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1

Blankart, Charles B. "The European Union: confederation, federation or association of compound states?" Constitutional Political Economy 18, no. 2 (March 31, 2007): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10602-007-9015-3.

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2

Zueva, K. "The French about the Future of the European Union: Confederation or Federation?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-35-39.

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The article examines positions of the main French political parties, scientific community and public figures regarding the future of the European Union. The facts confirm convergence of different European integration models: confederation and federation. This process is based on understanding that it is necessary to level economic and social situation in the EU member states. The French are discontented with uncontrolled activities of Brussels bureaucracy and lack of democracy. The result of this process is the growth of Euroscepticism in France that was corroborated by recent Euro-Parliament election.
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3

Матвиенко, Анатолий, and Anatoliy Matvienko. "The peculiarities of territorial consolidation of European states and the USA." Comparative Research In Law and Politics 2, no. 1 (June 15, 2014): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/5253.

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According to S. Rokkan theory, the decisive impact on formation European states has the east-west axis (ensures identification with national political organization) and centre-periphery relations with dominant position of the centre. Asynchrony of the process of state formation and nation building gives grounds for definition three types of states: early (the state formation preceded the appearance of nation - France), late (the national identity was the base of state - Germany, Italy) and consociative (absence of the strong state and the united nation - the Netherlands, Switzerland). As the rule, on the European continent the state formation preceded the rise of nations and nationalism. The main differences between formation of the USA and European states are: the absence the competition between religious and secular power, territorial and economic barriers; the single language for communication. From the European point of view, the USA is the nation formed without state support. The success of the American state on the early stages of its development depended on rules of behavior, which implementation were provided by courts and political parties. In reference to democratization, in Europe it promoted the transition to political stage of state formation, in the USA - the search of compromise solution between confederation and federation.
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4

MALENDOWSKI, Włodzimierz. "Suwerenność państw w procesie integracji europejskiej." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (November 2, 2018): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2010.15.4.1.

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The paper concerns an attempt to determine the status of European Union member states. It takes as its starting point the statement that the EU’s organizational structure provides for more than a confederation of states but less than a federation. At the present stage of the EU’s development a unique organization has been established that has not predecessor in the standards of international organizations. This is accompanied with a new approach to the interpretation of the nature of sovereignty of integrating European states, which is connected with intensifying processes of decomposition and the loosening of sovereign control by states over their territories and populations. States achieve their sovereign interests within the framework of international structures. They can also voluntarily restrict their sovereign rights on the basis of the commonly accepted rules and principles of international organizations. In this way they assign a comparative degree of state authorities’ competencies to these organizations. As a consequence, numerous issues that were formerly regulated by states are increasingly more often solved by means of corporate operations. This naturally leads to the states’ opening to the international environment without any threat to their sovereignty. The process of integration in Europe has not resulted in sovereignty of the European Union itself. Sovereignty remains an attribute of states. European states maintain their ability to
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Kulish, A. M., and Y. M. Ragulina. "INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS OF STATE FINANCIAL CONTROL." Legal horizons, no. 18 (2019): 123–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2019.i18.p123.

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In this work, the authors have examined the concept of “standards” and “standardization” relating to public finance and public financial control. It was recognized that national financial systems activities should be based on generally accepted international standards in order to enhance professionalism and efficiency. Attention was paid to the peculiarities of national standards of the United States of America and European Union countries, in particular the United Kingdom of Great Britain, Lithuania, Georgia. As part of the analysis of the Association Agreement on Public Internal Financial Control, it was determined that cooperation between Ukraine and the European Union, the European Atomic Energy Community, and their Member States takes place through harmonization with the following international standards: the Institute of Internal Auditors (EA IIA), The International Federation of Accountants (IFAC) and International Organisation of Supreme Audit Institutions (INTOSAI). Much attention was paid to the concept of public internal financial control developed by the European Commission to provide a viable model capable of assisting national governments in revising internal controls in the field of finance and modernizing them in accordance with international standards and best practice in countries- members of the European Union. The scope of the aforementioned concept, its essence, its main elements, and features was determined. The standards of the international organization INTOSAI were analyzed, containing the guiding principles of the audit activity, the peculiarities of their implementation and direction; the activities of the International Professional Association of Internal Auditors EC IIA (European Confederation of Institutes of Internal Auditing); standards developed by the International Federation of Accountants (IFAC); the activities of the Committee of Sponsoring Organizations of the Treadway Commission COSO. In addition, the article identified the essential elements of an efficient and effective internal financial control system. Keywords: standardization, state financial control, international standards.
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6

Kovalevych, L. "Policy of the states of the European Union against sessesionism." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 64 (2016): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2016.64.13.

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The role of domestic policy in solving of inter-regional conflicts and counteracting secessionist processes are disclosed in the article. A mixed populatіon in any area can live either in peaceful coexistence and political stability or in violent conflicts. This is mostly dependent on the internal ethnic policy. Variety of the government’s reactions to the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in some regions are explored; among which the approval of separatist demands, the advancement of conditions of underprivileged minorities, adoption of “asymmetric federalism”, allowance for minorities to participate in politіcal debate through parliamentary voting, referendums, etc., establishment of a confederation with only limited links between countries are distinguished. Another way to solve regional conflicts is to create a “multinational federation.” The main features of the state policy of the European Union’s countries which have regions with high potential secessionist conflict are analyzed. The necessities of a balanced domestic policy of the government to prevent the escalation of internal contradictions are emphasized. The influence of the form of government on minimizing of inter-regional conflicts is investigating. After correlating data about current regional conflicts and the forms of government of the hosting countries, it was found that the form of government (from unitary to federalism) is not the only decisive factor for solving of regional conflicts. However, taking into account the historical, cultural, linguistic, economic factors, it is important to understand that political mechanisms can give an initial impulse, the first impetus to resolve the conflicts. Therefore, political factors are some of the key one in regularizing of secessionism. Moreover, examples of the successful resolution of regional conflіcts by particular European states are considered. Experience of an effective resolving of regional conflicts in western European countries showed that in all the cases (Switzerland, Germany, Spain and Great Britain) the mechanisms of the institution of parliamentarism and solving of the language issue were used. The geographic decentralization policy of the supreme power (Germany) and legitimization of government decisions through referendums (Switzerland) are equally effective.
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Shumov, Vladislav. "The analysis of integration processes in post-Soviet space." Вопросы безопасности, no. 2 (February 2020): 15–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7543.2020.2.32864.

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The object of this research is the social, political and economic integration processes in post-Soviet space. The subject of this research is the model of assessment, construction of scenarios and forecast of integration processes. For the analysis, forecasting and assessment of risks of integration processes, the author employs two approaches: 1) usage of methods of the theory of security and mathematical modeling of integration (disintegration) processes of political and socioeconomic actors aimed and increase of their security; 2) assessment of challenges and unfavorable consequences using the paradigm “impossibility – risk – security”. The model of security is based on dichotomy (inextricable connection) of the values of sovereignty (development) and retention, and considers the key factors affecting successful development of the states, trans- and supranational formations: size and ethnic composition of population, interethnic relationship, social indicators of development. The experience of integration processes on the European continent is summarized. It is historically proven that the basis for economic integration consists in the effective mechanisms of political and military integration. The author develops three scenarios of integration in the post-Soviet space: 1) pessimistic, commonwealth of states – insurance of the freedom of movement of commodities, services, capital and workforce, and realization of the coordinated or single policy with regards to economic sectors; 2) realistic, federation with the elements of confederation – joint administration of the Union cover 50% of state functions; 3) optimistic, being a part of the Russian Federation – joint administration of Federation covers80% of state functions, with the possibility of significant increase of country’s security, if 3-7 republics of the former Soviet Union are a part of Russia. The quantitative analysis of geopolitical situation demonstrates the presence of favorable conditions for integration processes.
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8

Simundic, Ana-Maria, Karin Bölenius, Janne Cadamuro, Stephen Church, Michael P. Cornes, Edmée C. van Dongen-Lases, Pinar Eker, et al. "Joint EFLM-COLABIOCLI Recommendation for venous blood sampling." Clinical Chemistry and Laboratory Medicine (CCLM) 56, no. 12 (November 27, 2018): 2015–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cclm-2018-0602.

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Abstract This document provides a joint recommendation for venous blood sampling of the European Federation of Clinical Chemistry and Laboratory Medicine (EFLM) Working Group for Preanalytical Phase (WG-PRE) and Latin American Working Group for Preanalytical Phase (WG-PRE-LATAM) of the Latin America Confederation of Clinical Biochemistry (COLABIOCLI). It offers guidance on the requirements for ensuring that blood collection is a safe and patient-centered procedure and provides practical guidance on how to successfully overcome potential barriers and obstacles to its widespread implementation. The target audience for this recommendation are healthcare staff members directly involved in blood collection. This recommendation applies to the use of a closed blood collection system and does not provide guidance for the blood collection with an open needle and syringe and catheter collections. Moreover, this document neither addresses patient consent, test ordering, sample handling and transport nor collection from children and unconscious patients. The recommended procedure is based on the best available evidence. Each step was graded using a system that scores the quality of the evidence and the strength of the recommendation. The process of grading was done at several face-to-face meetings involving the same mixture of stakeholders stated previously. The main parts of this recommendation are: 1) Pre-sampling procedures, 2) Sampling procedure, 3) Post-sampling procedures and 4) Implementation. A first draft of the recommendation was circulated to EFLM members for public consultation. WG-PRE-LATAM was also invited to comment the document. A revised version has been sent for voting on to all EFLM and COLABIOCLI members and has been officially endorsed by 33/40 EFLM and 21/21 COLABIOCLI members. We encourage professionals throughout Europe and Latin America to adopt and implement this recommendation to improve the quality of blood collection practices and increase patient and workers safety.
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9

Loubert, Aart. "Sovereign Debt Threatens the Union: The Genesis of a Federation." European Constitutional Law Review 8, no. 3 (October 2012): 442–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019612000284.

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Eurozone sovereign debt crisis – Europe's ‘Alexander Hamilton Moment’ – American sovereign debt crisis of 1780s – Articles of Confederation – U.S. Constitution – Assumption of states' debt – Constitutional transformation key factor in enabling Alexander Hamilton's debt restructuring
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10

Zvereva, T. "Belgium on the Road to Confederation: Problems and Prospects." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 7 (2021): 80–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-7-80-88.

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The article is about the Belgian federal system transformation, as well as the factors that aggravate or, on the contrary, restrain the centrifugal trends in the country. The specific nature of Belgian federalism determines its evolution from federation to confederation, but the answer to the question about the prospects of this transformation remains open. On the one hand, the Belgian Kingdom history, its geographical location, as well as economic and cultural-linguistic features predetermined the existence and deepening of dividing lines between the two main ethnic communities in the country – the Walloons and the Flemings. Decentralization, as a response to the aggravation of interethnic contradictions, allows political elites to partially control the process and minimize, as far as possible, the costs of this conflict of interest for the economy and the population, but at the same time, it feeds centrifugal tendencies. Reforms do not remove the problem of separatism from the agenda, but, vice versa, give the regions and communities all the necessary resources, reducing the central authorities’ competences. Each reform creates the basis for the next redistribution of power. The logic of the decentralization process predefines the dual, asymmetric, dissociative and improvisational nature of the federal system of Belgium, and contributes to its extreme complication. The main drivers of centrifugal tendencies remain Flemish nationalists when the institutions and mechanisms designed to unite the country do not function effectively enough. On the other hand, the scenario of a complete collapse of the Belgian federation is not something predetermined and inevitable. There are still internal and external factors unifying Belgians (the Senate, the King, the absence of a provision for a national referendum in the constitution, a special place in the federation of the Brussels-Capital region, the country’s membership in the EU), but their influence on the entire system is gradually decreasing. Belgium’s active participation in the European integration contributing to creation of a highly developed modern economic system and high living standards, as well as stable GDP growth (with exception of crisis periods), play an important role in stabilizing the Belgian federation. So, the European Union prevents a rapid development of separation process, but does not change its main trends. The EU accompanies the Belgian federal system transformation, in order to reduce its costs for society and the European integration, but does not set the task of inversing its evolution. At the same time, the unstable political situation in the country has a certain negative impact on the European integration, exacerbating the complexity of the decision-making process within the EU. The coronavirus pandemic became a catalyst for controversial political processes in Belgium, brought renewal of the social and environmental contract and a new view of European solidarity. However, the pandemic highlighted the main shortcomings of the existing federal system. The dissociation of the federation and its drift to a confederation is a peaceful and slow process, but the country’s unifying factors are gradually eroding. It is not yet clear whether and when a full-fledged confederate system will be created and the separation will be stopped, or whether the confederation will become the next stage on the Belgium’s way to the final division. It is impossible to completely exclude a rollback scenario of the strong federation restoration while reducing competencies of regions and communities, but it is obvious that its probability is extremely small.
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11

BOZO, FRÉDÉRIC. "The Failure of a Grand Design: Mitterrand's European Confederation, 1989–1991." Contemporary European History 17, no. 3 (August 2008): 391–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004542.

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AbstractOn 31 December 1989, a few weeks after the fall of the Berlin Wall, President François Mitterrand of France called for the creation of ‘a European confederation’ designed to ‘associate all states of [the] continent in a common and permanent organisation for exchanges, peace and security’. Yet less than eighteen months later the Confederation project, a major initiative for post-Yalta Europe, had collapsed. What were Mitterrand's objectives? What were the modalities of the project, and how was it conducted? And why did it fail in the end, after having raised much hope?
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12

Bouchard, Lucien-Pierre. "Les Quinze à la croisée des chemins. Sur les formes possibles de l'Union européenne." Études internationales 27, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 485–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703626ar.

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The European Union (EU) does not typify any of the political union models that were proposed for the basis of Us formulation. Quite to the contrary, the Maastricht Treaty interweaves components of these prototypes, with the end result being rather disconcerting at a conceptual level. The Treaty does stipulate, however, that an Intergovernmental Conference take place in 1996-97; an important item on the agenda mil be defining the political union model that will set the stage for further European integration. This paper identifies and analyses the alternative political union models available to EU members, and attempts to discern which of them will, in most likelihood, be selected by the Conference. They are grouped into jour categories: status quo, federation, renationalisation and confederation. These models, each in their unique style, address such issues as alleviating the democratic deficit (explored further in paper) and buttressing the legitimacy of Brussells' institutions. The paper suggests that the Conference will ultimately choose between the status quo and confederation options ; but, faced with the difficulty of predicting which of these choices will win favour - especially given the debate unfolding on eastern EU expansion - it does not attempt to pinpoint the outcome of the Conference. It does conclude, however, that the renationalisation and federation options are not realistic in light of their weak foothold in Europeans' political culture.
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13

Tarnavskaya, M. A. "The Election System of the Swiss Confederation: Counting of Votes and Establishment of Election Results." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(35) (April 28, 2014): 178–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-2-35-178-183.

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In the following article the author covers the process of counting the votes and the disclosure rules of establishment the election results in the Swiss Confederation. Switzerland along with other EU member states pays special attention to the determination of the election results. According to Art. 149 para. 2 Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation the elections to the National Council, which is one of two chambers of the Federal Assembly, are held according to proportional representation system. The Hagenbach-Bischoff system is used for allocating seats in National Council of the Swiss Con federation. However the above mentioned system for determining the quota of votes per each mandate creates ambiguous opinions among Swiss scientists and legal experts, which frequently comes up in discussions whether to modify it or not. In this article, the author also gives a brief description of the main political parties in Switzerland and statistics of seats allocation in 49 legislature of National Council following the elections of October 23, 2011. As a result, the author provides the full information on the process of votes counting and establishment of election results in the Swiss Confederation. The material presented in this article is particularly interesting and relevant in terms of improving the electoral legislation in the Russian Federation. The information presented by the author will be useful to all parties interested in electoral law.
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14

Gherasim, Gabriel C. "Good Federation, Confederation, Bad Federation: Why the American Controversy on the Federal Union Should Be a Lesson for the European Union." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 62, no. 1 (March 24, 2017): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2017.1.04.

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15

Barnes, Samuel H. "Christian Trade Unions and European Integration." Relations industrielles 17, no. 1 (January 29, 2014): 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1021649ar.

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Summary Christian trade unions of the countries of « Little Europe » have established organizations to coordinate their European activities and to represent their interests before the agencies concerned with European economic integration. They have been forced to seek allies in order to increase their influence. In this search they have two major alternatives: they can work closely with the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, or they can try to increase their influence within the Christian Democratic political milieu. This article describes the supranational structure of the International Federation of Christian Trade Unions and analyses the problems of orientation with which its supranational activities has confronted it. The present article was suggested by a broader study of Christian trade unionism in the world. A grant from the Social Science Research Council enabled the author to visit several European countries during the summer of 1959, and this assistance is gratefully acknowledged. Additional research was accomplished in Europe in the summer of 1961.
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16

Giauque, Jeffrey G. "The United States and the Political Union of Western Europe, 1958–1963." Contemporary European History 9, no. 1 (March 2000): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300001041.

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Between 1958 and 1963 Charles de Gaulle attempted to replace supranational integration in Europe with a French-dominated confederation able to become a ‘Third Force’ in the Cold War. The United States took a tolerant approach toward de Gaulle's proposals, in the hope of modifying them to suit American goals. It hoped to contain the anti-supranational and anti-American aspects of the plan and channel it to increase the cohesion of Western Europe so that the continent would become a stronger American partner. When European supporters of the Amercian view of the confederation refused to follow de Gaulle's more sweeping ambitions, he abandoned the plan and turned to a unilateral foreign policy instead.
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Juviler, Peter. "Getting to “Yes” on Self-Determination." Nationalities Papers 19, no. 1 (1991): 32–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999108408178.

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Two main concepts of a new Union and its genesis emerged in 1990–1991. Gorbachev conceived of a close-bound “vertical” federation, such as depicted in the draft Union treaty published March, 9, 1991, to be produced under the leadership of the Center, in consultation with the republics. The nationalist opposition in the nine prospective states of the new Union conceived of a decentralized confederation emerging out of a “horizontal” compact among equals. The two approaches involved clashing concepts of the right of self-determination as to both process and substance.
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18

Rosefielde, Steven. "Salvaging the European Union: The Inclusive Multi-Track Supranational Option." HOLISTICA – Journal of Business and Public Administration 8, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hjbpa-2017-0019.

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AbstractThe EU has many supranational accomplishments to its credit. Frictions nonetheless exist within the EU because some members want to rollback parts of the consensus (“less Europe”) and others want to expand them (“more Europe”). The conflict cannot be amicably resolved as EU leaders are trying to do in a one-track supranational regime because both factions disagree about whether confederation or federation is best. A solution in a one-track system requires one side to capitulate to the other. This is why the EU is at an impasse. However, the conflict is easily resolved by switching from a one-track to a multi-track supranational system that allows advocates of “more Europe” and “less Europe” to do as they like in some areas, while acting collectively wherever consensus permits. The EU already accepts the multi-track principle with regard to the euro and non-euro zones, and could restore harmony to the European project by applying the principle more broadly.
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Bahcheli, Tozun. "Searching for a Cyprus Settlement: Considering Options for Creating a Federation, a Confederation, or Two Independent States." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 30, no. 1 (2000): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3331129.

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20

Bahcheli, T. "Searching for a Cyprus Settlement: Considering Options for Creating a Federation, a Confederation, or Two Independent States." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 30, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 203–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pubjof.a030061.

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21

Тодоровић, Жељко. "Jurisdiction оf тhe Federation аnd Federal Units аnd Their Participation in the Exercise of Authorities in the Federation / Nadležnosti Federacije i federalnih jedinica i njihovo učešće u vršenju vlasti u Federaciji." Годишњак факултета правних наука - АПЕИРОН 5, no. 5 (July 28, 2015): 288. http://dx.doi.org/10.7251/gfp1505288t.

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Distribution of jurisdiction between a federation and federal units generally represents one of the important issues concerning forms of the state, especially the forms of state organization, forms of political organization, as well as forms of state authorities. The jurisdiction of the federation and its federal units is a constitutional matter, which, in fact, significantly determines the type of governmental structure, that is, determines what is the federation like in its character: loose, centralized or quasi federation.Jurisprudence has not even until the present days adequately resolved controversy of sovereignty of the federal units and the federation as a complex state. Legal theory tries to resolve this issue through the so-called cooperative federalism, and some legal theorists try to replace the notion of sovereignty with the notion of autonomy of the federal units. Of course, this does not provide an answer to the question. The answer cannot be given by those legal theorists who try to transfer the issue of sovereignty of the federation and of the federal units from a legal to a political court, arguing that sovereignty should be distributed, and that both, the federation and the federal units should be sovereign, regardless of mentioned types of federation, which is impossible (or it is a federal state-federation or union of states, so that it is not a federation any more, but a confederation).
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Adamczyk, Sławomir. "Inside the trade union family: The ‘two worlds’ within the European Trade Union Confederation." European Journal of Industrial Relations 24, no. 2 (March 2, 2018): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118760630.

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The enlargement of the EU in 2004 and 2007 to the post-communist states of Central and Eastern Europe brought an encounter between two distinct ‘trade union worlds’ in terms of attitudes towards European integration. Unions from the old EU Member States want to defend their existing national standards, while those from Central and Eastern Europe have nothing to defend and look for solutions at EU level. I ask whether it is possible for the European Trade Union Confederation to realize a trade union vision of ‘Social Europe’ based solely on the perspectives of the West.
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Cobble, Dorothy Sue. "International Women's Trade Unionism and Education." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000089.

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AbstractThis keynote address, delivered in December 2015 at the International Federation of Workers’ Education Association General Conference in Lima, Peru, refutes the standard trope of labor movement decline and provides evidence for the global rise and feminization of labor movements worldwide. Trade union women’s commitment to emancipatory, democratic worker education helped spur these changes. The origins and effects of two historical examples are detailed: the Bryn Mawr Summer School for Women Workers held in the United States annually from 1921 to 1938 and the first International Women’s Summer School of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) held in France in 1953. The latter experiment, attended by women labor leaders from 25 countries, energized the Women’s Committee of the ICFTU. It led to the adoption of “The Charter of Rights of Working Women” by the ICFTU in 1965 and helped make possible the election of Sharan Burrow and other women to top office in the International Trade Union Confederation. The address concludes with a discussion of what the history of trade union women’s education teaches about strengthening future labor movements.
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Bertouille, S. "Wildlife law and policy." Animal Biodiversity and Conservation 35, no. 2 (December 2012): 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32800/abc.2012.35.0159.

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One of the crucial issues of our decades is how to stop the loss of biodiversity. Policy–makers need reliable data to base their decisions on. Managing wildlife populations requires, first of all, science–based knowledge of their abundance, dynamics, ecology, behaviour and dispersal capacities based on reliable qualitative data. The importance of dialogue and communication with the local actors should be stressed (Sennerby Forsse, 2010) as bag statistics and other monitoring data in wildlife management could be more precise if local actors, notably hunters, were better informed and aware of their importance, especially in supporting existing and emerging policies at national and international levels. Another essential issue in wildlife management is the conflicts generated by humans and their activities when they interact with wildlife (Heredia & Bass, 2011). A sociologic approach is required to take into account those human groups whose interests are divergent, facilitating communication and collaborative learning among these users of the same ecosytem. Obstacles should be addressed and solutions devised to protect and encourage a sustainable use of this ecosystem in, as much as possible, a win–win relationship. Policy objectives and mana-gement strategies should be discussed and debated among the stakeholders involved, then formulated. Policies can be translated into different types of instruments, economic and legislative, but also informative and educa-tive. As awareness of the actors is a key factor of successful regulation, the regulations should be sufficiently explained and stakeholders should be involved in the implementation of these regulations as much as possible. Finally, the effectiveness of the regulations should be evaluated in light of their objectives, and where necessary, the regulations should be strengthened or adapted to improve their performance (Van Gossum et al., 2010).The various aspects of the processes described above were highlighted in the plenary talk and the five oral communications presented during the session on wildlife law and policy. In his plenary talk, Dr Borja Heredia, Head of the Scientific Unit of the Secretariat of the CMS/UNEP in Bonn, pointed out different sources of human–wildlife conflicts, such as the logging activities in subtropical forests that induce overexploitation and poaching for bushmeat consumption; the problem of predators on livestock and the poisoning of lions in the Masaï Reserve; animals invading the human territory; and game species as a vector of diseases in humans and livestock (Heredia & Bass, 2011). Heredia stressed the importance for wildlife managers to deal with the human dimension; he stressed the importance of successful conflict management based on principles such as a non–adversial framework, an analytical approach, a problem–solving orientation, the direct participation of the conflicting parties, dialogue as a basis for mutual understanding and facilitation by a trained third party. Heredia explained how the Convention on Migratory Species of Wild Animals (UNEP/CMS) contributes to confict resolution and in this way increases the chance of survival of these species. The CMS (see CMS website) works for the con-servation of a wide array of endangered migratory animals worldwide through the negotiation and implementation of agreements and action plans. Migratory species threatened with extinction are listed in Appendix I of the Con-vention. CMS parties strive towards strictly protecting these animals, conserving or restoring the places where they live, mitigating obstacles to migration and controlling other factors that might endanger them. Besides establishing obligations for each State joining the CMS, CMS promotes concerted action among the Range States of many of these species. Migratory species that need, or would significantly benefit from, international co–operation are listed in Appendix II of the Convention. For this reason, the Convention encourages the Range states to reach global or regional agreements. The Convention acts, in this res-pect as a framework convention. The Agreements may range from legally binding treaties (called agreements, there are seven) to less formal instruments, such as Memoranda of Understanding, or actions plans (there are 20), and they can be adapted to the requirements of particular regions. The development of models tailored according to the conservation needs throughout the migratory range is a unique capacity to CMS. Heredia detailed inter alia the Agreement on the Conservation of Albatrosses and Petrels, the Great Apes Survival Part-nership, the Agreement on the Conservation of Gorillas and their Habitats, the MoU on the Saïga Antelope, and the Programme for the Conservation and sustainable use of the wild saker falcon (Falco cherrug) in Mongolia.The talk of Sarah Wilks, research fellow at the School of Law, University of Western Sydney, illus-trated the importance of adequate transparency and public consultation in environmental and conservation law and decision making. Wilks (2012) examined the Australian legislation concerning animal welfare and the export of Australian wildlife products and, as a case study, explored the Tasmanian State Government’s recent decision to promote the com-mercial harvest and export of brushtail possums She pointed out that although the Enviromment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation 1999 (EPBC) process intended to be open and co–operative, it is not, in prac-tice, co–operative, public and transparent. The export of possum products requires Australian Government approval under the Department of Primary Industries, Parks, Water and Environment (EPBC). Wilks (2012) assessed the Tasmanian Wildlife Trade Management Plan for Common Brushtail Possums developed by the EPBC, the public submissions to the Austra-lian Government, and the Australian Government’s response against the provisions of the EPBC. As a result, she deplored that welfare outcomes, like that of back or pouch juveniles whose mother had been trapped or killed have not been adequately considered either at Tasmanian State or at Australian Govenment level. She concluded by deploring that submissions on ethical grounds could not yet be considered by the Australian Government because the decision to harvest or not to harvest is made at State level, and yet the Tasmanian State legislation is deficient in mandating public consultation.Data on hunting and game resources provide quan-titative and qualitative information on game species, but moreover, game monitoring has shown to be efficient in identifying threats to biodiversity, such as biodiversity problems in agriculture and forest ecosystems, and also to be an early warning in assessing threats from invasive alien species (Sennerby Forsse, 2010). They are an essential tool for game managers, scientists and policy–makers, and hunters and hunter organisations are key resources in the collection of this information.The ARTEMIS data bank was initiated by the Federation of Asssociations of Hunting and Conservation of the Euro-pean Union FACE (see ARTEMIS website) to improve information about game in support of existing and emer-ging European policies. The objective of ARTEMIS is to centralise and analyse, in a coordinated and coherent Animal Biodiversity and Conservation 35.2 (2012)161extending the ban to all waterfowl hunting and not only that undertaken in protected wetlands.The presentation of K. E. Skordas, from the Hunting Federation of Macedonia and Thrace, Research Divi-sion, Greece, illustrated the contribution of the Hellenic Hunters Confederation (HHC) to law enforcement for wildlife protection. It showed how stakeholders, hun-ters, set up heir own Game Warden Service in 1999, through their Hunting Associations, in order to assume responsibility for the control of illegal hunting and wil-dlife protection, in collaboration with the local Forest Service. These game wardens carry out repressive and preventive controls and prosecutions. Besides this initiative, information campaigns are organised by the HHC to improve hunters’ awareness (see website of the Hellenic Hunters Confederation, HHC). Skordas & Papaspyropoulos (2011) analysed the relation between law enforcement, hunter awareness and infringement categories, classed in degree of influencing wildlife protection. They observed a strong reduction in the number of infringements; particularly, they found that hunting out of season and hunting without a license decreased from 23.4% to 7.31% and from 30.12% to 11.8%, respectively.All the talks presented in this session stressed the importance of dialogue in wildlife management as a basis for mutual understanding. Communication and involvement of the local actors/stakeholders are key factors at different stages of wildlife management: when collecting reliable data on which policy–makers may draw up their decisions, when debating policy objectives and strategies, and when implementing regulations and administrative acts
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GORDIENKO, D. V. "EUROPEAN POLICY COMPONENT OF THE USA, CHINA AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION (PART 2)." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 2, no. 12 (2020): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2020.12.02.020.

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The European component of the policy of the states of the “strategic triangle” Russia-China-USA occupies an important place in the implementation of the national interests of the USA, China and the Russian Federation in various regions of the world. The purpose of this study is to assess the impact of the European component of the policy of the states of the "strategic triangle" on the implementation of their current economic and military policies. The paper considers the influence of the European component of the policy of the United States of America, the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on ensuring the national security of these countries. Based on the results of the study, an approach is proposed to compare the influence of the European component of the policy of the states of the “strategic triangle” Russia-China-USA, which will reveal the priorities of Russian policy in Europe and other regions of the world. In addition, it was concluded that the European component of the policy of the United States, China and Russia occupies a dominant position in the implementation of current economic and military policy in the European region. Thus, a comparison of the European component of the policy of the states of the "strategic triangle" can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country.
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Kupryashina, Elena A., Snezhana S. Khalimonenko, Aleksander A. Nasonov, Ekaterina A. Novikova, and Sergey F. Shumilin. "Extradition under the Legislation of the Russian Federation and Member States of the European Union." Cuestiones Políticas 37, no. 65 (August 2020): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3865.07.

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The document analyzes the legislation of the Russian Federation and the member states of the European Union on extradition from the point of view of its compliance with the current European Convention on Extradition. It also makes proposals to improve the rules of the Criminal Procedure Code of the Russian Federation that regulates the extradition procedure. Methodologically, the work uses scientific methods of analysis and synthesis, as well as the historical, comparative method, all in an integrated approach. Among the conclusions, the fact that for the previous legal provisions to work, its consolidation only in the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Russian Federation is insufficient. The first step to put them into practice could be to discuss the issue of making the necessary amendments to the Convention on Legal Assistance and Legal Relations in Civil Matters, as well as in the Family and Criminal Affairs regulations of January 22, 1993, of which the countries of the European Convention on Extradition are parties.
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MIYAMOTO, Mitsuo. "Fischer's ^|^ldquo;European Federation^|^rdquo; and the Future of the Nation States in the European Union." EU Studies in Japan 2002, no. 22 (2002): 158–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5135/eusj1997.2002.158.

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Angelo, A. H. "Fundamentals of European Civil Law." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 27, no. 2 (July 1, 1997): 388. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v27i2.6118.

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This article is a book review of Martin Vranken Fundamentals of European Civil Law (Federation Press, Sydney, 1997) 290 + xiv pages including Appendix, Bibliography and Index. Soft cover, NZ$45. Angelo states that the book is very tightly and clearly presented, providing a good introductory text for several purposes including the central topics of comparative law, a basic introduction to the law of contract, tort labour law and commercial company law in the French and German systems, as well as within the context of the European Union. Angelo concludes that the book provides a reasoned and correct view of the impact of the European Union on aspects of the private law of the member states.
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29

Seregin, Andrei Viktorovich. "Ideology of Slavic Unity and Philosophical Problems of Legal Slavistics in the Modern World." Russian Journal of Legal Studies 6, no. 2 (June 15, 2019): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18478.

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The article analyzes the philosophical problems of legal Slavistics associated with the formation of the updated pan-Slavic state-legal ideology aimed at the development and improvement of Confederate and Federal forms of Slavic Association. The author consistently investigates conceptual, civilizational and geopolitical obstacles of the Slavic unity connected with religious, military-political and nationalist dissociation of the Slavic peoples. At the same time, the presented work suggests ways to overcome the anti-Slavic political and legal dogmas, with the help of education aimed at the formation among the Slavs of the pan-Slavic doctrine of the primacy of the Slavic communal-tribal system, built on the basis of archaic socialism (mutual responsibility and mutual assistance); Veche rule; freedom, denial of all forms of slavery; linguistic kinship; organic unity of personal and community interests, with the recognition of the unconditional primacy of sovereign values over private; as well as the supremacy of spiritual and moral principles over material needs. In practical terms, a legal project is proposed for the development of the Union State of the Republic of Belarus and the Russian Federation, which in the form of government can be a collegial Republic, in the form of state-territorial structure - a Confederation with a tendency to federalization and a democratic-polyarchic state regime. In addition, the author believes that from a civilizational point of view, Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia are predisposed to unite in the West Slavic Confederation-the Great Vagria or Venea; Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, having common historical, state and religious - Orthodox roots are obliged within the framework of reunification to create the East Slavic Confederation-Svetlorossia; in the Balkans, led by Serbia, it is necessary to revive the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia with the inclusion of the Republic of Serbia, the Republic of Montenegro, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, the Republic of Bulgaria, the Republic of Serbia Krajina. Slovenia and Croatia should be merged into the Croatian-Slovenian Federation. In the future, Slavic confederal unions and the Federation, together with the Slavic communities beyond the national borders of the Slavic Nations ( for example, Sorbs in Germany) for the preservation of their identity and the free development have the potential to unite in a pan-Slavic Union state - the Great Vseslav. It is advisable to elect a collegial Republic as a form of government of the great all-Russia; a form of state-territorial unity of the Confederate-Federal Union of Slavic peoples, communities and States with a socially guaranteed regime of political democracy.
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30

Kardanov, V. A., V. N. Kulik, T. A. Petrova, and V. V. Vulshonok. "ANALYSIS OF THE STRUCTURE OF EXPORT AND IMPORT OF GOODS BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 1 (March 23, 2020): 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2020-1-100-107.

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The issues related to the analysis of export and import of goods between two neighboring states: the Republic of Poland and the Russian Federation have been examined. Relations between the EU countries and Russia to date have been in a significant crisis. Cooperation in the economic field is reduced in the context of mutual sanctions. According to the authors, for the Russian Federation in the near future the main task should be set – economic rapprochement with the countries of the European Union and further negotiations on easing mutual sanctions, since these and other reasons significantly complicate the countertrade in goods and services and impede European integration. It is obvious, that European companies are also interested in normalizing commercial and economic relations. The limitations of non-tariff regulation in foreign trade have been considered also in the paper. It has been concluded on the need to gradually mitigate restrictive measures. And efforts in this direction should be made by both the Russian Federation and the member States of the European Union, including the Republic of Poland.
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31

GORDIENKO, D. V. "EUROPEAN POLICY COMPONENT OF THE USA, CHINA AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION (part 1)." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 1, no. 12 (2020): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2020.12.01.013.

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The paper considers the impact of the European component of the policy of the United States of America, the people's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on the national security of these countries. An approach to comparing this influence is proposed, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in Europe and other regions of the world. The proposed comparison can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the European component of the policy of the United States, China, and Russia occupies a dominant position in the implementation of current economic and military policies in the European region.
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32

Kisielewski, Tadeusz. "Federalist Plans in Central and Eastern Europe and the Question of the Baltic States in the Context of Polish Politics During World War II." Lithuanian Historical Studies 9, no. 1 (November 30, 2004): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-00901002.

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This paper deals with federalist plans of Central and Eastern Europe during World War II. The Polish government in exile and its Czechoslovak counterpart actively participated in the implementation of such plans. A Central- and Eastern European federation was to be an eventual alternative to Stalin’s plans of Europe’s Sovietization and to Hitler’s ‘New Europe’. For some time these federalist plans were supported by Great Britain and the United States. Besides, in British and American circles there were also other models for creating a European regional union. On 11 November 1940 Poland and Czechoslovakia managed to sign a declaration on the formation of a federation. However, soon disagreements concerning attitudes towards the Soviet Union as well as over Lithuania’s place in the federation arose.
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ILIN, Savov. "LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR DATA RETENTION IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." STRATEGIES XXI - Command and Staff College 17, no. 1 (July 20, 2021): 169–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2668-2028-21-20.

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Abstract: The report examines and assesses the existing procedures for data retention to be used to combat crime and terrorism in the Russian Federation. The procedures regarding the control over data retention are presented and systematized. The existing differences between the Russian Federation and the member states of the European Union regarding the adopted legislation are described.
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Abdulhameed, Attarid Awadh. "Russian Federation and the United States of America: geostrategic directions to manage the Ukrainian crisis." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 16 (July 2, 2019): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i16.143.

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Ukrainia Remains of huge importance to Russian Strategy because of its Strategic importance. For being a privileged Postion in new Eurasia, without its existence there would be no logical resons for eastward Expansion by European Powers. As well as in Connection with the progress of Ukrainian is no less important for the USA (VSD, NDI, CIA, or pentagon) and the European Union with all organs, and this is announced by John Kerry. There has always ben Russian Fear and Fear of any move by NATO or USA in the area that it poses a threat to Russians national Security and its independent role and in funence on its forces especially the Navy Forces. There for, the Crisis manyement was not Zero sum game, there are gains and offset losses, but Russia does not accept this and want a Zero Sun game because the USA. And European exteance is a Foot hold in Regin Which Russian sees as a threat to its national security and want to monopolize control in the strategic Qirim.
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Царев, Сергей, Sergey Carev, Елена Горбатенко, and Elena Gorbatenko. "Prospects for managing Russia's foreign trade activity against the background of shifts in the EU development." Journal of Management Studies 4, no. 9 (August 30, 2019): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_5d68d5b0045940.07982735.

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This article discusses the most pressing problems faced by the Russian Federation in the implementation of its foreign trade policy in the framework of commodity exchange with the European Union (EU) from the standpoint of improving the management of these processes. The modern characteristics of mutually beneficial trade of the EU member States and the Russian Federation are analyzed. The most significant changes in the EU foreign trade practice are revealed.
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36

Kirkby, Diane, and Dmytro Ostapenko. "‘Second to None in the International Fight’: Australian Seafarers Internationalism and Maritime Unions Against Apartheid." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 2 (November 10, 2017): 442–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417719998.

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The participation of trade unions in the anti-apartheid movement is a subject which arguably merits more attention. This article brings into focus a group of unionists whose activism against apartheid was in the forefront of key initiatives. Drawing on new research the argument recounts the role of Australian seafarers on the international stage, particularly its association with the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU), and shows how knowledge of events in South Africa passed from the WFTU to educate the union membership. By the 1980s, Australian seafarers were taking the lead in bringing European unionists together in united action to enforce the United Nations' embargo on oil supplies to South Africa by founding a new organization, the Maritime Unions Against Apartheid (MUAA). Reconstructing these events demonstrates two aspects of significance: the growing importance of monitoring shipping as an anti-apartheid strategy coordinated and led by European unions, which we point out relied on ships’ officers and crews for knowledge, and the breaking down of the ideological divide between the WFTU and the anti-Communist International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) working together in the MUAA. The article contributes new understanding of connections between anti-apartheid activism and its Cold War context.
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37

Patasius, Ausvydas, Kaire Innos, Anton Barchuk, Anton Ryzhov, Marcis Leja, Janis Misins, Alesya Yaumenenka, and Giedre Smailyte. "Prostate cancer incidence and mortality in the Baltic states, Belarus, the Russian Federation and Ukraine." BMJ Open 9, no. 10 (October 2019): e031856. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2019-031856.

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BackgroundProstate cancer incidence varies internationally largely attributable to differences in prostate-specific antigen (PSA) use. The aim of this study was to provide the most recent detailed international epidemiological comparison of prostate cancer incidence and mortality in six north-eastern European countries (Belarus, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, the Russian Federation and Ukraine).MethodsThe number of incident prostate cancer cases was obtained from the countries national cancer registries. Prostate cancer mortality and corresponding population data were extracted from the WHO Mortality Database. Age-specific and age-standardised incidence and mortality rates were calculated (European Standard). The joinpoint regression model was used to provide an average annual percentage change and to detect points in time where significant changes in trends occurred. The observation period was between 13 (Ukraine) and 48 (Estonia) years regarding incidence and around 30 years regarding mortality.ResultsThe comparison of prostate cancer incidence in six European countries showed almost sixfold differences in the age-adjusted rates in most recent years with highest incidence rates in Lithuania and Estonia. Through the observation period, overall a continuous rise was seen in incidence in all countries and a continuous rise in mortality, with a stabilisation in Estonia and a decrease in Lithuania in recent years. Data limitations included a descriptive design using ecological data.ConclusionsA widespread use of PSA testing seems to be responsible for the changes in the epidemiology of the disease in north-eastern European countries. Substantial variation in the incidence of prostate cancer in the Baltic states suggests the possibility that PSA performance and utilisation spread have had a major influence on observed incidence trends, with a lack of effect on prostate cancer mortality.
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38

Miszewski, Dariusz. "Obóz narodowy wobec koncepcji federacyjnej w czasie II wojny światowej." Saeculum Christianum 24 (September 10, 2018): 256–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/sc.2017.24.24.

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During World War II, the national camp preached the idea of imperialism in Central Europe. Built peacefully, the Polish empire was supposed to protect the independence and security of countries in Central Europe against Germany and the Soviet Union, and thus got the title ‘the Great Poland’. As part of the empire, nation-states were retined. The National camp was opposed to the idea of the Federation, promoted by the government-in-exile. For the ‘National camp’ idea of federation in the regional, European and global level was an anachronism. Post-war international cooperation was based on nation-states and their alliances.
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39

Aksenov, I. "USA AND WESTERN EUROPEAN SANCTIONS POLICY WITH RESPECT TO RUSSIA." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 10 (November 28, 2019): 147–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2019-10-147-151.

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The implementation of the sanctions policy of the United States and Western Europe in relation to the Russian Federation has been analyzed. The objectives of the USA and European Union sanctions policies have been identified. The study has been based on the principles of a three-level classification of sanctions aimed at destabilizing the economy of the Russian Federation. Sectors of the economy and companies have been identified, that, have become objects of sanctions policy and have suffered more from USA and European Union sanctions. The role of sanctions as a toolkit, which can influence the political and economic balance of power in the world, has been defined. The opinion of representatives of business of foreign countries on the formation of anti-Russian sanctions has been reflected within the article. The features of the implementation of the sanctions policy in the digital block and cyberspace have been noted.
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40

Scheuing, Dieter H. "The Approach to European Law in German Jurisprudence." German Law Journal 5, no. 6 (June 1, 2004): 703–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200012803.

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To adequately assess the approach to European law in German jurisprudence is an impossible task to fulfill, yet one which is indispensable.The impossibility of such an attempt becomes clear if one realizes the multitude and variety of courts and judicial procedures existing in the Federal Republic of Germany. Our present judicial system is composed of 1,162 national courts with a total of about 21,000 judges.1 Eight of these courts are federal courts, the others are courts of the Länder, i.e. of the sixteen Member States of the Federation.
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41

Gerrits, André W. M. "Russia, the European Union and the “Orange Revolution” in Ukraine: The East-West Conflict Revisited?" International Area Review 8, no. 1 (March 2005): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590500800101.

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Victor Yushchenko's hard-won victory in the December 2004 presidential elections in Ukraine, also known as the ‘Orange Revolution’, seems typical of some important international political trends in Europe: one, democratic intervention by Western governmental and non-governmental organizations in the internal affairs of (semi-)authoritarian states in the eastern part of Europe has shown some remarkable results; two, the Russian Federation openly, though not very successfully, interferes into these disputes, in order to secure its interests in this region; and third, subsequently, tensions between Russia and the ‘West’ (in this case, the United States and the European Union are in agreement) are on the rise, using political terminology that reminds us of the Cold War era: democracy, human rights, and spheres of influence. Do we run the risk, ten years after the collapse of the communist powerhouse Soviet Union, to start a new East-West conflict? Does Europe have legitimate security interests in the ‘Near Abroad’ (the Kremlin's jargon for the republics of the former Soviet Union minus the Baltic States), and if so, how should we define them against the ambitions, imperial or otherwise, of the Russian Federation?
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42

Bereza, Arkadiusz. "Glosa do wyroku Sądu Apelacyjnego we Wrocławiu z dnia 29 października 2019 r. (I ACa 698/19, niepublikowany)." Studia Iuridica Lublinensia 29, no. 1 (March 29, 2020): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/sil.2020.29.1.245-259.

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<p>The Court of Appeal in Wrocław, in its judgement of 29 October 2019 (I ACa 698/19) amending the judgement of the District Court of Wrocław of 28 February 2019 (I C733/18), declared invalid the acquisition of a real property by a South Korean citizen. In its judgement, the Court of Appeal in Wrocław interpreted Article 8 (2) of the Act of 24 March 1920 on the Acquisition of Real Property by Foreigners. This provision governs the subjective scope of the exemption from the obligation to obtain the authorisation from the minister competent for interior affairs for the acquisition of real property. The Court of Appeal has concluded that a natural person who is a foreign person within the meaning of the Act on the Acquisition of Real Property by Foreigners and who is not a citizen of the European Economic Area Member State or the Swiss Confederation, even though pursues individual economic activity in the territory of the Republic of Poland, shall not be entitled to the exemption provided for in Article 8 (2) of the Act on the Acquisition of Real Property by Foreigners concerning nationals and undertakings of the Member States of the European Economic Area agreement or the Swiss Confederation, as this would be contrary to the function of the Act on the Acquisition of Real Property by Foreigners and the systemic and teleological interpretation of Article 8 (2) of this Act.</p>
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43

Кешнер, Мария, and Mariya Keshner. "The Sanctions against the Russian Federation: International Legal Analysis of Legitimacy." Journal of Russian Law 3, no. 7 (June 25, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/11764.

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In 2014, a number of states and integration entities imposed sanctions and restrictive measures against the Russian Federation. The author analysis acts the measures adopted by the United States, the European Union, some other countries against the Russian Federation, from the point of view of the international law. The author investigates reasonableness of the arguments justifying the sanctions against the Russian Federation; and examines the issues of coercion in the international law, which has its specific features that are primarily predetermined by the nature of interstate relations and methods of their legal regulation. The author provides an update on the problem of “collective counter-measures” or counter-measures in collective interests and classification of activities of the third countries who “have joined” in with the imposed restrictive measures. The author considers the practice and consequences of imposing unilateral sanctions by a number of states, the trends of its development and legitimacy of the existence in light if the modern international law development.
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44

Denisenko, Viktor. "The basic concepts of the Baltic States image in the Russian periodical press after the collapse of the Soviet Union (1991–2009)." Žurnalistikos Tyrimai 8 (December 7, 2015): 116–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/zt/jr.2015.8.8845.

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The Russian Federation and the Baltic States region are neigh­bors belonging to different geopolitical paradigms. Since 2004, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia are members of the European Union and NATO. Rus­sia after a short period of pseudo-democratization after the collapse of the Soviet Union came back to imperial discourse in so-called Putin’s era. The new imperial discourse is based on concepts of the “Russian world”, “compa­triots” as well as on the specific strategy in relations with states from “near abroad”. Periodical press and another media (especially, TV) are involved in political processes of the Russian Federation. Research of the Baltic States’ image in the Russian periodical press shows how this particular geopolitical region (of the Baltic States) is represented in the Russian media in different periods after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
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45

Seeleib-Kaiser, Martin. "Migration, social policy, and power in historical perspective." Global Social Policy 19, no. 3 (March 7, 2019): 266–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468018119832403.

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Migration and social policy have become fiercely contested issues in Europe and North America. In this article, I highlight how mobility and migration, on one hand, and social policy, on the other hand, have historically been closely interwoven and shaped by power relations. It is argued that European states actively assisted their poor to leave ‘home’ and settle in far-away places. I will elaborate some of the tensions between freedom of movement and the role of social policy in the North German Confederation ( Norddeutscher Bund [NDB]) and the British Empire. Finally, it is argued that many of the current challenges and issues associated with migration and social policy in Europe are historically not unique.
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46

Il'yasov, Daniil. "COMPARATIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE TAX SYSTEM OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND EUROPEAN COUNTRIES." Russian Journal of Management 9, no. 2 (August 31, 2021): 141–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/2409-6024-2021-9-2-141-145.

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The tax system in different countries of the world is developed taking into account the peculiarities of the economy of states, the tax culture of the citizens of this country, and other indicators that affect the formation of an effective tax system. The article presents a comparative description of the current tax system of the Russian Federation and a number of European countries, presents the main tax charges, tax rates, features of tax accounting, and also presents the mechanisms of tax administration. In many European countries, the tax system is formed based on internal and external factors. Despite the single European Union, each member country has its own distinctive characteristics of forming a national tax system.
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47

Lanza, Elisabetta. "Core of State Sovereignty and Boundaries of European Union's Identity in the Lissabon – Urteil." German Law Journal 11, no. 4 (April 1, 2010): 399–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200018605.

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In the 2009 judgment dealing with the Treaty of Lisbon, the German Federal Constitutional Court urges to modify a domestic statute in order to guarantee the rights of the internal rule-making power and also provides a reasoning on the role of the European Union (EU) as an international organization, the principle of sovereignty and the relations between European Institutions and Bodies and the EU Member States. According to the German Court the Treaty of Lisbon does not transform the European Union into a Federal State (Staatsverband), but into a Confederation of States (Staatenverbund). In spite of the 1993 landmark judgment, the so-called “Maastricht Urteil”, the Court steps forward and focuses also the subject-matters that necessarily have to pertain to the Member States jurisdiction, the so-called “domain reserve”. The German Federal Constitutional Court decision on the Lisbon Treaty arouses the reflection on the core of State sovereignty and on the boundaries of the EU legal system and focuses on the force of the right to vote of every citizen, the basis of democracy.Furthermore, the decision of the German Federal Constitutional Court highlights the well-known issue of the EU's identity and the balancing between EU democracy and Member State sovereignty. In the light of the German Constitutional Court statements, the present work aims to understand which could be actually the EU's identity and how could be approached “democratic deficit” of the EU.
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48

Martin, Guy. "Dream of Unity: From the United States of Africa to the Federation of African States." African and Asian Studies 12, no. 3 (2013): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341261.

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Abstract The Pan-Africanists leaders’ dream of unity was deferred in favor of the gradualist/functionalist perspective embodied in a weak and loosely-structured Organization of African Unity (OAU) created on 25 May 1963 in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia). This article analyses the reasons for this failure, namely: the reluctance of newly-independent African leaders to abandon their newly-won sovereignty in favor of a broader political unity; suspicion on the part of many African leaders that Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana intended to become the super-president of a united Africa; and divide and rule strategies on the part of major Western powers (including the United States and France) meant to sabotage any attempt at African unity. The African Union which, on 26 May 2001, formally replaced the OAU, is also bound to fail because it is modeled on the European Union. The article then briefly surveys proposals for a re-configuration of the African states and a revision of the political map of Africa put forth by various authors, namely: Cheikh Anta Diop’s Federal African State; Marc-Louis Ropivia’s geopolitics of African regional integration; Makau wa Mutua’s and Arthur Gakwandi’s new political maps of Africa; Joseph Ki-Zerbo’s Federal African State; Daniel Osabu-Kle’s United States of Africa; Godfrey Mwakikagile’s African Federal Government; and Pelle Danabo’s pan-African Federal State. The article concludes with an overview of Mueni wa Muiu’s Fundi wa Afrika paradigm advocating the creation of a Federation of African States (FAS) based on five sub-regional states with a federal capital (Napata) and a rotating presidency, eventually leading to total political and economic integration.
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49

Vakarchuk, Denis O. "DIFFERENCES AMONG THE MEMBER STATES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ITS INFLUENCE ON THEIR RELATIONS WITH THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION: 2014-2019." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2020): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2020-4-57-73.

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The article examines the relations between Russia and the member states of the European Union in the period from 2014 to 2019. Methodologically, the author assumes that the European Union is a heterogeneous structure that affects the Russian-European relations. This is especially true for the foreign policy field where each EU state pursues its own interests. The author sets a task to study the impact ofthe differences between theEU memberstates on the dynamics of their relations with Russia through quantitative analysis. Within the confines of the empirical study, the dependent variable is presented as the state of the relations between the EU countries and the Russian Federation, and it is operationalized by an event study. To identify the differences between the EU states, the author proposes to use a set of factors such as the duration of EU membership, dependence on the trade with the Russian Federation, the type of democracy and the great power identification. Mann-Whitney U-test is the tool to investigate the connections between the variables. The result of the quantitative analysis demonstrates that in the period under review it was only the factor of belonging of a number of EU member states to the great powers that had a significant impact on their relations with Russia.
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50

Chatburn, Thomas Edward. "European Musicians in Conference, Strasbourg 1985." British Journal of Music Education 3, no. 1 (March 1986): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265051700005155.

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As musicians from no less than twenty-two European states gathered at Strasbourg in September to discuss Contemporary Music, one began to realise that Europe, in 1985, had already moved beyond the familiar concept of a political and commercial federation. Historically, however, and motivated only by musical opportunity, musicians had for centuries largely regarded Europe as one patch ever since it became possible to travel. But in recent times it has become clear that the new Europe and European organisations which have emerged may, one day, have far-reaching effects upon many aspects of musical life which have hitherto evolved locally or nationally at different paces and in response to widely differing circumstances. By means of this and other conferences, therefore, Europe is beginning to give expression to corporate artistic concerns, and attempting to do so with a single voice as independent nations are gradually transformed into member states and ultimately, one might anticipate, into regions. This process and the means by which it is accompanished (e.g. the organisation of large European conferences) is also viewed cynically by some as political inevitability being transformed into desirability.
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