the European Union in the 21st century by the British Prime Minister, David Cameron. It becomes apparent that debates about European identities – especially since the financial crisis of 2008 – have increasingly been accompanied by debates about both more traditional racialised cultural concerns and more recently, about economic security, leading to new distinctions between ‘Us’, the ‘real Europeans’, and ‘Them’, the ‘Others’. In this way, the socio-political unification of Europe is challenged – once again.
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Rudner, Martin. "European Community Development Assistance to Asia: Policies, Programs and Performance." Modern Asian Studies 26, no. 1 (February 1992): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00015912.
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The European Community is distinctive among the donors of international development assistance. Although it is categorized officially as a multilateral aid institution, the Community differs in structure, purpose and role compared to other, more familiar organizations of that genre. Like other multilaterals, the European Community derives its aid budget, as well as its other financial resources, from the fiscal contributions of its Member states (each of which provides its own bilateral assistance to developing countries). Yet, to be sure, the Community represents more than just a multilateral economic union, since it also constitutes a supra-European governmental authority in the making. Indeed, the European Community has begun to evolve a common foreign policy, which is reflected in its role in Official Development Assistance (ODA). Its aid effort, in giving expression to the Community's common international purpose, has taken on most of the attributes of government-to-government assistance. It is this combination of multilateral and quasi-bilateral characteristics that sets the European Economic Community (EEC, as the Community is styled in its ODA role) apart as a uniquely meta-national participant in international development cooperation.
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Pavlenko, Valerii. "The United Kingdom’s Entry into the European Economic Community (1960’s – early 1970’s)." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.3.
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The author of the article examines the history of the United Kingdom’s entry into the European Economic Community in the 1960’s and early 1970’s, namely, he analyses the historical experience of the country’s transformation from a world Empire to a European power. The article is primarily focused on the fact that the United Kingdom’s policy on Western European integration has evolved considerably since the late 1950’s. It is noted that at the beginning of the 1960’s, the Europeanization of attitudes was gradually developing both in the UK’s power structures and among the population. The key reasons for the negative outcome of the UK’s first attempt to join the EEC are considered. Position and role of the country’s government executives in the development and implementation of the European integration policy are determined. It is stated that a major barrier to the United Kingdom’s entry into the European community was the position of France, which did not want the British to become full-fledged EEC member. It is pointed out that significant progress in the rapprochement of the UK and the EEC was achieved only at the end of 1969, with the decision to expand this organization. It is noted that it was after the meeting of Georges Pompidou and Edward Heath that an agreement on the terms of UK’s entry into the European Economic Community was finally reached. The article also focuses on the analysis of benefits of membership in the European Community for the British people. The special role of the Edward Heath’s ministry, during whose term of office it was decided to consider London’s Western European policy as a priority, is pointed out. And finally, it is determined that the adaptation of the United Kingdom as a member of the EEC has lasted many years, during which many issues arising have not been resolved.
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GREER, THOMAS V. "Product Liability in the European Community: The Legislative History." Journal of Consumer Affairs 26, no. 1 (June 1992): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-6606.1992.tb00021.x.
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Lynch, Frances, and Adrian Nicola Carello. "The Northern Question: Italy's Participation in the European Economic Community and the Mezzogiorno's Underdevelopment." Economic History Review 43, no. 4 (November 1990): 762. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596768.
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PATEL, KIRAN KLAUS, and WOLFRAM KAISER. "Continuity and Change in European Cooperation during the Twentieth Century." Contemporary European History 27, no. 2 (April 13, 2018): 165–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731800005x.
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To sign the treaty creating the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) the foreign ministers of Belgium, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands met in Paris in April 1951. In a solemn Joint Declaration they stressed that through the newly created organisation, ‘the Contracting Parties have given their determination to set up the first supranational institution and thus lay the real foundations of an organised Europe’. The ministers represented the ECSC as a radical rupture with history, as if Europe had been completely disorganised until the new organisation's creation. In a similar vein, the ECSC Treaty emphasised the member states’ resolution ‘to substitute for historic rivalries a fusion of their essential interests; to establish, by creating an economic community, the foundation of a broad and independent community amongst peoples long divided by bloody conflicts’. Since 1951 official European Union (EU) documents and other sources have forged a similar image, one which has been undergirded by assumptions about the creation of the ‘core Europe’ of the ECSC as a collective ‘supranational’ break with a past characterised by severe ideological divisions and extreme nationalism.
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Tonovski, Gorgi, Temelko Risteski, and Vesna Sijic. "EUROPEAN UNION IN THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." Knowledge International Journal 29, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij2901061t.
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The European Union is relatively new real socio-political and economic subject in the international community. The main, basic idea of its construction and existence is the maxima that the European continent should be a completed hall human community, based on the principles of the social solidarity among the people of Europe. Or, as one of the founders of modern Europe Zane Money used to say „The Europe won’t be build nether in the moment, nor with a common efforts, but it will be builded through concrete realizations, which firstаwall will create a real solidarity”.A main value principle is that „The European nations do not share anymore the common history, they share common life”. The fact - The European Union – is animation of the European solidarity and of the idea to create the Common European home.The European Union is a new state super-structure with imperial measures (economic, geographic, and political). It crosses and abandons the existed European state borders and matches the unification of the hall continent. Such a „giantific” social statehood creation (with 500 million inhabitants and enormous economical weight) normally provokes changes in the relations of the international community. The European Union is searching its „place under the sun”, as an actor with power and authority in the international relations and in the international politics.
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Maes, Ivo. "Economic thought at the European Commission and the creation of EMU (1957-1991)." HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT AND POLICY, no. 2 (March 2011): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/spe2010-002004.
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To understand macroeconomic and monetary thought at the European Commission, two elements are crucial: firstly, the Rome Treaty, as it determined the mandate of the Commission and, secondly, the economic ideas in the different countries of the European Community, as economic thought at the Commission was to a large extent a synthesis and compromise of the main schools of thought in the Community. Initially, economic thought at the Commission was mainly a fusion of French and German ideas, with a certain predominance of French ideas. Later, Anglo-Saxon ideas would gain ground. At the beginning of the 1980s, the Commission's analytical framework became basically medium-term oriented, with an important role for supply-side and structural elements and a more cautious approach towards discretionary stabilisation policies. This facilitated the process of European integration, in the monetary area too, as consensus on stabilityoriented policies was a crucial condition for EMU. Over the years, the Commission has taken its role as guardian of the Treaties and initiator of Community policies very seriously, not least in the monetary area. It has always advocated a strengthening of economic policy coordination and monetary cooperation. In this paper, we first focus on the different schools which have been shaping economic thought at the Commission. This is followed by an analysis of the Rome Treaty, especially the monetary dimension. Thereafter, we go into the EMU process and the initiatives of the Commission to further European monetary integration. We will consider three broad periods: the early decades, the 1970s, and the Maastricht process.
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LEITÃO, NICOLAU ANDRESEN. "A Flight of Fantasy? Portugal and the First Attempt to Enlarge the European Economic Community, 1961–1963." Contemporary European History 16, no. 1 (February 2007): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003638.
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AbstractThis article explains the position of Portugal during the first attempt to enlarge the European Economic Community in 1961–3. It first makes clear the motives behind the Portuguese government's policy option in favour of EEC associate membership and future entry. Next, it analyses the attitude of the EEC members and Portugal's EFTA partners to this policy option. The article concludes that such a policy was condemned to failure, due to the authoritarian nature of the Portuguese regime and the country's colonial policy, and that, had the negotiations progressed, Lisbon would probably have had to opt in favour of a provisional agreement.
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Dragomir, Elena. "Breaking the CMEA hold: Romania in search of a ‘strategy’ towards the European Economic Community, 1958–1974." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 27, no. 4 (December 13, 2019): 494–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2019.1694492.
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COHEN, ANTONIN. "Why call it a ‘European Community’? Ideological Continuities and Institutional Design of Nascent European Organisations." Contemporary European History 27, no. 2 (April 13, 2018): 326–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000097.
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This article challenges the idea that the Schuman Declaration of 9 May 1950 was a break with ideologies of the past. It traces the political economy of the declaration from the interwar to the post-war period. It reconstructs the conceptions of economics and politics that underlay the proposal, tracing them back to the once influential corporatist and communitarian ‘third way’ ideology. It then shows that the original intent of the declaration was nevertheless crushed by a powerful dynamic of institutionalisation of transnational parliamentarianism. Thus, the article demonstrates the effects of long-lasting cleavages on the institutionalisation of European organisations.
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Hansen, Peo, and Stefan Jonsson. "Europas plantage? Afrikas plats i EU:s historia." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 43, no. 119 (September 29, 2015): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v43i119.22245.
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This essay describes the history of the Eurafrican project as it evolved from the Pan-European movement in the 1920s to its institutionalization in the European Economic Community (i.e. today’s EU) in the late 1950s. By way of conclusion, the article also discusses how this history affects current relations between Africa and the EU. As shown in the article practically all of the visions, movements and concrete institutional arrangements working towards European integration during this period placed Africa’s incorporation into the European enterprise as a central objective. European integration, it is argued, was thus inextricably bound up with a Eurafrican project. According to the geopolitical discourse on Eurafrica that became politically operative in the aftermath of World War II, a future European community presupposed the transformation of the strictly national colonial projects into a joint European colonization of Africa. Indeed, there is strong evidence to support that these ideas were instrumental in the actual, diplomatic and political constitution of the EU, or of Europe as a political subject. As the article shows, the history of Eurafrica, which is largely ignored in scholarship on the EU as well as in colonial studies, cannot be understood within a “continentalist” framework, but prompts a reconceptualization of the historical relation Africa and Europe.
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SEGERS, MATHIEU. "De Gaulle's Race to the Bottom: The Netherlands, France and the Interwoven Problems of British EEC Membership and European Political Union, 1958–1963." Contemporary European History 19, no. 2 (April 7, 2010): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777310000044.
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AbstractWhy did de Gaulle veto the United Kingdom's accession to the European Economic Community in 1963? This article addresses the interlinked struggles over British accession and European political union in the early 1960s. The focus is on the crucially conflicting relations between de Gaulle and the Netherlands, his main opponent on both issues. Who won the Franco-Dutch battle and why? This article assesses these questions on the basis of new multi-archival material and highlights a hitherto largely unnoticed rhetorical battle, which explains the course of events and reveals a previously largely unnoticed logic behind de Gaulle's manoeuvring in the intertwined negotiations over European political union, the Common Agricultural Policy and the UK membership bid.
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Caldari, Katia. "Planning the European architecture: The contribution of Robert Marjolin." HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT AND POLICY, no. 2 (February 2022): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/spe2021-002001.
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In his autobiographical notes, Robert Marjolin defines himself as "architect of European Unity". He played a pivotal role in the reconstruction of France after WWII and in the construction of the European Economic Community. He was a strict collaborator of Jean Monnet far before the end of the war and vice-President of the European Commission from 1958 to 1967. He was a fervent advocate of European integration and strongly believed in the urgency to develop a planning approach at European level that was coherent with his idea of economic and monetary union. Accordingly, he bustled about the attempt to spread and to make accepted his idea of Europe as "Europe organisée" by coordinating meetings and seminars and by creating a network of people that shared and sustained the idea of economic planning. He promoted a communitarian "action programme" which should go beyond the customs union and would consider some long-term commu-nitarian targets. A large part of the literature overlooks Marjolin's contribution to the European project. Main aim of this paper is to focus on Marjolin's role in the European integration process and show that building a strong (economic but also political, social, and military) European union was his main goal and the leitmotif of his whole career.
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Daunton, Martin. "BRITAIN AND GLOBALISATION SINCE 1850: IV THE CREATION OF THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 19 (November 12, 2009): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440109990028.
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ABSTRACTIn August 1971, President Nixon ended the convertibility of the dollar into gold, so precipitating a crisis in the Bretton Woods system which was not successfully resolved by the Smithsonian agreement in December 1971. The pound was soon free to float and the role of sterling as a reserve currency was seriously weakened. The members of the European Economic Community attempted to create stability between their own currencies, which left the British government in a dilemma about whether to join the European monetary experiment to complement membership of the Community. The address considers the tensions and difficulties facing the Conservative and Labour governments of the 1970s, and the response of the Thatcher government after 1979. The trade-off in the ‘trilemma’ between the three variables of exchange rates, capital movements and domestic monetary policy changed in a major way.
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Distefano, John A. "Hunters or Hunted? Towards a History of the Okiek of Kenya." History in Africa 17 (January 1990): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171805.
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In the historiography of east Africa, hunter-gatherers have been given occasional mention almost since the beginning of European contacts with the interior. Early European travelers, hunters, and colonial administrators all took note of the ubiquitous “Dorobo,” as these hunters have come to be known in the literature. Furthermore, oral tradition collections from among east Africa's food-producing populations generally recall an earlier hunter-gatherer community who are said to have “disappeared,” “gone underground,” or were “driven away.”Recent scholarship has attempted to look at these hunter groups in economic terms: (1) as a stage of economic development before achieving a “higher” level of production; (2) as a retrograde step from a food-producing economy; or (3) simply as a mode of production. But east Africa's hunter-gatherers remain inadequately dealt with in historical literature, primarily because they have usually been ignored by researchers but also because of their neighbors' and the academic community's prejudicial or misconceived notions about them.To begin, some of the literature concerning these people will be selectively surveyed to see how ideas about them have developed. Next an attempt will be made to identify and delineate properly the various groups of hunter-gatherers living in East Africa today and in the recent past. Finally, the largest remaining community of hunter-gatherers, those living in the western highlands of Kenya who usually call themselves “Okiek,” will be looked at more closely in an attempt to advance the discussion of hunter-gatherers in general by presenting some observations concerning their socio-economic history.
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McCracken, John. "Economics and Ethnicity: The Italian Community in Malawi." Journal of African History 32, no. 2 (July 1991): 313–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025743.
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This article focuses on the Italian community in Malawi, one of the smallest immigrant minority groups in Central Africa, but by no means the least important. Using the records of the Custodian of Enemy Property housed in the National Archives of Malawi, it suggests that, in the light of the Italian experience, there is need to modify the conventional view of the white farming sector as being uniformly inefficient and incapable of survival other than through the active support of the colonial state. At a time between the wars when capitalist farming as a whole was in deep depression, Ignaco Conforzi succeeded for reasons largely unconnected with the intervention of the state, in creating a highly profitable, diversified agricultural empire which survived the Second World War virtually intact. Through his influence, an Italian community was created, linked to Conforzi by a variety of economic and family ties and drawn largely from the same small area of central Italy from which he himself had come. Like members of other ethnic groups, these immigrants were constantly balancing their multiple identities – as whites, as farmers or mechanics, as Italians or as natives of a particular district in Italy. Between the mid-1930s and the mid-1940s external and internal forces combined to transform them into a classic minority, ‘singled out…for differential and unequal treatment’ but from the late 1940s onwards those who were regarded by the colonial authorities as conforming to European standards were reabsorbed within the wider settler community. Overall, however, they tended to be more skilled and, crucially, less heavily reliant on the state than were British settlers and it is these factors that explain their relative success.
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Le Cacheux, Jacques. "The European Union Treaty: Mechanical Incident or Derailment on the Fast Track?" Tocqueville Review 14, no. 1 (January 1993): 167–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.14.1.167.
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On February 7, 1992, the twelve leaders of the European Community (EC) countries met and solemnly signed the European Union Treaty --the so-called Maastricht Treaty. Earlier agreements amongst European states reinforcing their economic integration --such as the creation of the European Monetary System (EMS) in 1979 and the Single European Act, which, in 1986, provided for the dismantling of intra-EC borders and the completion of the European common market on January 1st, 1993. However the Maastricht Treaty was deemed to contain such radical amendments of the Community's founding treaties that it had to be submitted to ratification by the various national legislatures or constituencies.
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Bruneteau, Bernard. "The Construction of Europe and the Concept of the Nation-State." Contemporary European History 9, no. 2 (July 2000): 245–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300002046.
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The construction of Europe is often teleologically addressed as a result of an unstoppable trend towards federalism. Another angle on this history gives access to another logic: that of a European kind of nation-state which considers European integration not as an element in its decline, but as a tool to reorganise its power. This new youth for the old nation-state was linked as much to the historical context of the 1950s–1970s as to the specific rules of policy-making and to the economic regulation focus of the European Community.
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DÖŞEMECI, MEHMET. "The Turkish Drawbridge: European Integration and the Cultural Economics of National Planning." Contemporary European History 22, no. 4 (October 9, 2013): 627–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000398.
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AbstractThis article examines the relations between the Turkish State Planning Organisation (SPO) and the Western economic system during the first two decades of national planning in Turkey (1960–1980). It traces how the SPO, established with the guidance and full endorsement of international economic institutions came to vehemently oppose Turkish participation in one of their pillars: the European Economic Community (EEC), the predecessor of the European Union. It argues that the shift in the SPO's world-view was founded upon two distinct understandings of the Turkish nation and its development, situates these understandings within the intellectual history of Turkey's past ambivalence towards the West, and, in doing so, provides a historical case-study of the ideological clash between modernisation and dependency theories of development.
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Palsetia, Jesse S. "The Parsis of India and the opium trade in China." Contemporary Drug Problems 35, no. 4 (December 2008): 647–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009145090803500408.
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The article examines the role of the Parsis of India in the opium trade between China and India during the 18th and 19th centuries. It examines the significant role of a non-European group in the history of drugs. The Parsi involvement in the opium trade constituted an important component in the rise of Western capital in Asia, the development of the Indian and imperial economies, and the growth of Bombay and other colonial centers. Furthermore, the article examines the ability of drugs to serve the interests of non-Europeans under imperialism, as opium provided for the economic, social, and political development of the Parsi community. The article notes an episode in the history of both a community and a drug. The Parsis constitute one of the first and arguably most significant examples of the ability of drugs to positively transform the state of one of the world's smallest communities.
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Fernhout, Roel. "‘The United States of Europe Have Commenced’, but for Whom?" Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 11, no. 3 (September 1993): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016934419301100302.
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The author begins this article with a short description of the early history of the United States of America and makes a comparison with the genesis of the European Community. It is also possible to draw comparisons with the early history of the USA in the area of the free movement of people and immigration. In the European Community, just as in the United States, immigration is treated principally as an economic matter. However, unlike the United States, the free movement of nationals of the member states within the territory of the Community was, at first, also viewed from a purely economic perspective. This exclusive link with economic activities and services was only dropped very recently. The author also looks at the significance of the Union Treaty for the position of nationals of non-member states, who are already settled, living and working in the Community. According to the author, established immigrants should be treated in accordance with the regulations governing the free movement of workers which apply to EC-nationals. A norm of 4 years legal residence could be a reasonable norm for granting free movement within the internal market. The author is convinced that the vague public debate within the Community about equal treatment for the nationals of non-member states will only be dealt with seriously when the concrete problems are put on the table via the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice. That is why the authority of the Court is a necessary prerequisite for the real equal rights to be finally achieved.
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Lynch, Frances M. B. "De Gaulle's First Veto: France, the Rueff Plan and the Free Trade Area." Contemporary European History 9, no. 1 (March 2000): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300001053.
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Within one week of his election to the presidency of the Fifth Republic de Gaulle had taken a number of decisions which were to lay the basis for the foreign and economic policies pursued throughout his tenure of office. Contrary to all expectations de Gaulle confirmed his support for the European Economic Community, against the initial advice of his ministers he devalued the franc, and at variance with his partners in the EEC he vetoed Britain's plans to set up a free trade area in Europe. This article examines the reasons for de Gaulle's critical policy choices.
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CRUMP, LAURIEN, and SIMON GODARD. "Reassessing Communist International Organisations: A Comparative Analysis of COMECON and the Warsaw Pact in relation to their Cold War Competitors." Contemporary European History 27, no. 1 (December 14, 2017): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000455.
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This article widens the analysis of international organisations by including communist organisations, in particular the Warsaw Pact and the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON). Drawing on archival research in Moscow, Bucharest, Berlin, Geneva and Rome, this article traces the origins, the evolution and the collective actorness of both organisations. Both COMECON and the Warsaw Pact went through a process of institutionalisation, reorganisation and multilateralisation and began to share many characteristics with their Western counterparts, such as the European Economic Community and NATO. Contrary to conventional wisdom these organisations thus developed into multilateral international organisations, which the other members could use to challenge Soviet unilateralism. Comparing COMECON and the Warsaw Pact with each other and with their Western counterparts, this article shows how these Eastern European international organisations contributed to shifting the balance of power within the Soviet Bloc by empowering their members as sovereign states and themselves as collective actors.
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Reyes, Portia L. "Eyes on a Prize: Colonial Fantasies, the German Self and Newspaper Accounts of the 1896 Philippine Revolution." Itinerario 32, no. 2 (July 2008): 105–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300002011.
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Hundreds of German traders and residents were living in the Philippines when the 1896 Revolution against the Spanish broke out. Representing different religious, regional and economic backgrounds, they routinely met and mingled in such social organisations as reading clubs or, later, the Casino Union. Save for the Spanish, Germans formed the most numerous European community. As latecomers vis-àvis other Europeans, they painstakingly maintained working relations with the Spanish colonial administrators and local Filipino elites to bolster their businesses. The outbreak of the revolution, however, threatened the deepening economic inroads this community had striven so hard to make; and as the fighting grew they feared that their lives were also threatened. As a consequence, they turned to their government in Berlin for protection. A warship was duly deployed to the islands in case evacuation was deemed necessary. Significantly, this request provided the German navy a prime opportunity to assess developments in the Spanish colony, which, in turn, might facilitate direct state intervention in the rebellion.
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Leustean, Lucian N. "Roman Catholicism, Diplomacy, and the European Communities, 1958–1964." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 1 (January 2013): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00308.
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This article investigates the Roman Catholic Church's role in the process of European integration from the first Hallstein Commission in 1958 to the failure of the Holy See's application to establish a diplomatic representation at the European Economic Community in 1964. The article focuses on the Church's response toward emerging European institutions and shows that local mobilization in Luxembourg, Strasbourg, and Brussels was instrumental in shaping relations between the Catholic Church and the European Communities (EC). The Church's position toward the EC, placing local communities as prime actors in dialogue with European institutions, reflected the sensitive nature of religion during the Cold War.
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der Loo, Guillaume Van, and Peter Van Elsuwege. "Competing Paths of Regional Economic Integration in the Post-Soviet Space: Legal and Political Dilemmas for Ukraine." Review of Central and East European Law 37, no. 4 (2012): 421–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092598812x13274154887060.
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This contribution compares the different paths of regional economic integration in the post-Soviet space and analyzes their implications for Ukraine. First, it examines the legal framework of EU-Ukraine trade relations and the impact of the envisaged establishment of a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) in the context of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). Second, the various initiatives of regional trade integration with Russia and other post-Soviet republics are scrutinized in light of Ukraine’s legal commitments towards the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the EU. It is argued that the establishment of a DCFTA with the European Union precludes Ukraine’s full participation in the Eurasian Economic Community and the customs union between Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan.
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Troitino, David Ramiro, Tanel Kerikmäe, and Olga Shumilo. "Margaret Thatcher and the EU." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 11-2 (November 1, 2020): 154–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi45.
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The article highlights the key points of Margaret Thatcher’s activities in the context of relations with the European Community (later the European Union) as Prime Minister of Great Britain. The authors describe the stages of Thatcher’s formation as a politician, the circumstances that shaped her relations with the leaders of France and Germany, and the prerequisites for reaching compromises in the economic and political spheres. The article analyzes Thatcher’s position on the Single European act, as well as the reasons for the geopolitical miscalculation regarding the document’s further role in European integration. The Prime Minister’s opinion on the potential of forming European defense within the framework of the concept of intergovernmentalism and its place in the system of relations between the EU and the United States is studied.
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Troitino, David Ramiro, Tanel Kerikmäe, and Olga Shumilo. "Margaret Thatcher and the EU." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 11-2 (November 1, 2020): 154–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi45.
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The article highlights the key points of Margaret Thatcher’s activities in the context of relations with the European Community (later the European Union) as Prime Minister of Great Britain. The authors describe the stages of Thatcher’s formation as a politician, the circumstances that shaped her relations with the leaders of France and Germany, and the prerequisites for reaching compromises in the economic and political spheres. The article analyzes Thatcher’s position on the Single European act, as well as the reasons for the geopolitical miscalculation regarding the document’s further role in European integration. The Prime Minister’s opinion on the potential of forming European defense within the framework of the concept of intergovernmentalism and its place in the system of relations between the EU and the United States is studied.