Academic literature on the topic 'European Union countries – Foreign economic relations – China'
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Journal articles on the topic "European Union countries – Foreign economic relations – China"
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Babic, Blagoje. "China-European union relations: A developing geoeconomic axis." Medjunarodni problemi 62, no. 3 (2010): 418–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1003418b.
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China and the European Union are very interested in developing their mutual relations. They strengthen their positions in the world business by their co-ordinated acting. In their mutual relations, they apply Geoeconomics? methods. They do not regard each other as a military threat but as one of the main economic partners. Their economies are highly complementary. ?The common economic interests? have a decisive role in China EU policy and EU China policy, respectively. EU is China?s largest economic partner. It is its largest export market, the largest source of new technologies and equipment and one of the largest sources for foreign investments. China is the second important source of industrial products import to EU and the fastest growing export market for EU. The EU enlargement to the East both favourably and unfavourably affects China?s interests. The main cause of friction in China-EU relations is a high Chinese surplus in their mutual trade, high competitiveness of Chinese products on the EU market and China?s pursuit of energy sources in the parts of the world that Western countries, including the leading EU member states, regard as traditionally ?forbidden? such as the Middle East and Africa. China and EU have created mechanisms to settle conflicts of interest in their mutual trade through dialogue.
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KHAIETSKA, OLHA. "ANALYSIS OF PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF UKRAINE’S FOREIGN TRADE WITH EU COUNTRIES." "EСONOMY. FINANСES. MANAGEMENT: Topical issues of science and practical activity", no. 4(58) (December 24, 2021): 132–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37128/2411-4413-2021-4-9.
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The article analyzes the peculiarities of Ukraine’s foreign trade with other countries, including the EU countries. The development of foreign trade is important for the analysis of the economic situation of the country, reflects the attitude of the world’s countries to domestic production. The trajectory of foreign trade development is determined. It forms reserves for increasing the level of international trade relations and increases the competitiveness of Ukrainian production. The dynamics of changes in the geographical and commodity structure of international trade in goods and services during 2018-2020 is given, the share of the European Union in foreign trade, which is a key trading partner of Ukraine, is determined. The main groups of goods and services exported and imported by Ukraine are studied. The main reasons for the decrease in foreign trade turnover are substantiated. In addition, it was established that the main partner countries of Ukraine in international trade are China, Poland, the United States, Germany and the EU countries. The important component of Ukraine’s foreign trade is international trade in agricultural products. The article presents statistical data on the commodity structure of agricultural exports with the EU countries. Ukraine’s relations in the field of trade in agricultural products became important after the signing of the Association between Ukraine and the EU, which ensures the irreversibility of Ukraine’s European integration and it is priority for socially important reforms. It is studied that in order to improve Ukraine's foreign economic trade with the European Union, it is necessary to implement measures to modernize key export-oriented sectors of the economy, improve cooperation with other countries, pursue effective foreign economic policy, and strengthen the position of domestic manufacturers in foreign markets of goods and services. It is noted that cooperation with the European Union is one of the main priorities of Ukraine’s foreign economic policy. The article presents ways to improve Ukraine’s foreign trade and directions of improvement of foreign trade activity.
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Shi, Fangjun. "A Preliminary Research on the Art Exchange Activities Between China and the GDR from 1949 to 1989." Studies in Art and Architecture 1, no. 1 (December 2022): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.56397/saa.2022.12.04.
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After the end of the Second World War, Germany was divided into two parts. The political, economic, cultural, and artistic policies implemented by the German Democratic Republic (also known as East Germany), dominated by socialist ideology, followed the pace of the Soviet Union. At the beginning of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, it maintained friendly and cooperative relations with Eastern European countries such as the GDR. It organized a variety of exchange activities at the cultural level. From the perspective of the sociology of art, this paper discusses the foreign exchange strategies of the founding of China and the Eastern European countries that were also socialist camps, especially the art development of the GDR. At the same time, it sorts out the art exchange activities and interactive trajectories between China and the GDR from 1949 to 1989, thus deepening the understanding of cultural exchanges with foreign countries during the construction of China.
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Duan, Cheche, Yicheng Zhou, Dehong Shen, Shengqiao Lin, Wei Gong, József Popp, and Judit Oláh. "The Misunderstanding of China’s Investment, and a Clarification: “Faustian Bargain” or “Good Bargain”? On the OFDI Data of Central and Eastern Europe." Sustainability 13, no. 18 (September 14, 2021): 10281. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su131810281.
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The close development of the economic relations between China and Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) since 2012 has triggered the European Union’s criticism of China’s foreign policy towards Eastern European countries. The European Union believes that China’s investment growth has led to a governance crisis in CEE countries. Based on the global governance indicators of the World Bank and the outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) data of the Ministry of Commerce of China, this paper conducts a test using the panel data model and the regression discontinuity method. An imbalanced panel dataset is adopted, covering 16 CEE countries from 2000 to 2018. The empirical research results indicate that, representing a small proportion of the investment inflows to CEE countries, China is not yet able to exert a domination effect on the region, and China’s economic power is far less than the European Union’s regulatory influence. Furthermore, China’s share of the OFDI in CEE has a U-shaped effect on the regulatory quality of host countries, and the two have a mutually causal relationship. Specifically, the impact on the host country’s regulatory quality is first manifested in the Shanghai effect, and when China’s share reaches a certain level, it is manifested in the California effect. The U-shaped effect is associated with the strategic factors of CEE countries and China’s positive contribution to good global governance.
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Choi, Chong-Ki. "The Northern Policy of the Republic of Korea -how to Approach the Soviet Union and East European Countries-." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 5 (December 31, 1990): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps01005.
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Of the Sixth Republic's many policies, the northern policy is most successful. The term, "northern policy" includes all the diplomatic activities and policies to improve relations with the communist countries-the Soviet Union, China, and other East European countries. There are some backgrounds in implementing this policy. In domestic dimension, weak legitimacy of the Sixth Republic and nationalistic desire for reunification of divided nation became a significant background. Economic difficulty-especially the stagnation of exports can not be overlooked as well. From international perspective, Gorbachev's new thinking and change of American Foreign policies are a significant background. As everyone knows, northern policy gives rise to noteworthy achievement in many fields. But there are also various obstacles to implementation of northern policy. South Korea has legal obstacles, such as a security law and various political obstacles. Political and economic situation in socialist countries raises serious problems. International political situation is more or less helpful to implementing northern policy. Drawing upon the above-mentioned obstacles, I would like to suggest how South Korea should approach socialist countries. First, the existing alliance system in Northeast Asia should be taken into account. Second, due attention should be paid to the national interest of all countries concerned. Third, South Korea should not seek isolation of North Korea by pushing nothern policy. There are other ways to approach socialist countries, but I emphasize non-governmental contacts.
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Shanshieva, Larisa. "BALKAN VECTOR OF BELARUS FOREIGN POLICY (LATE XX - EARLY XXI CENTURIES)." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.12.
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The article examines the Balkan vector of the Belarus’ foreign policy in the context of the concept of a multi-vector policy. It is noted that the Republic of Belarus (RB), created as an independent state after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, initially attached great importance to the establishment of mutually beneficial relations with different countries. This approach laid the foundation for the subsequent formation of the named concept. The thesis is expressed that the implementation of a multi-vector policy entailed certain contradictions. They were based on the need to constantly maintain a balance in relations between the Republic of Belarus and countries that have different economic and political systems and are members of various regional associations. On the one hand, Belarus has established strong allied relations with Russia and joined organizations such as the EAEU and the CSTO. On the other hand, it actively established trade and economic relations with the countries of the European Union, as well as with China and the United States. The main attention is paid to the Balkan vector of international cooperation of the Republic of Belarus, first of all to the Belarusian-Serbian relations. It is noted that the Belarusian leadership sought to cooperate with other Balkan countries, involving them in the orbit of trade and economic ties in the EAEU markets. The main research methods are the content analysis method and the predictive method. The author analyzes the features of the modern political situation in Belarus, caused by the ambiguous results of the presidential elections on August 9, 2020. It is concluded that the confrontation between the authorities and society will have negative consequences for the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus, for its relations with other states, including the Balkans.
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Dimitrijevic, Dusko. "The relations of Serbia and the People’s Republic of China at the beginning of the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 1 (2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1801049d.
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The current relations of the Republic of Serbia with the People?s Republic of China (hereinafter: Serbia and China) are conditioned by many political, economic, legal and social factors. The mentioned factors point to the existence of asymmetry in many aspects which, however, is not an issue that implies that the two parties can not develop good and friendly relations. In the historical and international legal sense, the relations of the two countries are characterized by the continuity of diplomatic relations established on January 2, 1955, between the then Federal People's Republic Yugoslavia and the People's Republic of China. Serbia as the successor state of SFR Yugoslavia continues to treat China as one of its most important partners in international relations, which is manifested through the foreign policy course, according to which China is one of the main ?pillars? of Serbia's foreign policy alongside the European Union, Russia and the United States. The mere reference to the main ?pillars? in Serbia's foreign policy orientation indicates that China is a key player in world politics and a great power with which Serbia needs to build relations of a ?comprehensive strategic partnership?. It is not surprising, therefore, that the deepening of the Serbian-Chinese relations on a bilateral and multilateral level (especially within the UN, regional international organizations and political forums such as the 16 + 1 mechanism between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe) contributed to better strategic positioning of Serbia in modern international relations.
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Novitskiy, E. R. "Latin American states cooperation with the United States of America and the European Union." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 3 (September 28, 2019): 54–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-3-54-58.
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Both the political and economic role of the Latin American region has increased significantly in the modern world. The largest Latin American countries have emerged as major regional players. In this regard, the analysis of the current foreign policy relations of the region is of particular interest and relevance for this research. Many key actors in the international arena are now paying increasing attention to the region. For a long time, the main partners of Latin American countries in various fields have been the USA and the European Union (EU), which have long historical ties with the region. However, against the backdrop of increased interest in the region on the part of other major international players, in particular China, the positions of both the US and the EU may have been weakened.
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Witkowska, Janina. "The European Union’s Screening Framework for Foreign Direct Investment: Consequences for External Relations." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 23, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1508-2008.23.02.
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The Lisbon Treaty gives the European Union (EU) institutions new external competences, including foreign direct investment (FDI) in the common trade policy. Using these competences the European Commission formulated a proposal for a regulation establishing the screening framework for FDI, which entered into force in April 2019. The aim of this paper is to discuss the issue of FDI screening as an element of policies towards FDI applied by developed countries, to assess the justifications for its introduction, as well as the potential consequences of the screening framework for inflowing FDI into the EU. A need to protect the EU’s strategic economic interests in relations with third countries was the reason for the introduction of the new tool at the EU level. The new system of screening FDI inflows into the EU is not centralized. The right to screen remains the sole responsibility of the Member States. The co-ordination mechanism at the level of the EU which has been constructed seems to give guarantees that common interests will be protected. The economic and political consequences of the EU’s screening framework for FDI should be foreseen. Apart from administrative and compliance costs, as well as uncertainty and delays related to investment decision processes, two categories of potential consequences seem to be important. These are the expected reduced access to capital by some Member States, especially the ‘new’ ones, and the worsening of relations with external partners, especially China.
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Bazavluk, Sergei V., Konstantin P. Kurylev, and Leonid V. Savin. "Eurasianism, Eurasian Economic Union and Multipolarity: Assessments of Foreign Experts." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 30–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-1-30-42.
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Eurasianism, in its various interpretations, from ideology to the implementation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) programs, is regarded as one of the strategies of creating a multipolar world order. This article analyzes the views and assessments of foreign authors regarding the relationship between Eurasianism and the EAEU amid the changing international context. The authors present both critical and positive opinions on Eurasianism, Eurasian integration and its political and economic interlinkages with other countries and associations (China, Vietnam, the European Union (EU), Latin America). Thus, we identify three main lines of assessments on Eurasianism and Eurasian integration. The first includes negative assessments ranging from characterizing Eurasianism and the EAEU as a threat to the EU, the US, and the West in general to deliberate misinformation about the Eurasian ideology, for instance, denoting Eurasianism as parafascism. The second comprises more pragmatic and balanced views, with an emphasis on economic cooperation, which may imply cooperation with the EAEU and acceptance of the Eurasian integration if specific conditions are met, or cessation of such cooperation. The third group includes positive assessments and emphasizes the need for more intensive interaction between the EAEU and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. Such views are generally held by Russian and Chinese authors. Non-Russian conceptions of Eurasianism that gained popularity in Turkey or Kazakhstan are ideologically close to the classic Eurasianism and the EAEU, although these conceptions take a distinctive national shape. The article provides some examples of interregional cooperation promoted by the EAEU within the BRICS under the outreach model, i.e., adding new dimensions to existing cooperation formats. The authors arrive at a conclusion that most often the assessments of Eurasian integration and cooperation proposals by foreign experts are tied to Russian foreign policy (or experts opinion of it). They often find interconnections between EAEU, Eurasianism and Russian policy, which emphasize Russian identity as a marker of distinctive civilization. The article also notes comments of Russian authors on the EAEU - EU relations. The research is based on comparative analysis of analytical and research publications on the subject.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "European Union countries – Foreign economic relations – China"
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Peng, Dan Ni. "The EU-China trade relations in the context of economic globalization." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555591.
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Yang, Zi Wei. "Economic integration in Greater China : drawing lessons from European Union." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555596.
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Zhong, Xiao Fei. "China and the EU : competition and cooperation in the Caspian region." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555549.
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Tan, Bo. "Impact of EU enlargement on EU-China trade." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554733.
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Wang, Jia. "Research on EU regional policy : its selective mechanisms, effects and role for EU integration, with reflections on its possible meaning for China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555597.
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Tian, Han Bo. "The conflict between bilateralism and multilateralism in complicated EU-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555573.
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Bi, Si Wei. "Impact of EU green directives on China's exports." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555560.
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Zhang, Hong. "The study of EU's anti-dumping decision against China steel industry." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3953525.
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Wu, Yan Ni. "The EU development aid policy : evolution, legal basis, features, effectiveness and its role in the EU-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2099266.
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De, Matteis Pietro. "Sino-European energy, environmental and climate change diplomacy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610458.
Full textBooks on the topic "European Union countries – Foreign economic relations – China"
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R, Kunzmann Klaus, Schmid Willy A, and Koll-Schretzenmayr Martina 1967-, eds. China and Europe: The implications of the rise of China for European space. London: Routledge, 2010.
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R, Kunzmann Klaus, Schmid Willy A, and Koll-Schretzenmayr Martina 1967-, eds. China and Europe: The implications of the rise of China for European space. London: Routledge, 2010.
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R, Kunzmann Klaus, Schmid Willy A, and Koll-Schretzenmayr Martina 1967-, eds. China and Europe: The implications of the rise of China for European space. London: Routledge, 2010.
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R, Kunzmann Klaus, Schmid Willy A, and Koll-Schretzenmayr Martina 1967-, eds. China and Europe: The implications of the rise of China as a global economic power for Europe. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009.
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European Integration in a Global Economy: CESEE and the Impact of China and Russia. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 2012.
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Yoo, Tae Hwan. A brief appraisal of India's economic and political relations with China, Japan, ASEAN, the EU and the U.S. Seoul, Korea: Korea Institute for International Economic Policy, 2005.
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China and the global financial crisis: A comparison with Europe. New York, NY: Routledge, 2012.
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Remaking global order: The evolution of Europe-China relations and its implications for East Asia and the United States. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009.
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1955-, Lister Marjorie, and Europe and the Developing Countries Conference (1996 : London, England), eds. European Union development policy. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998.
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China, the European Union and global governance. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 2012.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "European Union countries – Foreign economic relations – China"
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Martenczuk, Bernd. "Cooperation with Developing and Other Third Countries: Elements of a Community Foreign Policy." In External Economic Relations and Foreign Policy in the European Union, 385–417. Vienna: Springer Vienna, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7091-6156-2_12.
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Patey, Luke. "What Is Best for Europe?" In How China Loses, 158–95. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190061081.003.0007.
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Across European and Western liberal market democracies, China’s rise exposes friction between economic interests and political values and challenge common foreign and security policy in the European Union. From positions of economic weakness, Greece, Hungary, and Portugal have blocked or watered down common security, human rights, and economic positions in the regional body. Beijing’s formation of a formal group with Central and Eastern European countries, the so-called 17+1, is similarly seen in Brussels as a “divide and rule” tactic. Yet while European governments receive ample criticism for neglecting their political values in order to advance economic relations with China, the economic importance of China to the EU is rarely scrutinized. For large member states like Germany and France, and smaller ones such as Denmark and Norway, trade and investment with China does not produce a relationship of economic dependency for the EU as commonly perceived, particularly as China’s state capitalist system produces new competition for European companies. Beijing’s infringements on European democratic values and competitive economic pressures are changing the public discourse on China, but without a collective response, economic relations with China will only become more asymmetric than they are today.
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Smith, Michael E. "8. Implementation." In International Relations and the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737322.003.0008.
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This chapter examines the policy instruments used by the European Union to translate its common interests into collective action in the international arena. It first considers the problem of implementation in EU foreign policy before discussing the EU's own resources in external relations/third countries as well as the role of member states' resources in EU's external relations. It then explores the instruments of EU foreign policy, which can be grouped into diplomatic, economic, and military/civilian capabilities. It also analyses the credibility and capability gaps in the EU's policy implementation, noting that there exists a key divide between the ‘low politics’ of economic affairs and the ‘high politics’ of security/defence affairs. The chapter suggests that the EU's unique capacity for policy implementation in the area of international relations can be very erratic.
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Reis, Francisca Costa, Weiyuan Gao, and Vineet Hegde. "The EU’s engagement with foreign powers on human rights." In The European Union and Human Rights, 265–92. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198814191.003.0013.
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With a mandate under the Lisbon Treaty, the European Union (EU) has been engaging with foreign powers like Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) nations on human rights issues. Despite the common and shared goals, the BRICS set-up is not institutionalised, which prompts the EU to engage with each country on a bilateral basis. Such collaborations have occurred in bilateral dialogues, multilateral fora, through developmental assistance, and negotiations in economic partnership agreements. The scope and content of the discussions and cooperation vary due to the difference in the political structures of the countries. While the EU and the BRICS may share some common goals politically and economically, pursuing shared objectives related to democracy and human rights promotion remains challenging. These countries may believe in human rights protection, but the understandings and the approaches vary drastically, as visible when issues of sovereignty and non-intervention are raised to resist comprehensive discussions. Although the BRICS are emerging as an interconnected group and have begun to cooperate more closely in multilateral fora, the EU may also have to consider dealing with it in its institutional capacity. It could be more challenging to fulfill the mandate of the Lisbon Treaty for the EU while dealing with this cohesive group that has different understandings on human rights protection within their own states.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "25. Economic Problems in the West and the Economic Rise of China in the East." In International Relations Since 1945, 612–32. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807612.003.0025.
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This chapter examines the shift in global balance that began in the post-2007 economic crisis. For a considerable time before the 2008 crisis, the United States and most European states had been living on high levels of debt both national and individual, public and private. Manufacturing in the developed West, and its provision of secure jobs for many workers, was undermined by the new economic environment of globalization, as well as the growth of cheaper manufacturing in China and the other BRIC countries. A new epoch of financial capitalism, which had emerged since the 1980s, was in full swing by the start of the Noughties. The chapter first considers the post-2007 economic crisis, before discussing the continuing rise of China and Russian foreign policy under Vladimir Putin. It concludes with an assessment of international reactions to China’s rise, including those of East Asia, international organizations, and Taiwan.
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Song, Jingyi. "Legacy of the Exclusion Act and Chinese Americans’ Experience." In Sino-American Relations. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463726368_ch02.
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The core of the new cold war is racism. The race issue cannot be isolated to US policies in relationship with other countries, nor to its domestic policies. The world was dragged into more than half a century of Cold War between the two major camps of the Soviet Union and the United States. Meanwhile, the rise of China in global affairs and its rapid economic and technological development alarmed the United States and its European allies. Taking the neo-Churchillian view of the post-war globe, and sticking to old playbooks, the old WWII reenactors envision China as an autocratic foil against which democracy wages a global struggle.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "28. Threats to the Existing Global Order: Challenges from the East." In International Relations Since 1945, 687–708. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807612.003.0028.
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This chapter considers challenges from Russia, North Korea, and China. The first section describes Vladimir Putin’s acquisition and retention of power, and his antagonistic approach towards former members of the Soviet Union. Russia’s rift with the West was exacerbated by its annexation of Crimea and military intervention in Syria. The second section discusses tensions arising from North Korea’s nuclear policy, and attempts by Donald Trump and Kim Jong-un to achieve a lasting peace agreement. The third section examines the economic growth of China, the development of its international role since joining the WTO, its increasing military strength, and its foreign policy. The chapter concludes with an assessment of the opportunities and the geopolitical risks for Asia and China while the influence of the United States, European Union, and Russia wanes.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "25. The Shifting Global Balance." In International Relations Since 1945. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199693061.003.0032.
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This chapter examines the shift in global balance that began in the post-2007 economic crisis. For a considerable time before the 2008 crisis, the United States and most European states had been living on high levels of debt both national and individual, public and private. Manufacturing in the developed West, and its provision of secure jobs for many workers, was undermined by the new economic environment of globalization, as well as the growth of cheaper manufacturing in China and the other BRIC countries. A new epoch of financial capitalism, which had emerged since the 1980s, was in full swing by the start of the Noughties. The chapter first considers the post-2007 economic crisis before discussing the continuing rise of China and Russian foreign policy under Vladimir Putin. It concludes with an assessment of international reactions to China’s rise, including those of East Asia, international organizations, and Taiwan.
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Erlbacher, Friedrich. "Article 215 TFEU." In The EU Treaties and the Charter of Fundamental Rights. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198759393.003.344.
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Article 301 EC Where a decision, adopted in accordance with Chapter 2 of Title V of the Treaty on European Union, provides for the interruption or reduction, in part or completely, of economic and financial relations with one or more third countries, the Council, acting by a qualified majority on a joint proposal from the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the Commission, shall adopt the necessary measures. It shall inform the European Parliament thereof.
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Neszmélyi, György Iván. "Taiwan’s Social and Economic Challenges." In OBIC book series, 15–39. Budapest Business School, University of Applied Sciences, Oriental Business and Innovation Center (OBIC), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.29180/9786156342393_1.
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When we read or talk about Taiwan, we attribute a number of ideas and thoughts about a distant island from Europe which was one of the well-known East Asian economic miracles, the so-called Asian new industrialized economies (ANIEs), together with Hong Kong, Singapore, and the Republic of Korea (ROK). The rich bibliography describing and analyzing the background of the spectacular economic development of these economies also mentioned these famous fours as tigers, dragons and ANICs (Asian newly industrialized countries). No need to say, the latter is not punctual, as Hong Kong—contrary to Singapore and the ROK—is not a country, but since 1997, a special administrative region (SAR) of the People’s Republic of China. Moreover, with the exception of a few countries, Taiwan is also not recognized as an independent state, but as a part of China. Members of the European Union and all other significant powers in the world consider Taiwan as an important entity in terms of its economic performance, and in fact, with its own currency and financial and corporate system, Taiwan has its own economy, but in the international political arena, Taiwan is not considered as an independent entity. It is radically different, than it was before the early 1970s, when Taiwan, the so-called Republic of China, represented China in the United Nations’ Security Council. So, for several decades now, Taiwan has to act in international isolation in terms of political relations, but in terms of trade, business, sports, culture, education, and many other fields, it developed a wide range of cooperation with most countries of the world.The relations between Taiwan and the “Mainland”, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) have also undergone important changes. Even though Beijing considers Taiwan as a renegade province, the trade and investment relations between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait became intensive. The PRC needs semiconductors and other state of art technologies while Taiwan needs growing export market opportunities. Nowadays, PRC is far the biggest trade partner of Taiwan, by and large 30-40 percent of the Taiwanese export is purchased by the PRC.The economic ties became really strong, therefore, contrary to militant rhetoric of politicians, PRC has no interest to get the control back over Taiwan by military force, unless the government in Taipei declares its independence.
Conference papers on the topic "European Union countries – Foreign economic relations – China"
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Ganiev, Junus, and Damira Baigonushova. "Prospects for Exchange Rate Cooperation in the Eurasian Economic Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02266.
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Foreign exchange risk is one of the main factors affecting foreign trade and foreign investment activities. The exchange rate instability in the Eurasian Economic Union members and in Turkey, which is one of the Union’s major economic partners, constitutes one of the major economic problems. This situation inevitably affects the foreign economic relations of the countries. Therefore, the leaders of most countries such Turkey and Russia are encouraging to use national currencies in economic relations to reduce the dependence on the dollar, to provide stability in the foreign exchange market and to reduce the risk of exchange rate. One of the basic conditions for the success of these initiatives is the stability of exchange rates between national currencies. This study examines the fluctuations of exchange rates among national currencies of EAEU members and Turkey. The ERM implementation of the European Union and its applicability will be discussed as a solution.
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Nagy, Péter Artúr. "Effects of the Global Financial Crisis on the V4." In The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged: Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2020.proc.7.
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The aim of the research is to explore the development of trade relations between the Visegrád countries and their major Western European partners since accession to the European Union. The topic is currently an important one, as the Visegrád region is highly dependent on Western European countries, especially in the area of foreign trade. The research analyzed how the 2008-2009 global economic crisis and the subsequent sovereign debt crisis in Europe affected these trade relationships, i.e. did it cause significant changes in levels of relationship and/or trends. To answer this question, this paper used a time-series analysis method called Interrupted Time Series Analysis. As a result, statistically significant changes in the level and trend of foreign trade relations between the Visegrád countries and their Western European partners were detected. Finally, a more detailed breakdown of product groups also revealed which product groups are most responsible for slowing down the growth of trade relations.
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Fynchina, Khicheza. "Development of Trade Relations of the Kyrgyz Republic with Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c12.02454.
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The progressive development of the economy of each country in the context of globalization is to a large extent determined by its foreign trade activities. Individual entrepreneurship of the Kyrgyz Republic was the locomotive for the development of trade cooperation with many countries of the far abroad, among which Turkey is one of the leaders. Sources of research: statistical data. The main methods of cognition: analysis, synthesis, logical sequence. Key findings: The participation of the Kyrgyz Republic in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) contributed to the revival of trade relations of the Kyrgyzstan with the EAEU members and other countries. The structure of foreign trade has improved: leading export growth compared to import growth. The pace of development of foreign trade relations shows that the participation of Kyrgyzstan in the EAEU is not a deterrent to its integration into the world trade community. The production orientation of imports from Turkey and China showed the basis for restoring the production potential of the light industry of Kyrgyzstan. An analysis of official data on foreign trade of Kyrgyzstan and mirror statistics of key partner countries revealed the problem of the presence of inaccuracy in the statistics of foreign trade of Kyrgyzstan and possible budget losses. The principles of building a new relationship between a man and society under the influence of the Covid-19 pandemic will be based on the rationalization of consumption and production. This will be the basis for the restoration and development of foreign trade of the Kyrgyz Republic.
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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad, and Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. "MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY”." In Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.
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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.
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Cieślik, Ewa. "THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN ECONOMIES IN THE ERA OF INDUSTRY 4.0 AND CHINESE DIGITAL SILK ROAD." In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2022.0018.
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Over the recent decades, the changes in the paradigm of international trade have been observed. As the result of decreasing of trade barriers as well as the reduction in trade costs allowed companies to divide their production into stages and to locate it in different countries according to their competitive advantage. Eventually, the production process has become more fragmented, both geographically and vertically. It means that intermediate products are shipped across boarders many times and every exporting economy provides some value added according to its competitive advantage. As a result, global value chains have become one of the most important feature of international trade. Following (Gereffi & Fernandez-Stark, 2011), in this study global value chains are defined as “the full range of activities that firms and workers do to bring a product from its conception to its end use”. Humphrey and Schmitz (2002) pointed out four types of upgrading in global value chains: product, process, functional and chain. Product and process upgrading involve companies retaining their positions in global value chains by enhancing productivity gains through adopting new product processes or “new configurations of product mix”. Thus, functional upgrading involves a slicing up the global value chains into new activity which generates higher value added, e.g. own brand manufacturing. In turn, chain upgrading involves a going up to new activity, which needs higher skills and capital and value added. Milberg and Winkler (2013) offered similar classifications of upgrading. Production fragmentation has caused a rapid increase in trade in intermediate goods as often companies offshore an intermediate stage of production process. Offshoring production has been typical to manufacturing (Timmer, et al., 2012), however, services have been often overlooked, but play a major role, especially in supporting global value chains (Kommerskollegium 2013). In turn, Digital Silk Road, announced in 2015, has become a significant part of Chinese Belt and Road Initiative strategy. China has implemented this strategy as a part of its long-term technological plan, under which China provides support to its exporters, including many well-known technology companies and builds a network of cooperation with selected countries in the field of technology, including ICT infrastructure, services, 5G networks, e-commerce, etc. China's rapid technological changes must not go unnoticed by trading partners, including analysed European countries, which, to maintain international competitiveness, are increasing the technological advancement and enhancing market protection against Chinese technology. Until recently, the value added from China to European countries was concentrated mainly on medium technology industries and value added from Europe to China focused more on advanced goods and services. Nowadays, there is a redirection of Chinese value added to high-tech activities (including service activities), which reflects China's ambition to build an economy that leads to innovation and industry 4.0. The transition of the CEE states’ economic and political systems initiated in the early 1990s, earned them the EU membership in 2004. The accession to the EU’s structures meant that these countries achieved the free-market economy status and they should be treated as the full member of the global business networks. Moreover, the decline in trade costs (transport and transaction), greater openness of their market and the removal of trade barriers have all helped the CEE states to join global value chains. Hence, the CEE economies are going to be more heavily involved in global production linkages. Many empirical studies have presented the close and dynamic integration of these countries with the EU market (especially the EU-15) and in a more limited scope with the whole global economy as well (Behar and Freund 2011). Generally, democratisation, the strengthening of political and economic relations (particularly with the EU), and the modernisation of many sectors (including financial sector, more advanced industries), were common elements of the CEE countries long-term development policies. One of their priorities was the redirection of foreign trade towards the EU and joining the global production linkages where China has become the core producer. Recently, the role of the economy in global value chains is more determined by the advancement of value added that it offers. Companies move toward services and innovations in the business model (Nenenen & Storbacka, 2010) and introduce industry 4.0 (Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung, 2016). A symptom of these novelty is a concept of servicification of manufacturing (Neely et al. 2011) and cross-sectoral connections, which have reconstructed traditional global value chains (Naude et al. 2019) and, together with Industry 4.0, is expected to change the landscape of global manufacturing. As a result of facilitation of manufacturing, economies placed in the downstream market can improve their role in global value chains. In Europe, this can be an opportunity for most Central and Eastern European countries. Analyzing changes in CEE’s role in technological global value chains, we should take into account its two most important value-added suppliers: China and Germany, as well as their most important value-added buyer - Germany. These three economies established a sort of value added flows triangle. The regional supply chains built by Germany in the CEE allowed it to maintain a comparative advantage in sectors important for the economy, while helping the CEE countries join global value chains, positively influencing economic growth, but also reducing them to entities operating in less advanced stages of production (Jacoby, 2010; Fortwengel, 2011). Today, Germany also cooperates strongly with China (as a result of Digital Silk Road), and the CEE economies (especially the Visegrad Group) are increasingly dependent on Chinese value added, still linked to German value added. The most visible connections can be found in automotive and electronics. Hence, the question is: how strong are these links in servicification of manufacturing and whether there are visible trends in value-added flows in between this triangle in the era of industry 4.0 and Chinese Digital Silk Road. The research question seems to be relevant, thus in the subject literature, little is known about the mentioned relations (Roland Berger, 2021). The research method based on the analysis of data from the OECD Trade in Value Added databases, containing the world input-output tables for the period 2005–2018. The system of balance equations in the input-output model for one economy has been adopted to a multi-economy model. The model is described in more detail in (Koopman et al. 2013 or Hummels et al, 2001) and is based on the decomposition of gross exports. The method includes not only estimates of total value added in global value chains, but also calculations at both the mezoeconomic level and cross-sectoral flows of value added (including servicification of manufacturing). The results of analysis showed that most relations between economies continued to deepen the imbalance in flows of value added. The CEE economies are making their manufacturing increasingly dependent on advanced services (both from Germany and China). On the other hand, the share of CEE services to Chinese and German manufacturing is decreasing or remains steady. However, some trends could be observed in the last years, especially between Germany and China. German manufacturing is starting to rely more on Chinese value added (information and communication technologies services and the subgroup computer programming, consultancy and information services activities in manufacturing, information and communication technologies services' value added in transport equipment), although previously Germany provided more of these services to China. In telecommunications in manufacturing between CEE and Germany, the trend has turned against CEE. However, there was no direct compensation between pairs of economies, but the decrease in German value-added flows to China resulted in a much larger increase in value-added from China in German manufacturing. If the presented changes in flows were to reflect the effectiveness of Chinese industry 4.0 and Digital Silk Road. These strategies serve their purposes and increases not only the advancement of Chinese value-added exports, but also makes important economies dependent on this added value. On the contrary, the industry 4.0 strategy in CEE has not improved its position in the triad. Germany has still a strong position as a provider of value added, but its dependence on foreign value added is high, which derives from the links with CEE.
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Akbulut, Gizem. "The Role of Extensive and Intensive Margins in Export Growth of Turkey to Central and Eastern European Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01643.
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In the recent years, Central and Eastern Europe Countries-10 (CEEC-10) countries are implementing policies for developing in international trade relations and these countries are relatively small and open economies. On the other hand, they increase both provide a dynamic increase in exports and export market share, to facilitate the European Union (EU) and their activities to integrate into world trade.
The purpose of this study, with CEEC-10 of Turkey’s sectoral export growth rates decomposes into extensive and intensive margins. Also intensive margin decomposes into price and quantity components. By building on the methodology pioneered by Feenstra (1994) and Hummels and Klenow (2005) and then “the decomposition of export growth rates” method developed by Bingzhan (2011). Intensive margin is the growth in products that were exported in both periods. Extensive margin is the growth in product variety or new trade partners. In the empirical part of the study were used the BACI international trade database from CEPII. The database provides the export values and quantities for Turkey to CEEC-10 at the Harmonized System’s (HS96) six-digit level over period 2006 to 2013.
Foreign trade activities of countries is an important channel both to gain of international qualification and to the realization of economic growths and/ or in terms of sustainability of the current growth rates. According to results of a study, with CEEC-10 Turkey’s export is mainly explained generally by the quantity growth rather than price growth. In other words, export growth carries with the low added value product.