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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'European security and defence'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 10 March 2023

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1

Young, Christopher J. "The European security and defence identity debate." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ56151.pdf.

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2

Scannell, David Luke. "Legal aspects of the European Union's European Security and Defence Policy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614899.

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3

Müller-Wille, Björn Wilhelm. "Thinking security in europe? is there a European security and defence identity? /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2003. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=970705735.

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4

Keogh, Darrin M. "European security and defence policy reform : a theoretical challenge." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.507077.

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5

Stamate, Gheorghe. "European Security and Defence Policy, or Back to Political Realism?" Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2514.

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In the course of this master thesis I will argue the following:

a) ESDP project is an interesting initiative and concern issues that stand at the core of the EU integration processes. It relates to the most significant and updated development of the EU institutional, conceptual and strategic design, but is yet relatively unexplored and underdeveloped.

b) The aim of this study is to evaluate the efforts to enhance cooperation among European countries in the provision and use of military force. To set the scene and illustrate constrains and complications that bear upon activities in this field. Indeed, the author intends to recommend a theoretical framework, as a fundamental prerequisite for the proper study of EU Defense and Security Policy.

c) Constructivism and neo- Realism and their theoretical tenets offer an unexplored avenue to investigate and account for the development of the European Security and Defense Policy.

d) The efficiency of such an account depends on a meticulous evaluation of proposed theoretical approaches versus the emerging security complex. This theoretical choice allows for a construction beyond that of the unit or system levels of analysis and may therefore grant a causal role to perceived interests in terms of non- traditional approach to research in social science. Also it may thereby provoke an interest in terms of security and threat.

e) The originality and validity of a combination between Realism and Constructivism as a starting point for inquiries in IR may not only be relevant to an understanding of how such a development can unfold, but mostly how a real social phenomena can be unfolded by such a non-traditional theoretical approach.

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Wright, Kevin P. "European conventional arms control and epistemic communities." Thesis, University of Essex, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265196.

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7

Moholt, van Reeuwijk Yvonne. "Enhancing the European security and defence policy : European integration and the changing of the Norwegian and the Swedish security identities." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-359694.

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This paper examines the relationship between Europeanisation and the recent changes of the Norwegian and Swedish security identities. Since the mid-1990s, these two countries have gone different ways, the former as an active non-member with no decision-making powers and the latter as an active participant in the development of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). Concerning Norway and Sweden’s security identity, both have changed exceedingly over the years. Norway, which has valued the US and the transatlantic partnership through NATO, namely being an ‘Atlanticist’, seeks a deeper connection to the EU as a security actor over the last fifteen years, despite the authorities emphasizing that NATO remains the cornerstone for Norwegian security policy. Sweden, which maintained strongly neutral and non-aligned throughout the 20th century, was initially sceptic to partaking in the security and defence dimension of the Union. Nonetheless, Sweden, as a member, managed to change its perception of EU’s security policy through highlighting crisis management and turned out to become one of EU’s most active contributors in shaping the ESDP. This paper concludes that Norway and Sweden have seen similar outcomes concerning Europeanisation, despite holding different positions in relation to the EU. Norway has not been able to hold an influential role respecting its European integration process, even though the authorities seek to gain as much input as possible into the ESDP through associate membership. Sweden, in contrast, entered the Union with an initial negative attitude concerning the security and defence policy but has changed its perception and chosen to play an active part in the policy making process through influencing and deepening its cooperation.
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Garrett, Jeremy P. "Toward the European Army: Theory, Practice and Development of a European Defence Identity, 1945-2004." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26289.

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This dissertation traces military integration in Europe from the 1940s to the early 2000s in order to reveal the growth of a common European defence identity. Four factors characterize its approach. First, European defence identity is analyzed in relation to the broader path of European integration and its historical context, showing connections with key turning points in European integration, with the evolution of Franco-German relations and European-American relations, with the Cold War and subsequent Collapse of Communism, etc. Second, the dissertation applies theories of identity formation to guide the historical analysis. This approach draws attention, for example, to the important roles that borders and symbols played in European defence identity formation. Third, the thesis adopts a hybrid “top-down” and “bottom-up” approach; one side considers formal programs, policies, and institutions that promoted a European defence identity, while the other takes stock of public perceptions, actions by “rank and file” soldiers, etc. This dual approach helps to reveal more fully the complex, negotiated character of European defence identity formation. Finally, this thesis traces the growth of a European defence identity as a path of ideological and emotional change, growing commitment, and trust-building that spanned decades.
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9

Dyson, Philip Thomas Adrian. "The politics of German defence policy : policy leadership, Bundeswehr reform and European defence and security policy." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1778/.

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This thesis is a study of the role of policy leadership in German defence and security policy between 1990 and 2002, with particular reference to reform of the Bundeswehr. It situates this case study in the framework of a set of analytical perspectives about policy change derived from public policy theory, arguing that public policy theory has either underestimated policy leadership or failed to discriminate different leadership roles, styles and strategies. The author rejects the dominant contextualist and culturalist approach to leadership in studies of German defence and security policy in favour of an interactionist approach that stresses the dialectical interaction between policy skills and strategic context. The case study also shifts the focus in studies of policy leadership in Germany away from a preoccupation with the Chancellor to the role of ministerial and administrative leadership within the core executive. The thesis illustrates the strongly self-referential nature of Bundeswehr reform, despite adaptational pressures from Europeanisation and 'NATO-isation', and the domestic politics of base closures. It also shows how domestic macro-political arrangements predispose leadership roles in German defence and security policy towards brokerage and veto playing rather than towards entrepreneurship.
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10

Doherty, Roisin. "Passivity v engagement? : the impact of an emerging European security architecture on Irish neutrality." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314032.

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11

Shepherd, Alistair J. K. "The European Security and Defence Policy : slow march to a military capability for the European Union." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252136.

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The European Union has declared that its ESDP has an initial operational capability.  It has put new institutional structures in place to manage the political aspects of security and defence policy and the member states have pledged a range of military capabilities, which the EU may call upon to undertake a range of crisis management operations - the Petersberg tasks.  However, there are a number of significant challenges that need to be overcome for the ESDP to become a fully operational and credible policy.  These challenges are institutional, political, financial and military.  However, the critical aspect, yet to be significantly enhanced, for a fully operational ESDP is actual military capability. Without investing in a number of critical military capabilities, ESDP risks falling short of the expectations set out at Cologne, Helsinki and beyond. The thesis moves beyond simply describing these shortfalls towards making an assessment of the progress made in the four years since ESDP was launched.  This progress is measured at the national level, by examining the defence policies and military capabilities of a range of six EU states to assess their value to ESDP, and at the EU level by detailing the combined progress towards reaching a fully operational ESDP.  Signs of convergence within these defence policies are required if a ‘common; EU policy is to be realised.  There also needs to be development of a strategic concept, a requirement for an effective ESDP that is not yet acknowledged by the states.  The influence of the US is also critical.  While, the US supports improved military capabilities, it does so without acknowledging a parallel increase in decision-making and responsibility for the EU in international security. There needs to be clearer and more effective leadership in ESDP to overcome these challenges, particularly the military ones.  If the EU does not make sacrifices and provide the resources required for ESDP, it will have created a policy without substance and its credibility as an international actor will be severely damaged.
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12

Costantini, Andrea. "The European Security And Defence Discourse And The Role Of Arms Companies : A Critical Discourse Analysis On European Security Policies Post-2016." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-193770.

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13

Torun, Zerrin. "Constructivist approach to Europeanization under the European foreign, security and defence policy framework." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499564.

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This thesis aims at analysing the Europeanization of British and French foreign, security and defence policies through a moderate constmctivist approach, with a view to question its utility. It uses case studies, process-tracing, and interviews, covering the period from the estabhshment of Common Foreign and Security Policy until 2007. However, in order to provide provide the background to the cases under investigation, analysis of the period before has been included where necessary.
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Ladzik, Jeannette. "Britain, Germany and the European Security and Defence Policy : constructivist socialisation at work?" Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.590147.

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This thesis investigates the European Security and Defence Policy (ESOP) which has evolved rapidly since its establishment at the Cologne European Council in June 1999. Its development has been driven by the three biggest EU member states - Germany, France and the UK. While this is to some extent not surprising as these three states are also the most militarily powerful ones in Europe, they had for many years opposing views on the creation of a separate European defence initiative. During the 1990s due to a number of reasons German and British policymakers' views on this topic converged with that of French policy-makers, who had always argued for the establishment of a common European defence policy. The British Prime Minister and the French President were therefore able to launch the European defence project at their historic meeting in Saint Malo. A few months later, Germany presided over the important Cologne European Council. Following the creation of ESOP, German and British policy-makers went beyond mere support and actively drove it forward. This thesis will explore why they changed their behaviour from opposing a common European defence policy towards pressing ahead with it. It proposes the answer that these policy-makers became socialised in ESOP by the EU. Successful socialisation led to the complete internalisation of ESOP norms and the adoption of the EU's interests and identity by German and British policy-makers. This hypothesis will be tested by applying Jeffrey T. Checkers constructivist socialisation approach to the case studies of German and British policy-makers, who shaped ESOP from the Saint Malo meeting (3 and 4 December 1998) to the Lisbon European Council summit (18-19 October 2007).
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15

Huff, Ariella Rachel. "Parliamentary discourses on the European security and defence policy in Britain, Ireland and Poland, 1998-2008." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610552.

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16

Klountzou, Theodora. "Europeanisation and the European security and defence policy : the case of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/47208/.

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This thesis seeks to develop an under-researched area of Europeanisation theory, namely the link between the ‘export' dimension of Europeanisation and the European Union's (EU) external crisis response instruments, and specifically the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). It examines the theory of Europeanisation and its relevant dimensions for this thesis, defining ‘Europeanisation' in this context as the export of European values, principles, structures, ideas and norms beyond the geographical borders of the EU. The thesis sets out to test whether ESDP operations can provide a vehicle for Europeanisation in the countries in which they are deployed. It examines the evolution of European Union security and defence policy and the evolution of the EU's operational military and civilian mission instrument, and employs case studies of operations in a specific country context in order to test whether ESDP operations can indeed be a practical mechanism with the potential to export the EU's norms and principles. The thesis employs case studies of three ESDP missions conducted in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (fYROM) - the military operation Concordia, and police missions Proxima and EUPAT. It explores whether these EU external instruments had a Europeanisation dimension, and whether and how in practice they contributed to Europeanisation. fYROM makes a germane case study as a new country emerging from crisis, on the EU's border, and in line for prospective future EU membership. The case studies show that the primary effect of the military operation Concordia, in contributing to the country's security and political stabilization and providing a visible and symbolic EU presence, was to provide a platform for subsequent Europeanisation. The follow-on Proxima and EUPAT civilian operations carried a more direct Europeanisation agenda and effect, playing an important role in transferring the EU's approach to addressing causes of conflict and contributing as part of the EU's wider efforts to promoting the integration of fYROM in the EU. The thesis concludes that ESDP operations can be a vehicle for exporting European values, principles and norms, and as such, a promoter of Europeanisation beyond the EU's borders. This research can contribute to deepening the area of Europeanisation theory concerned with export dimensions of the theory, and suggests there is academic value in examining the Europeanisation aspects of EU external instruments, including civilian and military operations in other case study contexts, including in countries well beyond the EU's neighbourhood. The research also highlights the value for the EU of conceptualising the ESDP mission instrument through a Europeanisation lens, in terms of maximising the transformative potential of the instrument as part of wider EU strategy to pursue normative, security and political objectives in its neighbourhood and the wider international sphere.
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17

Maier-Knapp, Naila Nijra. "Prospect of the European Union to become a Defence Union: Analysis of the major nation-state actors’ perspectives on the European Security and Defence Policy." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/7236.

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The European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) is a very young and innovative structure of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Since its launch in 1999 at the Summit of Cologne it has developed at such an incredible pace that even Javier Solana rhapsodised about the ESDP evolving in the speed of light. Seven years later, this dynamic of integration has decelerated to normal speed and the coherency issues connected with the integration process of the European Union (EU) have also begun to affect the ESDP which is intergovernmentally organised and hence vulnerable to coherency cracks on certain topics. The Iraq crisis in 2003 was the exemplar of this fragility. The ESDP’s decisionmaking process is based on the lowest common denominator among the EU member states. If these countries cannot agree, which was the case on the Iraq problem, the ESDP becomes less important as an EU forum of CFSP on defence issues. In consideration of the intergovernmental nature of the ESDP and its unanimous decisionmaking procedure it appears that the future of the ESDP is to a large extent dependent on the co-operation and political orientation of the ESDP member countries. In particular, the big three ESDP members of the United Kingdom, France and Germany are very influential political actors within the EU framework. In the context of the ESDP these three nations lead in the possession of military and civilian capabilities and dictate the main political streams of Europeanism versus Atlanticism as well as Intergovernmentalism versus Supranationalism within ESDP. However, despite their similarities in terms of their degree of political influence, derived from their capabilities in the ESDP, they differ in their political orientation of the main political streams. For instance, the diverging views on the transatlantic relationship appeared to be the bone of contention leading to the aforementioned Iraq crisis. In view of the conflicting positions one can ask where the ESDP is to go. Will it ever become a Defence Union? Referring to the influential role of the big three and the centrality of nation-state action in ESDP this thesis attempts to give an answer to these two questions with a credible prospect of the ESDP from a nation-centred structural realist approach. Since the structural realist concept emphasises the importance of national sovereignty in high politics this thesis concludes that the notion of the ESDP to become a Defence Union is very unlikely to occur. In addition to the pessimistic neorealist/structural realist scenario, alternative scenarios, based on the holistic current situation of the ESDP, which predict a more optimistic and probably more relevant future of the ESDP are also presented.
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18

Kmec, Vladimir. "The EU's approach to peacebuilding in common security and defence policy missions and operations." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273869.

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The main purpose of this thesis is to provide an understanding of the EU’s approach to peacebuilding in its Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions and operations. The thesis explores why EU missions carry out mainly post-conflict peacebuilding tasks and whether the shift towards peacebuilding is about a substantial change of EU norms. The research analyses how peacebuilding in CSDP actions is framed, designed and operationalised through the complex decision- and policy-making processes within the CSDP. In particular, the thesis assesses how the EU’s approach to peacebuilding in the CSDP was influenced by the UN’s conceptualisation of peacebuilding and how the EU has developed its own distinctive approach to peacebuilding. While looking at the examples of civilian missions and military operations in Mali and in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the thesis provides insights into the operational dynamics of peacebuilding under the CSDP. The thesis argues that CSDP missions and operations reflect a normative and practical commitment of the EU to international peacebuilding. CSDP actions deployed in post-conflict scenarios follow the logic of liberal peacebuilding strategies while aiming at the stabilisation, reconstruction and building of the institutions of a functioning state, in particular the military, police and justice sectors. The EU pursues its peacebuilding activities under the CSDP in a comprehensive, case-specific and geopolitically strategic way as demonstrated by case studies of Mali and Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the same time, the research reveals that, although the shift towards peacebuilding in CSDP actions has been underpinned by a change of normative approaches, driven by the reform process of the UN peacekeeping, it also reflects the EU’s preferences, pragmatic limits and capability-expectation gaps in crisis management.
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19

Rice, Jeffrey. "The State of European Defence Policy and the Value(s) of Intervention." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20245.

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European security and defence policy has developed at a significant rate since the late 1990s. As a growing field of analysis, there have been few studies to date that have explored the foreign and domestic implications of the European Union's emerging security and defence policies. This thesis seeks to assess the quality and effectiveness of the present day defence policies of the European Union through an examination of its commitment to civilian and military missions abroad. In so doing, this thesis suggests that these missions stem from a misguided belief that the promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law beyond its border is the most effective means by which to achieve security within Europe. This thesis concludes that the economic and political tools available to the European Union provide a better means by which to ensure security in Europe and around the world.
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20

Orhan, Buket Pinar. "Britain And European Security Integration:british Perspectives On European Security Matters Between 1945-2003." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12604972/index.pdf.

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The thesis analyzes security perception of Britain within the framework of European security integration. The time that is covered in the thesis is between 1945 and 2003. The thesis exam,ines the assumptions constructing British position and intends to reveal that each of the country in Europe has possessed its own perception of security and defense within this significant process, and that -one of whose position made a profound impact on further development of European security and defense policies. That is the position of Britain. This study, therefore, will try to reveal the position of Britain and her policies in terms of European efforts for having a common identity on security and defense.
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21

Domisiewicz, Rafal. "The future of the transtatlantic [i.e. transatlantic] community, European Security and Defence Identity and NATO." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0024/MQ51333.pdf.

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22

Klein, Rouven. "How national diversity shapes the future of a genuine common European security and defence policy." Thesis, University of Hull, 2010. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5484.

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One of the innovations of the Treaty of Lisbon has been the renaming of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP): since December 2009 the EU does not only have a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), it also has a Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). When the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force, this 'upgrade' have been a mere symbolic act, as EU member states differ in security and defence orientation, security and defence interests and security and defence policy. This work analyses how likely it is that the EU will forge and establish a common policy of substance, how feasible a genuine Common Security and Defence Policy is in view of national diversity. It does so by examining how different EU member states actually are with regard to security and defence issues. The first analysis chapter analyses the legal dimension of ESDP by comparing the national military law systems of EU member states and by answering the question to what extent the national constitutions and military laws impede, facilitate or encourage integration. The second analysis chapter analyses how crucial different national security and strategic cultures are for the creation of a genuinely common ESDP by discussing the following cleavages within the Union: Allies versus Neutrals; Atlanticism versus Europeanism; conscription versus professionalism. The third analysis chapter analyses how the political will and political preferences differ between EU countries by cpaturing the perceptions of key decision-makers and opinion-formers within national assemblies and parliaments in an online survey, both generally with regard to defence and security issues, and specifically in relation to ESDP. This work will show how national diversity - different national military law systems, different national security and strategic cultures and different national political preferences - shapes the development of a genuinely common ESDP,a nd will reveal the most likely face of a future CSDP.
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23

TOLOSSA, NATALIA VALERIA. "THE EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY AND COLLECTIVE IDENTITY: THE UNITED KIGDOM UNDER TONY BLAIR." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2004. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=5513@1.

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CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
O objetivo desta dissertação de Mestrado é analisar o processo de reformulação da identidade coletiva do Reino Unido no governo de Tony Blair, em função de sua participação na Política Européia de Segurança e Defesa da União Européia, com base em conceitos desenvolvidos pela teoria construtivista de Relações Internacionais. As mudanças ocorridas no esquema de segurança e defesa europeu receberam um grande ímpeto por parte do Reino Unido, que, tradicionalmente, tem se caracterizado por uma política reticiente no que diz respeito a cooperação em questões de segurança e defesa. Argumenta-se que o novo enfoque da política britânica com relação à Política Européia de Segurança e Defesa, a partir de 1998, insere-se num processo de redefinição da identidade coletiva com relação a União Européia, apos o Reino Unido ter sido relegado ao segundo plano no que se refere a questões de uniao política européia.
The aim of this dissertation is to analize the process of identity reformulation of the United Kingdom under Tony Blair through its participation in the European Security and Defence Policy of the European Union. This analysis is based on constructivism litterature. The changes that had taken place in the european security and defence field were, to a certain degree, the result of a british attitude, which has traditionally been characterized as sceptical in these areas. The argument is that this new british approch is part of a deeper process of colletive identity reformulation.
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Oikonomou, Iraklis. "The European arms industry as a European security and defence policy actor : a historical materialist view of EU military integration." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.555716.

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Since the late 1990s, the EU has become involved in the creation of a European Security and Defence Policy, intended to provide the Union with autonomous military capabilities. While academic interest on ESDP has been abundant, not much light has been shed on the development of its military-industrial aspects. This PhD thesis examines why and how an EU armaments policy came about as part of ESDP. The main argument put forward by the study is that the emergence of EU armaments policy should be viewed as a response to the consolidation and internationalisation of the European arms industry that culminated parallel to the birth of ESDP. The role of the internationalised European arms industry was pivotal in the formulation of the EU armaments policy, allowing for the conceptualisation of the industry as a powerful ESDP policy actor. The density of its interaction with EU institutions is analysed as an instance in the making of an EU politico-military-industrial complex. However, the effectiveness of arms-industrial actorness was mediated by persisting inter-state divergences and the contradictions between the political and the economic forms of the authority of capital.
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Chen, Wei-Fang. "National interests vs. security and defence integration in the EU : a comparative case study of Britain and Germany." Thesis, Durham University, 2012. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3906/.

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As institutionalists have assumed, institutions are supposed to shape the behaviours of actors towards collective objectives and better prospects. For this purpose, the EU has established an institutionalised framework for developing security and defence integration. This institutionalised framework not only provides ‘rules of games’ for conducting common security and defence affairs, but is supposed to make member states become socialised and embedded in European integration. However, the role of member states cannot be ignored. In fact, the institutionalisation process from the EPC to the CSDP is affected by institutionalism and intergovernmentalism. In other words, although the CSDP has an institutionalised framework which offers rules and procedures for member states and EU institutions to implement a common security and defence policy, it also operates on the basis of intergovernmental co-operation. The different effect of institutionalism and intergovernmentalism can also be discovered through analysing the very distinct attitudes of Britain and Germany in this institutionalisation process. This thesis aims to investigate the institutional development and practice of the security and defence integration of the EU, and examine the role of member states in the process. Britain and Germany are chosen as comparative cases because these two countries have presented quite different preferences and attitudes towards the developments of European integration. This thesis concludes that although the institutionalisation process can affect member states in structuring behaviours and national interests, their political will is nevertheless the most important key to determining whether an institutionalised CSDP can fulfil the collective end of security and defence integration in the EU.
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Thomas, Ian Q. R. "The promise of alliance : conceptions of NATO, 1948-1994." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.320440.

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27

Uslu, Merve. "The Development Of Common European Security And Defence Policy (cesdp): Before And After Saint Malo Declaration." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12605361/index.pdf.

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This study examines the evolution of the Common European Security and Defence Policy (CESDP) of the European Union before and after the Saint Malo Declaration of December 1998. The co-operation in foreign policy and security matters has always been a corollary element to the economic co-operation since the beginning of the European Integration process. Within this context this study argues that the conducting of co-operation in this field within the framework of European Community/European Union (EC/EU) was dependent on the national actors, the internal community/union factors, and the external dynamics. It is also asserted that, the European political co-operation is based on, on the one hand, the intergovernmentalist method of decision-making and implementation process, and on the other to the incrementalism through which the Member States could reconcile their diverging interests, which represent continuity within the EC/EU. The Saint Malo constitutes one of the momentous events in the trajectory of European foreign policy, security and defence co-operation, which launched the essentials of the CESDP. Within this framework, this study will analyse how a legally unbinding document has been incorporated into the legal framework of the European Union and consequently became the part of the acquis. Furthermore, the policies of France, Britain, and the United States within the process of establishment of the CESDP will be examined. Then, this thesis argues that, Saint Malo has initiated a ground for renegotiation of the terms of transatlantic relationship, which culminated in the redefinition of global roles and responsibilities of Americans and Europeans.
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28

Hürsoy, Siret. "The new security concept and German-French approaches to the European "Pillar of Defence", 1990-2000 /." Marburg : Tectum, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41448411t.

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29

Sweeney, Simon. "Explaining the European Union's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) : power, bureaucratic politics and grand strategy." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/11216/.

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This study explores the meaning and operation of the European Union Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) from the Saint Malo Declaration in December 1998 up to the European Council of December 2013. Applying a comprehensive strategic culture framework, the study affirms that CSDP began as an intergovernmental initiative but its institutional structure and implementation reflects a non-traditional type of intergovernmentalism, lacking the usual interests-based interstate bargaining. The study affirms that there is an emergent European strategic culture that co-exists with member state strategic cultures. It further identifies a credibility gap between the Union’s stated security and defence ambitions and its current level of capability and actorness. The explanation for these shortcomings lies in a form of bureaucratic politics suffused throughout CSDP processes. The bureaucratic politics explanation of CSDP stands in sharp contrast to suggestions that the policy area exhibits Europeanisation, finding this concept too vague to be analytically useful in understanding what CSDP represents. The original contribution of the study is that the often suggested need for CSDP to be driven by Grand Strategy in the academic literature is inappropriate and unfeasible because member states consistently fail to define their common interests, and the form of bureaucratic politics of CSDP conflicts with the development and implementation of Grand Strategy. While Grand Strategy cannot work, bureaucratic politics may in the long-term incrementally deliver an EU strategic culture, strategic actorness and enhanced capability. The study therefore concludes that despite shortfalls, the bureaucratic politics approach is the most effective way to analyse CSDP in a scholarly sense and also as a means to achieve the declared ambitions of CSDP.
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30

Ivanovski, Hristijan. "A common defence for Europe." Israel Defence, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/31255.

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One of the major analytical shortcomings regularly made by EU and NATO experts today lies with exclusively seeing the European defence project as a post-World War II (WWII) phenomenon and the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) as mainly a post-Cold War product. No analyst has so far seriously explored the idea of European defence predating WWII and the 20th century. Instead, since 1999 one frequently reads and hears about the ‘anomalous,’ ‘elusive’ CSDP suddenly complicating transatlantic relations. But the CSDP is hardly an oddity or aberration, and it is certainly not as mysterious as some might suggest. Drawing extensively from primary sources and predicated on an overarching evolutionist approach, this thesis shows that the present CSDP is an ephemeral security and defence concept, only the latest of its kind and full of potential. Drawing its deepest ideational roots from the (pre-)Enlightenment era, the CSDP leads to a pan-European defence almost irreversibly. A common defence for Europe is quite possible and, due to the growing impact of the exogenous (multipolar) momentum, can be realized sooner rather than later even without a full-fledged European federation.
May 2016
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31

Smith, Simon J. "The European Union and NATO : beyond Berlin Plus : the institutionalisation of informal cooperation." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2014. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/14341.

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For a decade, the EU and NATO have both claimed to have a relationship purported to be a Strategic Partnership. However, this relationship is widely understood by both academics and practitioners to be problematic. Although not denying that the relationship is problematic, it is claimed here that the argument, whereby the EU and NATO simply do not cooperate, is very limited in its value. In fact, it is argued that the two organisations cooperate far more, albeit less efficiently, outside of the formal Agreed Framework for cooperation. According to the formal rules of Berlin Plus/Agreed Framework (BP/AF), the EU and NATO should not cooperate at all outside of the Bosnia Herzegovina (ALTHEA) context. This is clearly not the case. The fundamental aim of this thesis is to investigate how this cooperation - beyond the BP/AF has emerged. Above all, it asks, within a context where formal EU-NATO cooperation is ruled out, what type of cooperation is emerging? This thesis attempts to explain the creation and performance of the informal EU-NATO institutional relationship beyond Berlin Plus. This thesis, drawing on insights from historical institutionalist theory and by investigating EU-NATO cooperation in counter-piracy, Kosovo and Afghanistan, puts forward three general arguments. First, in order for informal EU-NATO cooperation to take place outside of the BP/AF, cooperation is driven spatially away from the central political tools of Brussels, towards the common operational areas and hierarchically downwards to the international staffs and, in particular, towards the operational personnel. Second, although the key assumptions of historical institutionalism (path dependency, punctuated equilibrium and critical junctures) help to explain the stasis of the EU-NATO relationship at the broad political and strategic level, a more complete understanding of the relationship is warranted. Including theoretical assumptions of incremental change helps to explain the informal cooperation that is now driving EU-NATO relations beyond Berlin Plus. Finally, this thesis makes the fundamental claim that the processes of incremental change through informal cooperation reinforce the current static formal political and strategic relationship. Events and operational necessity are driving incremental change far more than any theoretical debates about where the EU ends and NATO begins. Until events force a situation whereby both organisations must revisit the formal structures of cooperation, the static relationship will continue to exist, reinforced by sporadically releasing the political pressure valve expedited through the processes of informal cooperation. If the EU and NATO are to truly achieve a Strategic Partnership , it will stem from an existential security critical juncture and not from internal evolutionary processes.
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32

Kaya, Taylan Ozgur. "The Common Foreign And Security Policy: The European Union." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12605077/index.pdf.

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The objective of this thesis is to evaluate European States&rsquo
efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy in the context of historical evolution of the CFSP. In this thesis, European States&rsquo
efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy will be evaluated in three international political contexts. First period is Post World War II Period, second one is Post-Cold War Period and third one is Post September 11 Period. In the context of Post World War II period, European States&rsquo
efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy is shaped by the conditions of Cold War, Bipolar World and threat of Soviet expansionism towards Western Europe and characterized by the attempts such as European Defence Community, Fouchet Plan and European Political Cooperation. In the context of Post-Cold War period, European States&rsquo
efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy were shaped by ex-Yugoslavian Conflict in early 90s which brought new security challenges such as ethnic conflicts and instability in the ex-Communist States in Central and Eastern Europe. EU&rsquo
s attempts were characterized by the CFSP which was launched by the Maastricht Treaty and the CESDP which emerged after Kosovo War with Saint Malo Declaration as defence dimension of the CFSP. In the context of Post September 11 period, European States&rsquo
efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy were shaped by global fight against international terrorism. EU&rsquo
s attempts were characterized by adoption of European Security Strategy which accepted international terrorism, organized crime and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction as key threats towards Europe and aimed at developing a coherent vision of strategic objectives, shared threat assessment for European States in order to prevent divisions among EU States in future international events. The main argument of this thesis is that in order to be an important and effective actor in global politics, EU Member States should act coherently and speak with one voice. Their influence on important international issues is greater if they act as a coherent actor rather than acting individually.
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33

Margaras, Vasilis. "The development of a Brussels-based EU strategic culture : a case study of the European Security and Defence Policy." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2009. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/8142.

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The study of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) has been dominated by various mainstream theories drawn from International Relations and European Studies. These have largely neglected the role of ideas, beliefs, values and practices regarding the use of police and military instruments, in other words, the strategic culture which shapes the security and defence policies of the European Union (EU). This strategic culture of the EU has become manifest in the way ESDP officials think about the deployment of military and police resources as well as in the way they plan ESDP missions. After introducing the concept in general terms, the thesis claims that the notion of strategic culture can be applied to the EU. Various innovative models of categorisationa re provided throughout the thesis in order to describe the state of development of EU strategic culture. An analysis of the development of the strategic culture of the EU is provided since the end of the Cold War up to the year 2007. Important developments such as the institutionalisation of ESDP and the establishment of influential policy networks are considered in detail. The study also takes into account the discourse of ESDP and questions the ideas that stem from it through interviews and questionnaires with ESDP officials. A cases tudy of the police and military missions of the EU in Bosnia Herzegovina is included in order to show how ideas regarding the use of force impact on the implementation of EU missions. In conclusion, the thesis claims that the EU has its own strategic culture which is characterised by a number of behavioural/structural elements as well as by certain ideas, values, beliefs and practices.
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34

Vannaman, Tad D. "European security and defense policy the dialectics of autonomy." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Jun%5FVannaman.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Rafael Biermann. "June 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-65). Also available in print.
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35

Mikatarian, Douglas W. "West European Defense Identity : implications for U.S. Security Policy." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/24110.

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36

Falecki, Tomasz. "Poland and the European Union's security and defense Policy /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FFalecki.pdf.

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37

Abellán, Miguel Angel Medina. "The participation of Turkey in the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) : how has the European Union managed the 'involvement issue'? (1999-2009)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610608.

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38

Berg, Lisa Catherine. "The European Union's human security doctrine a critical analysis." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/March/09Mar%5FBerg.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe, Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Yost, David S. "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 23, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Human Security, European Union, European Security and Defense Policy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 45-48). Also available in print.
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39

Sarikamis, Asligul. "The Eu-nato Relations In The Post-cold War European Security: Cohabitation Or Separation?" Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12605094/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims at analyzing the EU&rsquo
s quest for autonomous defence vis-à
-vis NATO with a special reference to the ESDP. The major research question asked is what kind of relationship exists between the EU and NATO. Accordingly, the argument is that the EU&rsquo
s desire to gain autonomy through the ESDP is unlikely to pose a threat to the primacy of NATO in European Security. In this framework, firstly, the legacy of the Cold War and transition from the ESDI to the ESDP are discussed. Secondly, the political aspect of the EU-NATO relations is addressed by touching upon the views of major powers in the EU-NATO relations. The main obstacles for the development of the EU-NATO relations are explored in the third part. The last part is allocated to the recent developments in the EU-NATO relations within the post September 11 context. This thesis is concluded by suggesting that although the evolving nature of the EU-NATO relations does not provide sufficient evidence for giving a clear answer to whether the EU and NATO cohabitate or separate, the EU and NATO should strive for cohabitating and working together in a complementary and harmonious way.
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40

Grevi, Giovanni. "The common foreign, security and defence policy of the European Union: ever-closer cooperation, dynamics of regime deepening." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210673.

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“What is Europe's role in this changed world? Does Europe not, now that is finally unified, have a leading role to play in a new world order, that of a power able both to play a stabilising role worldwide and to point the way ahead for many countries and peoples?” These were two of the central questions put by the Laeken Declaration, adopted by the European Council in December 2001. The Declaration offered the beginning of an answer, pointing out the direction for future policy developments, and for the institutional reform underpinning them: “The role it has to play is that of a power resolutely doing battle against all violence, all terror and all fanaticism, but which also does not turn a blind eye to the world's heartrending injustices. In short, a power wanting to change the course of world affairs…A power seeking to set globalisation within a moral framework.” At the same time, the Laeken Declaration pointed out some more specific questions concerning the institutional innovations required to enhance the coherence of European foreign policy and to reinforce the synergy between the High Representative for CFSP and the relevant Commissioners within the RELEX family. With a view to a better distribution of competences between the EU and Member States, on the basis of the principle of subsidiarity, the text mentioned the development of a European foreign and defence policy first, and referred more particularly to the scope for updating the ‘Petersberg’ tasks of crisis management, a policy domain that would take a pivotal place in the consolidation of ESDP and CFSP at large. This Declaration marks the beginning of the process of regime reform that covers the last three years of common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union. This evolution, and the innovations that it has brought about in institutional and normative terms, are the subjects of this thesis.

The Convention on the future of Europe, set up by the Laeken Declaration, represented an important stage in the pan-European debate on the objectives, values, means and decision-making tools of CFSP. The US-led intervention in Iraq in March 2003 marked a new ‘critical juncture’ in the development of the conceptual and institutional bases of CFSP. As it was the case in the past, following major policy failures in the course of the Balkan wars, Member States sought to mend the rift that divided them in the run up to the Iraq war. In so doing, Member States agreed on a significant degree of institutional reform in the context of the Convention and of the subsequent Inter-Governmental Conference (IGC). The creation of the new position of a double-hatted Foreign Minister, as well as the envisaged rationalisation and consolidation of the instruments at his/her disposal, including a new European External Action Service (EAS), is a primary achievement in this perspective. On the defence side, a new formula of ‘permanent structured cooperation’ among willing and able Member States has been included in the Treaty Establishing the European Constitution (Constitutional Treaty), with a view to them undertaking more binding commitments in the field of defence, and fulfilling more demanding missions. Right at the time when the Iraq crisis was sending shockwaves across the political and institutional structures of the Union, and of CFSP in particular, the first ESDP civilian mission were launched, soon followed by small military operations. The unprecedented deployment of civilian and military personnel under EU flag in as many as 13 missions between 2002 and 2005 could be achieved thanks to the development of a new layer of policy-makign and crisis-management bodies in Brussels. The launch of successive ESDP operations turned out to be a powerful catalyst for the further expansion and consolidation of this bureaucratic framework and of the conceptual dimension of CFSP/ESDP. Most importantly, these and other dimensions of institutional and operational progress should be set in a new, overarching normative and political framework provided by the European Security Strategy (ESS).

Needless to say, institutional innovations are stalled following the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in the French and Dutch referenda of May/June 2005. With a view to the evolution of the CFSP regime, however, I argue in this thesis that the institutional reforms envisaged in the Constitutional Treaty are largely consistent with the unfolding normative and bureaucratic features of the regime. As illustrated in the course of my research, the institutional, bureaucratic and normative dimensions of the regime appear to strengthen one another, thereby fostering regime deepening. From this standpoint, therefore, the stalemate of institutional reform does slow down the reform of the international regime of CFSP but does not seem to alter the direction of its evolution and entail its stagnation, or even dismantling. On the contrary, I maintain that the dynamics of regime change that I detect will lead to stronger, endogenous and exogenous demands for institutional reform, whose shapes and priorities are to a large extent already included in the Constitutional treaty. This vantage point paves the way to identifying the trends underlying the evolution of the regime, but does not lead to endorsing a teleological reading of regime reform. As made clear in what follows, CFSP largely remains a matter of international cooperation with a strong (although not exclusive) inter-governmental component. As such, this international regime could still suffer serious, and potentially irreversible, blows, were some EU Member States to openly depart from its normative coordinates and dismiss its institutional or bureaucratic instances. While this scenario cannot be ruled out, I argue in this thesis that this does not seem the way forward. The institutional and normative indicators that I detect and review point consistently towards a ‘deepening’ of the regime, and closer cooperation among Member States. In other words, it is not a matter of excluding the possibility of disruptions in the evolution of the CFSP regime, but to improve the understanding of regime dynamics so as to draw a distinction between long-term trends and conjunctural crises that, so far, have not undermined the incremental consolidation of CFSP/ESDP.

Central to this research is the analysis of the institutional and normative features of the CFSP regime at EU level. The focus lies on the (increasing) difference that institutions and norms make to inter-governmental policy-making under CFSP, in the inter-play with national actors. The purpose of my research is therefore threefold. First, I investigate the functioning and development of the bureaucratic structures underpinning the CFSP regime, since their establishment in 2000/2001 up to 2005. This theoretically informed review will allow me to highlight the distinctive procedural and normative features of CFSP policy-making and, subsequently, to assess their influence on the successive stages of reform. Second, I track and interpret the unprecedented processes by which innovations have been introduced (or envisaged) at the institutional and normative level of the regime, with a focus on the Convention on the future of Europe and on the drafting of the European Security Strategy. Third, I assess the institutional and normative output of this dense stage of reform, with respect both to the ‘internal’ coherence and the deepening of the regime, and to the ‘external’ projection of the EU as an international actor in the making.

On the whole, I assume that a significant, multidimensional transition of the CFSP regime is underway. The bureaucratic framework enabling inter-governmental cooperation encourages patterned behaviour, which progressively generates shared norms and standards of appropriateness, affecting the definition of national interests. In terms of decision-making, debate and deliberation increasingly complement negotiation within Brussels-based CFSP bodies. Looking at the direction of institutional and policy evolution, the logic of ‘sharing’ tasks, decisions and resources across different (European and national) levels of governance prevails, thereby strengthening the relevance of ‘path-dependency’ and of the ‘ratchet effect’ in enhancing inter-governmental cooperation as well as regime reform.


Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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41

Turpin, Lee D. "Developing and utilising a realist-constructivist analytical framework towards understanding the European Union's Common Security and Defence Policy." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2018. http://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/125617/.

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This thesis develops and utilises a realist-constructivist framework for the purposes of analysing the development of the European Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy. This thesis challenges ‘paradigmatic thinking’ within the discipline of International Relations to demonstrate that constructivist elements are not only commensurable to realist analysis of international relations, but can bring added value to our understanding of how states’ interpret and respond to the threats and incentives of the international system. Inspired by readings of classical realism, this thesis recognises that whilst structural realism provides theoretical parsimony and elegance in its appreciation for the role of power within the international system, it lacks the necessary analytical toolkit to understand how states respond to the threats and incentives of anarchy. This is demonstrated with specific reference to the shortcomings of extant realist approaches to the complex empirical puzzle that is the Common Security and Defence Policy, which have resulted in realist theorising being relatively side-lined in relation to this policy area. To address this gap in the literature, it draws upon a neoclassical realist multi-level model of foreign policy analysis, to integrate structural realist analysis at the system-level with constructivist analysis at the unit-level. In order to demonstrate the utility of this novel framework this thesis applies it to understanding the development of the Common Security and Defence Policy, making the case that this development may be interpreted as an instance of limited transatlantic bandwagoning under unipolarity to ameliorate the ‘alliance dilemma’ – the dichotomous dangers of entrapment and abandonment by the senior partner in the alliance. However, the approaches of EU member states facing similar system-level threats and incentives to this policy area diverge. Therefore the ‘black box’ of the state is opened to explore whether the scope and pace of involvement is impacted by ideational factors at the national level. This thesis takes account of the security cultures of the United Kingdom and Germany specifically as a basis by which to understand their respective approaches towards developing security and defence cooperation through the EU. In this sense, the thesis aspires to make a contribution to the literature in both empirical and conceptual terms. The investigation into the development of the Common Security and Defence Policy is understood through reference to both material and ideational factors and the interaction between these provides empirical findings, but the thesis also formulates a realist-constructivist framework to integrate these factors into a single analysis, which has attracted limited scholarly attention thus far. Furthermore, the developed realist-constructivist analytical framework offers significant insights on the continuing relevance of the realist tradition within International Relations to complement existing scholarship, on both theoretical pluralism and the Common Security and Defence Policy. The thesis thus offers a particular formulation and demonstration of realist-constructivist synthesis, but points to further opportunities of the framework within EU and global politics.
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42

Mengi, Sezen. "Evolution Of European Security And Defense Policy And Its Prospects." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12608273/index.pdf.

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ABSTRACT EVOLUTION OF EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENSE DIMENSION AND ITS PROSPECTS Mengi, Sezen MS., Department of European Studies Supervisor: Associate Professor Dr. Sevilay Kahraman March 2007, 146 pages. This study has focused on analyzing the evolution of ESDP and developments that took place to this date concerning the European Security and Defense Dimension. Since the end of World War II and beginning of Cold War, the security and defense issue of Europe will be explored in this thesis. Later the developments that took place after the diminishment of Warsaw Pact and end of Cold War will be traced. Also the changing relationship between the US and EU with the changing global international environment will be explored in this thesis.
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43

Goodpasture, Miguel C. "Ambitions versus capabilities : the European Union's security and defense policy." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5921.

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D practices as well as in enhanced transatlantic cooperation. Achieving the goals of the ESDP will also require the EU member nations to deepen their consensus about their purposes and thereby reduce the many ambiguities that currently surround the ESDP.
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44

Violakis, Petros. "Europeanisation of the EU defence and security policy after the end of the Cold-War." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/22165.

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The aim of this study is to examine the extent to which the end of the Cold War led to Europeanisation in European Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The analysis takes into consideration previous studies on Europeanisation and its impact on the transformation of national security and defence, and attempts to account for the development of Europeanisation and related mechanisms. These mechanisms, which were described by Radaelli as framing mechanisms and negative integration, incorporate all major relevant factors identified in the thesis (i.e., a common strategic culture, new security identity, domestic political decision-making, industrial base and defence spending decline) which contribute to the realisation of the CSDP. The relevance of these factors for CSDP Europeanisation is examined through historical and empirical analysis. Furthermore, the relationship between CSDP and NATO is also explored. This approach facilitates the analysis of the debate concerning the emergence of CSDP and throws light on the political shift that led EU leaders to support CSDP. Another aspect of this study is the empirical analysis of the dynamics and limitations of the European defence sector. The changes which took place in the European defence sector facilitated the emergence of CSDP. Hence, these changes are analysed in view of globalisation issues, economies of scale, economic crises, military autonomy, new security strategy and R&D impact.
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45

Page, Greg A. "Motives for European Union Common Security and Defense Policy Mission Selection." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5802.

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The European Union (EU) currently lacks a comprehensive agreement on where the EU will engage in crisis management missions under the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) framework. This thesis investigates the motives for why the European Union engages in military or civilian operations under the framework of CSDP. Predominant research suggests the three dominant factors motivating the EU to engage in CSDP are national interests of the Member States; the EU is a supranational institution seeking to balance against the U.S.; and national political parties dominate foreign policy of the Member States. These three dominant factors lead to the development of three hypotheses for why the EU engages in military operations under the framework of CSDP. The first hypothesis suggests the EU elects to undertake CSDP missions as a means of balancing against United States' hegemony. The second hypothesis suggests the EU undertakes CSDP missions because of the national interest of the dominant nations, specifically, France, Germany, and the United Kingdom. The final hypothesis suggests that the national political parties and their political stances influence when the EU will engage in military or civilian operations under CSDP. These hypotheses are tested using three case studies to examine what the dominant factor is in CSDP mission selection. The three cases represent missions outside of Europe where there is significant risk for EU troops and, therefore, significant political risk for EU Member State politicians. The three CSDP missions used in the case study section are the EU mission EUFOR Artemis to Bunia the Democratic Republic of Congo, EUPOL Afghanistan and EUNAVFOR Somalia. After examining the three cases within the boundaries of the three hypotheses, this thesis concludes that the national interests of the dominant Member States are the most significant motive for CSDP mission selection. While the other two motives play a role in the decision-making process, they are not nearly as dominant as that of the Member States' national interests.
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46

Sari, Aurel. "The jurisdictional immunities of visiting forces under public international law : a case study of the European Security and Defence Policy." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2008. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/15973/.

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The purpose of this thesis is to identify the rules of public international law governing the jurisdictional immunities of the armed forces of one State present in the territory of another State with the latter’s consent. The thesis is divided into three main parts. The first part considers the general principles of international law governing the exercise of jurisdiction over visiting armed forces and describes the historical evolution of the jurisdictional immunities enjoyed by such forces. The second part examines the legal arrangements adopted by the European Union and its Member States in order to define the immunities of personnel acting in the context of the European Security and Defence Policy in the form of a case-study. The third part draws together and assesses the findings of the preceding-two parts. The jurisdictional immunities of visiting armed forces have received insufficient attention in the academic literature, and considerable ambiguities remain concerning the current position of customary international law in this area. The thesis argues that it is possible to identify a separate ‘law of visiting forces’ in customary international law, though it would go too far to consider this law a self-contained regime along the lines of the law of diplomatic immunity. Not only is the ‘law of visiting forces’ more rudimentary than the highly developed and detailed rules governing diplomatic relations, but a combination of factors has so far prevented the emergence of a uniform legal regime in this field. Instead, several distinct regimes governing the status of different types of visiting forces have developed in international practice, in particular the rules applied in peace support operations and those applied in the context of structured military cooperation between politically equal partners. Whenever possible, States and international organizations prefer to regulate the legal position of visiting armed forces by way of international agreements. Certain elements of these agreements have developed into norms of customary international law, yet the existence of significant variation in treaty practice means that the relevant legal arrangements have not passed into customary international law in toto.
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47

Menychtas, Charalampos. "Greek national security concerns and the European Union's common security and defense policy Consensus or divergence?" Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5515.

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One of the most important yet insufficiently researched dynamics of the European Union (EU) concerns its effectiveness in accommodating the security concerns of its members. With NATO dominating the collective security market of the old continent, the launch of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) in 1999 generated an interesting security option, and silently partitioned the NATO members of the EU into a "euro-atlanticist" and a "euro-continentalist" group, with the nonduplication of NATO being the point of contention. With Greece's major security concern deriving from Turkey, a fellow NATO member, Athens holds a firm position in the latter group, seeking to turn the evolving European defense project into a counterweight to NATO in guaranteeing Greek national security. While Greek security priorities have remained remarkably consistent, the ambitious European defense project has undergone various fluctuations, reflecting the awkward development in its evolution. As a consequence, Greece's anticipations of a CSDP commitment in its national security concerns have oscillated accordingly: periods of positive signs succeeded periods of disillusionment and vice versa. Against this background, this paper attempts to elucidate Greek perceptions of its security providers and aims to give an answer to the following question: Are Greek security concerns reflected in the CSDP? In other words, is the EU an adequate security provider for Greece? This thesis argues that the territorial security concerns of the EU's member-states, especially those of Greece, cannot be fully assuaged under the CSDP auspices. More specifically, the CSDP does not adequately address Greek national interests, if defending these interests entails a European military response.
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48

Hannes, Miguel Diogo Benito Garcia. "O recurso da Comissão Europeia a comunidades epistémicas para legitimar iniciativas relativas à política comum de segurança e defesa." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/14264.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais
A crescente instabilidade nas fronteiras externas da União Europeia tem reacendido o debate sobre a segurança e defesa europeia, numa altura em que ocorre uma reorientação geopolítica à escala global. A Política Comum de Segurança e Defesa (PCSD), capturada pelo método intergovernamental tem sido uma afirmação simbólica da vontade dos estados-membros em ver reconhecido o papel global que a União Europeia pode vir a desempenhar. Contudo, e apesar dos avanços institucionais ocorridos com o Tratado de Lisboa, os estados-membros continuam a prosseguir uma política de segurança e defesa quase exclusivamente por via nacional baseada num mercado de defesa fragmentado e pouco eficiente. A falta de harmonização e de coordenação nesta matéria torna a materialização da PESC uma realidade distante. A Comissão Europeia, garante do método supranacional, tem sido a instituição que mais esforços dirigiu na última década para atingir uma PESC funcional. Dado que pela letar-gia e relutância dos estados-membros, o modelo intergovernamental para a segurança e defesa europeia não concretizou os objetivos desejados, a Comissão Europeia tomou o papel de policy-entrepreneur. Nesta dissertação explora-se como a Comissão Europeia procura munir-se de legitimidade, através da criação de uma comunidade epistémica governamental para propor novos mecanismos de financiamento para a segurança e defesa europeia baseados no método comunitário, o que poderá permitir o financiamento de projetos de defesa com fundos comunitários.
The European Commission use of epistemic communities to legitimize initiatives regarding the Common Security and Defence Policy The increasing instability on the European Union’s external borders has reignited the debate about European security and defence, when big geopolitical shifts are happening around the globe. The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), captured by the intergovernmental method, has only been a symbolic statement of the will of member-states to affirm a global role for the European Union. Despite the institutional advances with the Lisbon Treaty, mem-ber-states still rely on an almost exclusively national security and defence policy based on a fragmented and inefficient defence market. The lack of harmonization and coordination hin-ders the materialization of the CSDP. The European Commission, guardian of the suprana-tional method, has been the institution which has undertaken more efforts for a functional CSDP. Given that the intergovernmental method hasn´t produced the desired objectives by the lethargy and reluctance of member-states, the European Commission has taken the role of policy-entrepreneur. This thesis explores how the European Commission gains legitimacy trough the creation of a governmental epistemic community to propose new financial mecha-nisms for European security and defence based on the community method. This can pave the way for EU funding of defence projects.
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49

Fakitsas, Miltiadis. "A common European security and defense policy in the European Union : Greek policy and strategy on ESDP /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FFakitsas%5F2.pdf.

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Abstract:
Thesis (M.A.. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Edwin R. Micewski. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.
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50

Rupp, Vendela. "Fall in Line or Fall Behind? : Cooperation in cyberspace between the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the European Union." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-8357.

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Abstract:
This study explores the relationship between the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the European Union in cyberspace. The two organisations have differing approaches to combat threats from cyberspace but are continuously deepening their cooperative efforts. The former is arguably militarising the domain and is less inclined to share information with outside parties, while the latter is more willing in this respect but is struggling to balance a free and open Internet with a secure one. NATO’s focus on cyber defence and the EU’s focus on cyber security is connected to the organisations’ different identities as security actors. The difference is identifiable in the Joint Declaration on EU-NATO Cooperation established in 2016. While cyber defence and cyber security are notable in texts, it is yet to be determined how the respective organisations’ differing focus impacts their cooperation in cyberspace. The purpose of this study is thus to investigate the continuation of the Joint-Declaration given NATO and the EU’s different frameworks to combat cyberthreats. The study will use Michel Foucault’s Security Dispositive theory by looking at normalising discourses within the organisations’ respective agendas influenced by various cyberattacks in the 21st century. NATO focuses on developing offensive as well as defensive cyber capabilities while the EU primarily presents a more passive strategy. Considering the Alliance’s ability to set demands on partner actors, results suggested that the Joint Declaration is able to continue if the EU falls in line with the precedent set by NATO as the organisation continues to expand its militarising discourse of cyberspace.
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