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1
Babic, Blagoje. "China-European union relations: A developing geoeconomic axis." Medjunarodni problemi 62, no. 3 (2010): 418–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1003418b.
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China and the European Union are very interested in developing their mutual relations. They strengthen their positions in the world business by their co-ordinated acting. In their mutual relations, they apply Geoeconomics? methods. They do not regard each other as a military threat but as one of the main economic partners. Their economies are highly complementary. ?The common economic interests? have a decisive role in China EU policy and EU China policy, respectively. EU is China?s largest economic partner. It is its largest export market, the largest source of new technologies and equipment and one of the largest sources for foreign investments. China is the second important source of industrial products import to EU and the fastest growing export market for EU. The EU enlargement to the East both favourably and unfavourably affects China?s interests. The main cause of friction in China-EU relations is a high Chinese surplus in their mutual trade, high competitiveness of Chinese products on the EU market and China?s pursuit of energy sources in the parts of the world that Western countries, including the leading EU member states, regard as traditionally ?forbidden? such as the Middle East and Africa. China and EU have created mechanisms to settle conflicts of interest in their mutual trade through dialogue.
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KHAIETSKA, OLHA. "ANALYSIS OF PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF UKRAINE’S FOREIGN TRADE WITH EU COUNTRIES." "EСONOMY. FINANСES. MANAGEMENT: Topical issues of science and practical activity", no. 4(58) (December 24, 2021): 132–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37128/2411-4413-2021-4-9.
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The article analyzes the peculiarities of Ukraine’s foreign trade with other countries, including the EU countries. The development of foreign trade is important for the analysis of the economic situation of the country, reflects the attitude of the world’s countries to domestic production. The trajectory of foreign trade development is determined. It forms reserves for increasing the level of international trade relations and increases the competitiveness of Ukrainian production. The dynamics of changes in the geographical and commodity structure of international trade in goods and services during 2018-2020 is given, the share of the European Union in foreign trade, which is a key trading partner of Ukraine, is determined. The main groups of goods and services exported and imported by Ukraine are studied. The main reasons for the decrease in foreign trade turnover are substantiated. In addition, it was established that the main partner countries of Ukraine in international trade are China, Poland, the United States, Germany and the EU countries. The important component of Ukraine’s foreign trade is international trade in agricultural products. The article presents statistical data on the commodity structure of agricultural exports with the EU countries. Ukraine’s relations in the field of trade in agricultural products became important after the signing of the Association between Ukraine and the EU, which ensures the irreversibility of Ukraine’s European integration and it is priority for socially important reforms. It is studied that in order to improve Ukraine's foreign economic trade with the European Union, it is necessary to implement measures to modernize key export-oriented sectors of the economy, improve cooperation with other countries, pursue effective foreign economic policy, and strengthen the position of domestic manufacturers in foreign markets of goods and services. It is noted that cooperation with the European Union is one of the main priorities of Ukraine’s foreign economic policy. The article presents ways to improve Ukraine’s foreign trade and directions of improvement of foreign trade activity.
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Shi, Fangjun. "A Preliminary Research on the Art Exchange Activities Between China and the GDR from 1949 to 1989." Studies in Art and Architecture 1, no. 1 (December 2022): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.56397/saa.2022.12.04.
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After the end of the Second World War, Germany was divided into two parts. The political, economic, cultural, and artistic policies implemented by the German Democratic Republic (also known as East Germany), dominated by socialist ideology, followed the pace of the Soviet Union. At the beginning of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, it maintained friendly and cooperative relations with Eastern European countries such as the GDR. It organized a variety of exchange activities at the cultural level. From the perspective of the sociology of art, this paper discusses the foreign exchange strategies of the founding of China and the Eastern European countries that were also socialist camps, especially the art development of the GDR. At the same time, it sorts out the art exchange activities and interactive trajectories between China and the GDR from 1949 to 1989, thus deepening the understanding of cultural exchanges with foreign countries during the construction of China.
4
Duan, Cheche, Yicheng Zhou, Dehong Shen, Shengqiao Lin, Wei Gong, József Popp, and Judit Oláh. "The Misunderstanding of China’s Investment, and a Clarification: “Faustian Bargain” or “Good Bargain”? On the OFDI Data of Central and Eastern Europe." Sustainability 13, no. 18 (September 14, 2021): 10281. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su131810281.
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The close development of the economic relations between China and Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) since 2012 has triggered the European Union’s criticism of China’s foreign policy towards Eastern European countries. The European Union believes that China’s investment growth has led to a governance crisis in CEE countries. Based on the global governance indicators of the World Bank and the outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) data of the Ministry of Commerce of China, this paper conducts a test using the panel data model and the regression discontinuity method. An imbalanced panel dataset is adopted, covering 16 CEE countries from 2000 to 2018. The empirical research results indicate that, representing a small proportion of the investment inflows to CEE countries, China is not yet able to exert a domination effect on the region, and China’s economic power is far less than the European Union’s regulatory influence. Furthermore, China’s share of the OFDI in CEE has a U-shaped effect on the regulatory quality of host countries, and the two have a mutually causal relationship. Specifically, the impact on the host country’s regulatory quality is first manifested in the Shanghai effect, and when China’s share reaches a certain level, it is manifested in the California effect. The U-shaped effect is associated with the strategic factors of CEE countries and China’s positive contribution to good global governance.
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Choi, Chong-Ki. "The Northern Policy of the Republic of Korea -how to Approach the Soviet Union and East European Countries-." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 5 (December 31, 1990): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps01005.
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Of the Sixth Republic's many policies, the northern policy is most successful. The term, "northern policy" includes all the diplomatic activities and policies to improve relations with the communist countries-the Soviet Union, China, and other East European countries. There are some backgrounds in implementing this policy. In domestic dimension, weak legitimacy of the Sixth Republic and nationalistic desire for reunification of divided nation became a significant background. Economic difficulty-especially the stagnation of exports can not be overlooked as well. From international perspective, Gorbachev's new thinking and change of American Foreign policies are a significant background. As everyone knows, northern policy gives rise to noteworthy achievement in many fields. But there are also various obstacles to implementation of northern policy. South Korea has legal obstacles, such as a security law and various political obstacles. Political and economic situation in socialist countries raises serious problems. International political situation is more or less helpful to implementing northern policy. Drawing upon the above-mentioned obstacles, I would like to suggest how South Korea should approach socialist countries. First, the existing alliance system in Northeast Asia should be taken into account. Second, due attention should be paid to the national interest of all countries concerned. Third, South Korea should not seek isolation of North Korea by pushing nothern policy. There are other ways to approach socialist countries, but I emphasize non-governmental contacts.
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Shanshieva, Larisa. "BALKAN VECTOR OF BELARUS FOREIGN POLICY (LATE XX - EARLY XXI CENTURIES)." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.12.
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The article examines the Balkan vector of the Belarus’ foreign policy in the context of the concept of a multi-vector policy. It is noted that the Republic of Belarus (RB), created as an independent state after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, initially attached great importance to the establishment of mutually beneficial relations with different countries. This approach laid the foundation for the subsequent formation of the named concept. The thesis is expressed that the implementation of a multi-vector policy entailed certain contradictions. They were based on the need to constantly maintain a balance in relations between the Republic of Belarus and countries that have different economic and political systems and are members of various regional associations. On the one hand, Belarus has established strong allied relations with Russia and joined organizations such as the EAEU and the CSTO. On the other hand, it actively established trade and economic relations with the countries of the European Union, as well as with China and the United States. The main attention is paid to the Balkan vector of international cooperation of the Republic of Belarus, first of all to the Belarusian-Serbian relations. It is noted that the Belarusian leadership sought to cooperate with other Balkan countries, involving them in the orbit of trade and economic ties in the EAEU markets. The main research methods are the content analysis method and the predictive method. The author analyzes the features of the modern political situation in Belarus, caused by the ambiguous results of the presidential elections on August 9, 2020. It is concluded that the confrontation between the authorities and society will have negative consequences for the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus, for its relations with other states, including the Balkans.
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Dimitrijevic, Dusko. "The relations of Serbia and the People’s Republic of China at the beginning of the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 1 (2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1801049d.
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The current relations of the Republic of Serbia with the People?s Republic of China (hereinafter: Serbia and China) are conditioned by many political, economic, legal and social factors. The mentioned factors point to the existence of asymmetry in many aspects which, however, is not an issue that implies that the two parties can not develop good and friendly relations. In the historical and international legal sense, the relations of the two countries are characterized by the continuity of diplomatic relations established on January 2, 1955, between the then Federal People's Republic Yugoslavia and the People's Republic of China. Serbia as the successor state of SFR Yugoslavia continues to treat China as one of its most important partners in international relations, which is manifested through the foreign policy course, according to which China is one of the main ?pillars? of Serbia's foreign policy alongside the European Union, Russia and the United States. The mere reference to the main ?pillars? in Serbia's foreign policy orientation indicates that China is a key player in world politics and a great power with which Serbia needs to build relations of a ?comprehensive strategic partnership?. It is not surprising, therefore, that the deepening of the Serbian-Chinese relations on a bilateral and multilateral level (especially within the UN, regional international organizations and political forums such as the 16 + 1 mechanism between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe) contributed to better strategic positioning of Serbia in modern international relations.
8
Novitskiy, E. R. "Latin American states cooperation with the United States of America and the European Union." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 3 (September 28, 2019): 54–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-3-54-58.
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Both the political and economic role of the Latin American region has increased significantly in the modern world. The largest Latin American countries have emerged as major regional players. In this regard, the analysis of the current foreign policy relations of the region is of particular interest and relevance for this research. Many key actors in the international arena are now paying increasing attention to the region. For a long time, the main partners of Latin American countries in various fields have been the USA and the European Union (EU), which have long historical ties with the region. However, against the backdrop of increased interest in the region on the part of other major international players, in particular China, the positions of both the US and the EU may have been weakened.
9
Witkowska, Janina. "The European Union’s Screening Framework for Foreign Direct Investment: Consequences for External Relations." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 23, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1508-2008.23.02.
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The Lisbon Treaty gives the European Union (EU) institutions new external competences, including foreign direct investment (FDI) in the common trade policy. Using these competences the European Commission formulated a proposal for a regulation establishing the screening framework for FDI, which entered into force in April 2019. The aim of this paper is to discuss the issue of FDI screening as an element of policies towards FDI applied by developed countries, to assess the justifications for its introduction, as well as the potential consequences of the screening framework for inflowing FDI into the EU. A need to protect the EU’s strategic economic interests in relations with third countries was the reason for the introduction of the new tool at the EU level. The new system of screening FDI inflows into the EU is not centralized. The right to screen remains the sole responsibility of the Member States. The co-ordination mechanism at the level of the EU which has been constructed seems to give guarantees that common interests will be protected. The economic and political consequences of the EU’s screening framework for FDI should be foreseen. Apart from administrative and compliance costs, as well as uncertainty and delays related to investment decision processes, two categories of potential consequences seem to be important. These are the expected reduced access to capital by some Member States, especially the ‘new’ ones, and the worsening of relations with external partners, especially China.
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Bazavluk, Sergei V., Konstantin P. Kurylev, and Leonid V. Savin. "Eurasianism, Eurasian Economic Union and Multipolarity: Assessments of Foreign Experts." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 30–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-1-30-42.
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Eurasianism, in its various interpretations, from ideology to the implementation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) programs, is regarded as one of the strategies of creating a multipolar world order. This article analyzes the views and assessments of foreign authors regarding the relationship between Eurasianism and the EAEU amid the changing international context. The authors present both critical and positive opinions on Eurasianism, Eurasian integration and its political and economic interlinkages with other countries and associations (China, Vietnam, the European Union (EU), Latin America). Thus, we identify three main lines of assessments on Eurasianism and Eurasian integration. The first includes negative assessments ranging from characterizing Eurasianism and the EAEU as a threat to the EU, the US, and the West in general to deliberate misinformation about the Eurasian ideology, for instance, denoting Eurasianism as parafascism. The second comprises more pragmatic and balanced views, with an emphasis on economic cooperation, which may imply cooperation with the EAEU and acceptance of the Eurasian integration if specific conditions are met, or cessation of such cooperation. The third group includes positive assessments and emphasizes the need for more intensive interaction between the EAEU and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. Such views are generally held by Russian and Chinese authors. Non-Russian conceptions of Eurasianism that gained popularity in Turkey or Kazakhstan are ideologically close to the classic Eurasianism and the EAEU, although these conceptions take a distinctive national shape. The article provides some examples of interregional cooperation promoted by the EAEU within the BRICS under the outreach model, i.e., adding new dimensions to existing cooperation formats. The authors arrive at a conclusion that most often the assessments of Eurasian integration and cooperation proposals by foreign experts are tied to Russian foreign policy (or experts opinion of it). They often find interconnections between EAEU, Eurasianism and Russian policy, which emphasize Russian identity as a marker of distinctive civilization. The article also notes comments of Russian authors on the EAEU - EU relations. The research is based on comparative analysis of analytical and research publications on the subject.
11
Bazavluk, Sergei V., Konstantin P. Kurylev, and Leonid V. Savin. "Eurasianism, Eurasian Economic Union and Multipolarity: Assessments of Foreign Experts." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 30–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-1-30-42.
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Eurasianism, in its various interpretations, from ideology to the implementation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) programs, is regarded as one of the strategies of creating a multipolar world order. This article analyzes the views and assessments of foreign authors regarding the relationship between Eurasianism and the EAEU amid the changing international context. The authors present both critical and positive opinions on Eurasianism, Eurasian integration and its political and economic interlinkages with other countries and associations (China, Vietnam, the European Union (EU), Latin America). Thus, we identify three main lines of assessments on Eurasianism and Eurasian integration. The first includes negative assessments ranging from characterizing Eurasianism and the EAEU as a threat to the EU, the US, and the West in general to deliberate misinformation about the Eurasian ideology, for instance, denoting Eurasianism as parafascism. The second comprises more pragmatic and balanced views, with an emphasis on economic cooperation, which may imply cooperation with the EAEU and acceptance of the Eurasian integration if specific conditions are met, or cessation of such cooperation. The third group includes positive assessments and emphasizes the need for more intensive interaction between the EAEU and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. Such views are generally held by Russian and Chinese authors. Non-Russian conceptions of Eurasianism that gained popularity in Turkey or Kazakhstan are ideologically close to the classic Eurasianism and the EAEU, although these conceptions take a distinctive national shape. The article provides some examples of interregional cooperation promoted by the EAEU within the BRICS under the outreach model, i.e., adding new dimensions to existing cooperation formats. The authors arrive at a conclusion that most often the assessments of Eurasian integration and cooperation proposals by foreign experts are tied to Russian foreign policy (or experts opinion of it). They often find interconnections between EAEU, Eurasianism and Russian policy, which emphasize Russian identity as a marker of distinctive civilization. The article also notes comments of Russian authors on the EAEU - EU relations. The research is based on comparative analysis of analytical and research publications on the subject.
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Yakymchuk, Maryna. "Euroscepticism 's Impact upon European Union's Foreing Policy." Humanitarian vision 6, no. 2 (November 25, 2020): 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2020.02.008.
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In the article, the author overviews and analyzes the impact of Euroscepticism on EU foreign policy. In particular, we identify the key actors involved in implementing the European common foreign policy and level of their affiliation with the ideas of Euroscepticism. EU Commissioners, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the staff of the European External Action Service are not eurosceptic. However, they do not have sufficient political influence decision making process. Thus, the European Council faces some obstacles achieving a compromise on international relations' issues. The European Parliament is more dependent on the Member States. Positions of the Member States are also different. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe have a much higher level of opposition to strengthening internal integration in foreign policy, but they support EU enlargement. The Nordic countries support the deepening of foreign policy cooperation but are wary of the accession of new members. Therefore, the biggest opposition to the common foreign policy observed in the EU member states. Under the influence of Eurosceptic ideas, they slow down the process of integration. The population supports the common foreign policy with hopes to resolve the migration problem. Besides, citizens believe that common foreign policy can prevent the economic intervention of third countries. Excessive interference in the EU by Russia, China and the United States is also an obstacle to deepening integration. Despite this, European officials and citizens of EU member states support of strengthening cooperation in this area. To sum up, it is difficult to realise a common foreign policy without decreasing level of eurosceptism.
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Chuprii, Leonid. "China's Geopolitical Role in the Modern Globalized World." Ukrainian Studies, no. 2(83) (July 24, 2022): 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.2(83).2022.261062.
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The article examines the strengthening of China’s foreign policy activity in the conditions of the activation of modern challenges. It is pointed out that today China is increasing its political, economic, and cultural influence in the world. It is noted that China is one of the fastest-growing economies in the world, it has become the largest exporter in the world, while also increasing imports. Thus, the average growth of Chinese exports in recent decades has increased by 5 times, and the growth of imports - by 4.7 times. It is emphasized that in response to China's economic growth in the West and some Asian countries, including Japan, the concept of the "Chinese threat" has emerged, the founders of which, believe that China has a negative impact on the Asian security system because of its increased economic growth and its desire to play a dominant role in the region, while not always taking into account the interests of other Asian countries. The peculiarities of the current foreign policy course of China are determined, in particular, it is noted that, as before, serious attention is paid to relations with the great states. Thus, Xi Jin Ping is in active contact with the United States, the European Union, and India. Significant emphasis is placed on a balanced foreign policy course. Much attention is paid to the BRICS countries, including Russia, India, and South Africa. China is also strengthening relations with developing countries. This is evidenced by Xi Jinping's visit to South Africa and the Countries of the Caribbean. Particular attention is paid to the Russian vector, which is aimed at jointly confronting the United States and NATO. It is emphasized that China's economic and geopolitical growth is also holding back several issues that need to be addressed. These are, first of all: incomplete transition to a market economy, excessive state intervention in the economy, in the banking sector, lack of rule of law, violation of human rights and freedoms, high dependence on exports, strong excess credit and growing debt, environmental problems.
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Zhao, Haipeng, K. Bliumska-Danko, and Xu Lu. "Under the “Belt and Road” initiative, the China and Ukraine governments should assume greater responsibility to promote trade." Bulletin of Sumy National Agrarian University, no. 3(81) (September 30, 2019): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32845/bsnau.2019.3.6.
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Purpose: Ukraine is located in Eastern Europe, has a good geographical location, and has good bilateral relations and traditional economic exchanges with China, especially agriculture, high-tech, and existing and ongoing cooperation projects with China. "There are also difficulties in construction: Ukraine's economy has been in a difficult period since independence, its economic structure is very uneven, and its economic relations with Eastern European and CIS countries, as well as Russian economic relations, need to be improved. Ukraine needs to restore its national strength. China's "Belt and Road" initiative and the diplomatic concept of building a community of shared future for mankind have determined that the Chinese government is willing to help Ukraine restore its strength and restore normal political, economic, and diplomatic relations with neighboring countries. It will benefit the people through the improvement of the national economy This article aims to analyze how the two sides can use the "Belt and Road" platform to develop economic relations and strengthen cooperation to achieve mutual benefit results.
Methodology: This article uses the literature research method, the combination of analysis and synthesis methods, observation method, investigation method.
Originality: Since the Soviet Union, Ukraine has started friendly exchanges with China. After the founding of New China in 1949, Ukraine, as a part of the Soviet Union, made a greater contribution to China establishment of its national steel, machinery, agriculture and other basic industries. After Ukraine's independence, China-Ukraine relations have entered a new stage. China was the first country to recognize Ukraine's independence and established diplomatic relations with it on January 4, 1992. In the past 30 years of Ukraine's independence, the two countries have not had any conflicts of interest and no serious political and economic contradictions. The "Belt and Road" initiative proposed by Xi Jinping in 2013 provided a new platform for bilateral relations and created unprecedented opportunities for the development of bilateral relations. In the "Belt and Road" construction, Ukraine should play a greater role.
Practical value: Participating in the "Belt and Road" construction is also a very important opportunity for Ukraine, helping the Chinese people to have a more comprehensive and clearer understanding of Ukraine, and more importantly, it is conducive to the trade between the two countries to bring more Ukrainian enterprises Trade exchanges to drive the economic development of Ukraine. Politically, Ukraine and China have good bilateral relations；On June 20, 2011, the two sides signed the "China-Ukraine Joint Partnership on the Establishment and Development of Strategic Partnerships. Economically, Ukraine and China have complementary economies. Economic exchanges have been established since the Soviet Union. In recent years, the existing and ongoing cooperation between Ukraine and China has continued to develop in high-tech fields such as agriculture, machine manufacturing, and aviation. More and more Ukrainian experts have pointed out that developing relations between Ukraine and China should become a priority direction of Ukraine's current foreign policy. Ukraine has a strong advantage in agriculture, military industry, and manufacturing, especially the engine manufacturing industry, and can develop machine manufacturing; Ukraine can provide transportation for China “Belt and Road” Convenient conditions.
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Gamza, L., and E. Zaklyazminskaya. "The COVID-19 pandemic as a factor of China’s foreign and domestic policies." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 2 (2020): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2020-2-63-80.
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The article analyzes the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the Chinese foreign and domestic policies during 2020. The main provisions, approaches, and dynamics of Chinese foreign policy in its key regional directions – towards the United States, European Union, the Asia-Pacific region, Russia, and some developing countries – are considered. Against the background of China’s domestic success in suppressing the COVID-19 infection, Beijing also intentionally uses the coronavirus agenda to boost the nation’s foreign policy that is increasingly acquiring global character. As the China-U.S. relations remained in poor shape, the Chinese foreign policy has continued to shift its focus towards the EU and the Asia-Pacific region with the purpose of stepping up economic cooperation with these regions. The authors explore in detail the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on China’s economy and the key measures taken by the authorities to ensure economic stabilization and steady progress. These measures aim at searching for a new model of development based and centered on the domestic market. The effectiveness of these new approaches has so far allowed China to cope with the pandemic with minimum losses, as compared with other large countries, and to maintain positive dynamics of its development.
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Khandekar, Gauri. "The Changing Landscape of EU-Asia Relations." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 1 (October 1, 2012): 72–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i1.31.
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European Union-Asia relations have been progressively developing over the years. The European Union (EU) today is the leading trade partner of many Asian nations and the spectrum of issues falling under the EU’s bilateral relations with countries in Asia spans far and wide. The EU has been a development partner in Asia for decades and is one of Asia’s largest sources of foreign direct investment (FDI), aid and humanitarian assistance. The EU and Asia interact closely on regional and multilateral issues and within multilateral forums. The EU has even constructed developed deeper relationships with some key Asian countries through strategic partnerships: with China, India, Japan, South Korea and Russia. But potential of overall EU-Asia relations remains far from optimum. The EU has been rather late in recognising the rise of Asia and in gearing itself towards this important development. It has ambitions to play a greater political role in complement to its status as a global trading giant, but efforts fall short. In particular, the EU lacks visibility in Asia commensurate to its actual weight. The ongoing financial and economic crisis has further weakened the EU as an actor in Asia. The changing landscape of EU-Asia relations now depends on two important considerations – a dynamically ascendant and economically integrated Asia, and the US’ renewed focus to Asia. This paper examines the EU’s relations with Asia focussing on the Asian partners of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM).
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Terentev, Pavel, and Yulia Vlasova. "Prospects for the development of Cuba-Russia relations after Fidel Castro’s era." Международные отношения, no. 4 (April 2020): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.4.33983.
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This article is dedicated to analysis of the development prospects of Cuba-Russia relations after Fidel Castro’s rule. The goal consists in examination of the current state of bilateral relations between the countries, as well as in determination of major obstacles towards their reconciliation. The researchers outline most probable scenarios for the development of future foreign policy course of Cuba, and analyze the current state of bilateral Cuba-Russia diplomatic relations, economic and scientific-cultural cooperation. The article employs a wide range of sources that include the works of Russian and foreign experts, as well as reports, statistical and analytical data provided by various international and national institutions. Analysis is conducted on the news reports provided by Russian, US, European, Chinese, Latin American and other news agencies. The scientific novelty of this article consists in placing emphasis on the extremely weak economic framework for further advancement of bilateral Cuba-Russia relations, as well as possible threat to Russia's national interests in case of Cuba becomes a junior partner of the United States, People’s Republic of China, or the European Union. The acquired results allow concluding that the future of Cuba-Russian relations directly depends on strengthening of the economic base of their cooperation. Otherwise, Russia would be dislodged from the island, while other powers would become the so-called senior partner of the Cuban Republic.
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Fomin, S. "Multi-vector Foreign Policy of Uzbekistan as an Important Means of Solving the Socio-economic Problems of the Country." Problems of World History, no. 16 (December 16, 2021): 175–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-16-8.
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The article elucidates the internal problems of Uzbekistan among which one should mention the problem of poverty, mass unemployment, shortage of arable land and water resources, serious ecological problems. To a high degree these problems have been caused by a rapid growth of population. Uzbekistan tries to solve these problems by means of liberal market reforms and the multi-vector foreign policy developing political, economic and trade relations at the same time with different countries, in particular with China, the USA, the EU, Turkey, South Korea, Russia and other countries-members of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). It was shown that volumes of trade of Uzbekistan with the Western countries as well as the level of Western investments remain at least now not high. The conclusion is drawn that for the USA Uzbekistan presents the interest mainly in geopolitical, military and strategic aspects, especially now after the US troops left Afghanistan. The EU is more than the USA interested in developing the trade and economic relations with Uzbekistan. The new agreement between Uzbekistan and the EU on enlarged partnership and cooperation will create more favorable conditions for economic cooperation and trade, growth of European investments into economy of Uzbekistan. Nevertheless it seems that the factor of geographic remoteness of Uzbekistan from Europe will not make it possible for the EU countries to occupy the same place in external economic links of Uzbekistan as the countries-neighbours such as China, Russia and other countries-members of the EAEU. It is shown that China is the most important trade and economic partner of Uzbekistan. China considers Uzbekistan as the important transit country with transport corridors indispensable for transportation first of all of Chinese goods to the countries of Europe and other regions of the world. The Chinese investments into economy of Uzbekistan are constantly growing. The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), in particular Russia and Kazakhstan, is also the most important trade and economic partner of Uzbekistan. Besides, Russia is the biggest labour market for millions of Uzbek migrant workers. Within the EAEU the common labour market was created, migrant workers who are citizens of the countries-members of the EAEU enjoy the social rights of the country of stay and may freely move over territories of the countries-members of the EAEU. This fact is especially important for Uzbekistan which is interested in improving living conditions of its migrant workers. Besides, as the facts show, the economic integration within the EAEU does not prevent the governments of the countries-members of the EAEU from developing intensive political and economic relations with different countries. Taking into account the complex of acute socio-economic, ecological and demographic problems facing Uzbekistan it seems that in the future one cannot completely exclude the possibility of membership of Uzbekistan in the EAEU especially if such a membership does not prevent the Uzbek government from pursuing the multi-vector foreign policy. The parliament of Uzbekistan approved the decision to obtain the status of observer at the EAEU. The EAEU granted this status to Uzbekistan in December 2020.
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Armel, Kaze. "Trilateral Cooperation." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 06, no. 03 (January 2020): 311–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500189.
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Over the years, China has forged and mastered its own distinctive foreign aid practices as an emerging aid donor. China’s approach to foreign assistance has become highly appreciated as the country’s stature as a provider of economic assistance has matured. In 2013, under President Xi Jinping, Beijing introduced the Belt and Road Initiative, which has become a leading component of China’s foreign policy and triggered a new round of policy reform in its foreign aid agenda. In Africa, China’s foreign assistance has kept in line with the policy of equal treatment. It has shared its development experience, helped many African countries to transition from “poor” to “developing”, from “aid recipients” to “wealth creators,” and many African countries are thus turning their interests from the West to the East. Certainly, the European Union as a traditional aid donor, remains the largest aid distributor in the world, especially in Africa. In other words, the EU’s foreign assistance has become an indispensable source of funding for many African countries. However, foreign aid effectiveness remains low on the African continent because of the absence of native African policymakers in aid programs designed and implemented by Beijing and Brussels. Some critics argue that Chinese and European assistance to Africa is not bringing about the best results as expected. This article argues that a new international architecture of foreign assistance through trilateral cooperation is needed to increase Chinese and European aid effectiveness in Africa. Trilateral cooperation will not only increase foreign assistance efficiency in Africa, but also give a chance to African countries to strengthen their own development capacity through assistance and guidance, reduce Africa’s aid dependence, and hopefully guarantee a smooth “graduation” of African countries from official development assistance.
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Chupriy, Leonid. "STRENGTHENING CHINA'S GEOPOLITICAL POTENTIAL IN THE CONDITIONS OF CURRENT CHALLENGES." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, no. 6 (2022): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2022/6-10/13.
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The article highlights the peculiarities of the development of China's geopolitical potential in the face of modern challenges. It is pointed out that today China is increasing its political, economic and cultural influence in the world. It is noted that China is one of the fastest growing economies in the world, it has become the largest exporter in the world, while also increasing imports. Thus, the average growth of Chinese exports in recent decades has increased 5 times, and the growth of imports – 4.7 times. It is emphasized that in response to China's economic growth in the West and in some Asian countries, including Japan, the concept of the "Chinese threat" has emerged, not always taking into account the interests of other Asian countries. The peculiarities of the current foreign policy course of China are determined, in particular, it is noted that serious attention is still paid to relations with the great powers. Yes, Xi Jin Ping is in active contact with the United States, the European Union and India. Significant emphasis is placed on a balanced foreign policy course. Much attention is paid to the BRICS countries, including Russia, India and South Africa. China is also strengthening relations with developing countries. This is evidenced by Xi Jinping's visit to South Africa and the Caribbean. Much attention is paid to the Russian vector, which is aimed at jointly confronting the United States and NATO. It is emphasized that China's economic and geopolitical growth is also holding back a number of issues that need to be addressed. These are, first of all: incomplete transition to a market economy, excessive state intervention in the economy, in the banking sector, lack of rule of law, violation of human rights and freedoms, high dependence on exports, strong excess credit and growing debt, environmental problems.
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Fedorovskii, Aleksandr Nikolaevich. "Priorities of the Republic of Korea in Integration Projects." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (November 28, 2017): 144–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-144-157.
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The article deals with the main purposes, opportunities and risks of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects. The author stresses the basic principles of South Korean foreign economic strategy, including common views of the different president administrations on key foreign economic priorities, including constant support of business expansion towards the most prominent markets. The analysis focuses also on new methods of support of national business interests: the transition from rigid defense of domestic market to adoption to growing competition at home as far as foreign partners agreed to open their markets to South Korean export. The paper describes role of bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTA) and regional mega-projects in South Korea’s foreign economic diplomacy. Comparison study of bilateral Free Trade Agreements between the Republic of Korea on the one side, European Union, the USA and China on the other sides. The author characterizes growing role of China and other East Asian countries for South Korean economy the ROK-China Free Trade Agreement, including some obstacles and limitations to upgrade development of bilateral economic exchanges. Special attention paid to positive and negative factors, influenced on economic integrations between China, Japan and the Republic of Korea. The paper describes Seoul’s interests in economic integration projects in East Asia, including involvement in joint economic projects with ASEAN. The author analyses the Republic of Korea’s attitude to regional mega-projects in Asia-Pacific region such as Trans-Pacific Partnership. Finally the article describes modern stage and possible development of Russia-South Korea economic relations and contains forecast of the main trends of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects in East Asia and in Asia-Pacific region in general.
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Entina, E. G. "EEC and Yugoslav cooperation in the frames of modern international relations in Europe." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-1-70-39-55.
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Traditionally the phenomenon of the European integration towards South East Europe is regarded starting from the XXI century. The explanation for such a periodization are resolution of the open conflicts on the territory of the former Yugoslavia and implementation of the complex EU strategy for the region. Starting point of the majority of researches is the year of 2003 when the EU Agenda for the Western Balkans was started in Thessaloniki. The topic of EEC-Yugoslavia relations, SFRY having been first socialist country to institutionalize its trade and economic relations with Brussels, are unfairly ignored in domestic and foreign scientific literature. It is regarded solely as a chronological period of trade agreements. Nevertheless, this issue is of fundamental importance for understanding the current neighborhood of the European Union. The main thesis the author proves is that in the 1960s and 1980s as it is the case nowadays, the main imperative of Brussels' policy towards the Balkans was to prevent Moscow from increasing its influence. This led to the formation of a very specific format of relations with Belgrade and was one of the reasons why the economic crisis in Yugoslavia became extreme and its economy irreformable. In addition, at a later and structurally much more complicated stage of relations between the countries of the former Yugoslavia and the European Union the specificity and main components of relations of the Cold War period did not fundamentally change. As for the policy of so-called containment of the external actors one could see that besides Moscow, we can speak about similar attitude of the EU towards China. It makes it possible to consider the EU policy towards the countries of the former Yugoslavia in the paradigm of neoclassical realism, rather than in the paradigm of traditional liberal European integration approaches which allows us to unite neorealists elements with the specifics of internal processes, including the modernization of institutes, relations between society and state, types of political leadership.
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Ćurčić, Petar. "Germany in multipolar world and Serbia's strategic options." Vojno delo 74, no. 4 (2022): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2204001c.
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The paper analyzes the position of the Federal Republic of Germany in international relations today and based on that policy, possible guidelines for the Republic of Serbia in its strategic actions in the upcoming period are given. The first goal of the research was to consider the relationship of official Berlin to the European Union, the United States, Russia, China and the rest of the world. Berlin's tendency to further strengthen the institutions, monetary, foreign and defense policy of the European Union has been present for decades. However, since 2008, that policy has been going through constant challenges. The Greek debt crisis, Brexit, the migrant crisis, the recession, a new wave of debts by European countries due to the Covid-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine have put the authorities in Berlin in a difficult position. The failure of Germany and France to establish a unified EU security policy, the impossibility of peace initiatives around Ukraine and the consistent monitoring of Washington's policy have limited the EU ability to project power in other parts of the world. In addition to Russia, it is also obvious that the growing antagonism towards the People's Republic of China has been noticed recently, which threatens to affect very good economic relations The second goal of the paper is to offer Serbia's strategic options based on global trends, and in the context of German policy towards the Western Balkans. The Serbian focus on the European integration and the proclaimed policy of neutrality with a strong commitment to the European peace can be an incentive for joint affairs of the two countries. Particularly problematic is Berlin's attitude towards the self-proclaimed independence of the interim institutions in Prishtina. The opposing positions of Germany and Serbia, however, can be attributed to various regional initiatives such as the Berlin Process and particularly the Open Balkans. The attempts to further escalate the conflict or confrontation of Serbia towards the environment would adversely affect the position of Serbs in the surrounding countries and would also weaken economic exchange, which is traditionally oriented towards the European countries. However, official Belgrade should also work on strengthening internal capacities, primarily defensive, economic, administrative and demographic, so that it can have a high level of readiness in case of possible challenges.
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Bardakçı, Mehmet. "Turkey and the Major Powers in the Eastern Mediterranean Crisis from the 2010s to the 2020s." Comparative Southeast European Studies 70, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 516–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0071.
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Abstract This study investigates the recent Mediterranean disputes involving Turkey with respect to the major powers of the European Union (EU), United States (US), Russia and China. The author maintains that Turkey’s position has been determined by its own interests in the region as informed by its relations with the major powers, their vested interests in the disputes, Turkey’s maritime foreign policy ideology (Mavi Vatan), its economic and military capabilities and the shifting international system. Turkey is found to regard the EU and the US as supportive of the Greek and Greek Cypriot policies, although the EU countries are somewhat divided on how to show that support. In such a context, Turkey has desired to have Russia and China on its side in the disputes concerning the Eastern Mediterranean, to counterbalance the influence of the US and the EU. This, however, did not come to fruition since Russia and China opted to remain neutral.
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Crochet, Victor, and Marcus Gustafsson. "Lawful Remedy or Illegal Response? Resolving the Issue of Foreign Subsidization under WTO Law." World Trade Review 20, no. 3 (April 1, 2021): 343–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745621000045.
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AbstractDiscontentment is growing such that governments, and notably that of China, are increasingly providing subsidies to companies outside their jurisdiction, ‘buying their way’ into other countries’ markets and undermining fair competition therein as they do so. In response, the European Union recently published a proposal to tackle such foreign subsidization in its own market. This article asks whether foreign subsidies can instead be addressed under the existing rules of the World Trade Organization, and, if not, whether those rules allow States to take matters into their own hands and act unilaterally. The authors shed light on these issues and provide preliminary guidance on how to design a response to foreign subsidization which is consistent with international trade law.
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Radomska, Ewa. "Bezpośrednie inwestycje zagraniczne we francusko-chińskiej współpracy gospodarczej w kontekście dwustronnych relacji Unii Europejskiej z Chinami." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 72, no. 3 (September 27, 2019): 171–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2019.72.3.13.
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The goals of the paper are: to analyse the scale and nature of foreign direct investments (FDI) in the economic cooperation between France and China; to explain the main reasons for the Chinese capital commitment in the form of FDI in the European Union (EU) and France as well as French one in China; and to identify the conditions and barriers in the flow of FDI and the main activities undertaken by France and the EU to introduce more symmetry in relations with China. The following research hypothesis has been adopted: FDI are an important element of the economic cooperation between France and China, which is developed despite barriers including differences in potentials and asymmetry in market access. In the face of China’s growing activity in the global economy, noticing the benefits, France does not question the bilateral relations but puts more emphasis on the need to create coherent and coordinated strategy towards China at the EU level. This analysis allowed formulation of a few main conclusions. The recent dynamic inflow of Chinese FDI to the EU (including France) is closely connected with China’s measures aimed at reinforcing its position in the global economy. The dynamic and nature of Chinese FDI coming to France and other EU countries, asymmetry in access to markets, the Belt and Road Initiative, changes in the US trade policy and divisions among EU member countries pose challenges to the EU. France is fully committed to creating a common EU strategy towards China and restoring the balance within the EU-China strategic partnership.
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ALEKSANYAN, Larisa. "FOREIGN POLICY OF THE SOUTH CAUCASIAN COUNTRIES: RESULTS AND NEW CHALLENGES." CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.4.06.
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The newly independent states (South Caucasian countries being no exception), the products of the Soviet Union’s traumatic disintegration, needed independent foreign policies. Throughout the three decades of their independence they formulated their priorities and defined approaches and principles under strong pressure of certain factors. This process has been unfolding amid the complicated social and political processes and geopolitical transformations in the region shaken by the post-Soviet ethnic conflicts. As could be expected, the newly independent South Caucasian states opted for different routes in their economic and statehood development, while their ruling elites took into account the external and internal contexts when shaping their foreign policies. Different approaches and different foreign policy priorities opened the doors to non-regional geopolitical actors: the United States, the European Union, Iran and Turkey have joined Russia, whose presence is rooted in its past. Recently, China, Israel and Japan have become interested in the region. Thus, today the regional countries are orientated to the interests of non-regional states. This has not benefited the situation in the region or cooperation among the regional states. Foreign policy of the South Caucasian countries is inseparable from the regional security problems, which means that it should become an object of meticulous studies. In the latter half of 2020, the war in Nagorno-Karabakh changed the region’s geopolitical setting and shattered its stability. The article sums up the results of the policies pursued by the South Caucasian countries and identifies the challenges and possible developments in the region after the Karabakh war of 2020.
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Łukaszuk, Tomasz. "The evolution of India-Central Europe relations after the Cold War." Studia Politologiczne 2020, no. 56 (June 15, 2020): 231–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2020.56.15.
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The primary purpose of the article is to present the long term ties between India and Central Europe, and examine the transformation of their relationship after the end of the Cold War. Using J.A. Braveboy-Wagner’s liberal approach to diplomacy and foreign policy-making of developing countries as a tool of analysis, the article shows how the executive preferences of political leaders, historical narratives, and the strength of local values such as soft power, have influenced the political and economic cooperation between India and the Visegrad Group of countries that constitute the core of Central Europe – the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. This method helps to show that contrary to the widely held opinion1 that the bonds between the Indian subcontinent and Central Europe were an artificial creation of the Soviet Union, they were instead created much earlier by contacts of Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Rabindranath Tagore in the first half of the 20th century. Indeed, a mutual interest and fascination between the two parties, combined with the complementary of needs of both sides after the end of WWII resulted in the development of a promising relationship in the 1960’s and 1970’s. Unfortunately, despite a lot of effort this promising partnership has failed to deliver since the end of the Cold War, and this paper is an attempt to find an explanation for this situation. The European’s focus on integrating with European institutions on one hand, and India’s new foreign policy priorities that were driven by modernization and regional, and then global power aspirations, on the other hand, weakened the intensity of this cooperation for two decades. The completing of the European Union enlargement process in 2004, and the increasing influence of China in Central Europe since 2012, has triggered a reaction by India in the form of the creation of India-Central Europe Business Forum in 2014, which until now has not yet met expectations. The article points to the potential of the Visegrad Group+ (V4+) formula of cooperation, which still possesses many untapped opportunities.
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Dygas, Robert. "Determinants of foreign direct investment outflow from India to Poland." International Journal of Management and Economics 56, no. 2 (May 20, 2020): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ijme-2020-0008.
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AbstractThis article concerns the determinants of foreign direct investment (FDI) outflow from India to Poland with some insights to other European countries. This topic strongly relates to globalization of foreign trade and especially new economic initiatives between European Union (EU) and India, which was one of the first countries to develop trade relations with EU. According to CEIC data – Financial Data and Economic Indicators, India’s FDI outflow increased slightly to 1.4 billion USD in September 2019 in comparison with 996.5 million USD in September 2018, but it is still below the average of 1.8 billion USD for a period of 2007–2019.Available at: https://www.ceicdata.com/en/india/foreign-direct-investment-outflow/foreign-direct-investment-outflow (accessed October 19, 2019). Very limited number of the scientific research can be found in European literature about India’s FDI outflow to EU countries in period of 2004–2019. Indian economists made some research on that topic. Professor J. Ramachandran (listed among the Best Management Thinkers for the year 2015, the first Bain Fellow in India) from Indian Institute of Management Bangalore in 2004 and Professor Jaya Prakesh Pradhan from Central University of Gujarat in 2008 explored the evolution in Indian outward FDI, referring to a shift in the pattern of overseas expansion and basis of competitiveness of Indian companies. The main goal of this article is to explain what really triggers Indian investors to go to Poland and what kind of businesses they form. Some examples of the Indian-based companies are mentioned to support the analysis. The author of this article also researched on different governmental bilateral trade agreements and initiatives, trying to find any direct impacts of that on the India FDI outflow to Poland and other EU countries. He used empirical method of the analysis based on accessible data for period 2004–2019 and literature in that topic and also direct interviews with private Indian investors who made decision to start and run their business in Poland or other EU countries. The main conclusion is that Poland the leader of Visegrad Group is an interesting investment for India and India can be for Poland a counterpart investment partner to China.
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Iordanova, Veronika Grigoryevna, Maria Alexandrovna Shapor, and Sofya Andreevna Rud. "Methodological aspects of assessing the prospects of project implementation "One belt — one road"." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 11 (November 19, 2021): 826–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2111-02.
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This article is devoted to the assessment of the prospects for the implementation of the project "One Belt — One Road" (OPOP) for the development of China’s trade relations with the countries of the European Union. During the study conducted under the present work, a quantitative assessment of the prospects for increasing the number of participants in the OPOP project, which has allowed to confi rm the previously represented theses, both Russian and foreign scientists about the need to increase the number of project participants. For this purpose, a method was used, which was based on the assessment based on the effectiveness of the country’s foreign trade. It should be noted that the focus of the authors was given to the development of the Northern Transport Corridor, which was due to the participation of Russia and the need to develop and deepen the trade and economic cooperation of China and the countries of the European Union, with the implementation of which the Russian Federation plays an important role, being an integral part of this transport corridor and significant Transport hub for the implementation of the OPOP initiative. Particular attention in the framework of this work was paid to the influence of coronavirus infection for the implementation of the project "One Belt — One Road" and identifying new trends in the development of international trade, due to the influence of a new coronavirus infection, in particular, concerns the failures in the work of transport infrastructure, Convexity with which the bulk of the carriage fell on the railway, and the carriage by sea and air transport had to be suspended. It should be noted that the volume of container transportation between China and the EU in 2020 increased by 57.6 % compared with the first half of 2019, which also affected the increase in trains loading, which, in turn, led to a full load existing capacity.
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Uryupina, Alisa Eduardovna. "Problems of Implementing the EU's Inter-regional Policy in the Asian Direction." Мировая политика, no. 4 (April 2022): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.4.38967.
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Interregionalism occupies an important place in the foreign policy of the European Union, because through it the EU seeks to expand its presence in various regions of the world and export its norms, views and values. The promising, rapidly developing Asian region is no exception. This article is devoted to the study of the process of building an inter–regional policy by the European Union in the Asian direction, namely with the largest regional association in the region - the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The purpose of this study is to identify the main factors hindering the building of effective cooperation between the regions, as well as the creation of a free trade zone (FTA). The main conclusion of this study is that there are a number of obstacles to the creation of the EU-ASEAN intercontinental free trade area, which significantly affect the relations between regional groupings. Firstly, it is the practice of concluding bilateral agreements, used as a springboard for the future FTA. Bilateral agreements have already been successfully signed with individual countries, namely Singapore and Vietnam, but contradictions of both an economic and political nature arise with other ASEAN member countries. Secondly, the existing competition with China and the United States for influence in the region hinders the EU's attempts to pursue its inter-regional policy.
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Zhang, X. "The Coronavirus Will Not Change the long-Term Upward Trend of China’s Economic Development." Finance: Theory and Practice 24, no. 5 (October 24, 2020): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2587-5671-2020-24-5-15-23.
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The author investigates the impact of COVID‑19 and macro-policy adjustment on China’s economic development. The aim is to describe the situation and trend of China’s economic development before and after COVID‑19. The research method is the comparative data analysis. The study shows that in response to COVID‑19, the Chinese government, on the one hand, has accelerated its opening-up, taken the opportunity of fighting against the pandemic to provide medical assistance to and cooperate with other countries, and actively promoted the building of a community with a shared future for mankind and the process of globalization. On the basis of the Belt and Road Initiative and multilateral, regional, and subregional cooperation mechanisms such as the United Nations, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa), G20 (Group of 20), and APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation), China and the Eurasian Economic Union began to cooperate more frequently and the trade relations between Japan, South Korea, and European developed countries became closer. Meanwhile, committed to building a global interconnection partnership, China actively participates in global economic governance and provides various public products. The Chinese government has proposed “Six Guarantees” on the basis of “Six Stability”. In order to achieve the purpose of stabilizing foreign trade and expanding imports, China has imposed various measures to accelerate the liberalization and facilitation of international trade and investment, such as implementing the new version of the “Foreign Investment Law”, establishing free trade zones, and promoting its experience and organizing international import expositions. Additionally, the Chinese government also implemented targeted fiscal and monetary policies, increased support for enterprises, especially small and medium-sized enterprises, and promoted the construction of “new infrastructure” and innovation of business model, which have formed the driving forces for the transformation of the economic development model in China from traditional business to cloud business, from traditional marketing to live streaming marketing, from traditional sales to online sales. The author concluded thatChina’s adjustment of macro policies in response to COVID‑19 was effective and played an important role in the resumption of production and life, stabilizing foreign trade activities, releasing domestic demand and promoting stable and sustained growth of the economy
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Goswami, Gour Gobinda, and Farzana Alamgir. "Does Economic Growth Spillover More from the Eastern than the Western Countries? Evidence from Bangladesh’s Four Decades of Growth Experience." South Asian Survey 25, no. 1-2 (March 2018): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971523119835620.
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Bangladesh is an important member of the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea (BoBAS) rim countries. The partners of growth in this region include traditional partners like eth USA, the UK and some newly emerging partners such as the European Union (EU), Germany, India and China. This article examines the pattern of growth dependence of Bangladesh vis-à-vis its 11 major trade, remittance, foreign aid and FDI partner countries by using vector autoregressive process (VAR) and annual data ranging from 1972 till 2015. Out of 11 partners selected in this study only three of them named the USA, India and Japan have significant growth spillover effect on the economy of Bangladesh. Most of the newly added countries in the list of partnership with Bangladesh are yet to offer any significant growth spillover effect. Only four and a half decade of exploration in economic interaction is not enough to yield sustained relationship be it trade, aid, remittance, foreign aid or FDI. A robustness check by using high frequency monthly data keeps the result intact. In all the three tests, we find that only Japan has two-way growth relationship with Bangladesh, which is trade and concessional loan-driven channel. Variance decomposition analysis identifies the USA, India (a member of BoBAS) and Japan as the prime driver of our growth counting around 32 per cent of the contribution whereas remaining 68 per cent originates from Bangladesh’s own soil.
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SILCHENKO, ROMAN. "ANALYSIS OF INTRABRANCH AND LEGAL REGULATION OF ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE TECHNOLOGIES USING THE EXAMPLE OF INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE, THE EXPERIENCE OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." Sociopolitical Sciences 11, no. 4 (August 28, 2021): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2021-11-4-107-121.
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The purpose of the study is to analyze intrabranch and legal regulating relations related to the development and application of artificial intelligence technologies. The documents of the strategic development of the industry, regulatory documents, and other documents directly and indirectly related to artificial intelligence technologies were studied. For example, the following are: the act of the Asilomar Conference, acts of the Council of Europe, acts of the European Union, the act of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the G20 Act, regulatory and technical documents of the United States, China, Canada, Denmark, France, the Russian Federation, as well as some bills. The analysis revealed: the insufficiency of regulatory regulation of the artificial intelligence branch, the shortcomings of national regulation of the artificial intelligence branch in some countries, the dependence of norms on the political regime, the duration and untimeness of the development of regulations, the lack of coherence in the development and application of artificial intelligence technologies at the interstate level.
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Konstantynov, Viktor. "Eastern Europe in the Policy of ‘Belt And Road’: Is There a Place for Ukraine?" Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 647–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-41.
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The article examines China’s policy in Eastern Europe within the framework of the ‘Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)’. The level of Ukraine’s involvement in the cooperation within the framework of this initiative and China’s policy in general is analyzed. It is stressed that in recent years, the ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative is not only economic but also political and security project of China. The main purpose of the initiative is to consolidate the role of Beijing as one of the leaders in the modern world. It is noted that Europe is becoming increasingly important in China’s foreign policy. How-ever, in this region, it cannot use the usual strategy of wielding its influence, worked out in Asia and Africa. Therefore, Central and Eastern Europe, new EU members and candidate countries are considered as objects for spreading Chinese influence in the Old World. The article identifies the principal reasons for Beijing’s particular attention to Central and Eastern Europe. The main one is the relative weakness of state and political institutions and their vulnerability to financial and political instruments of the spread of Chinese influence. Also, the importance of the European Union as a market for Chinese goods continues to grow, therefore making the transit through the territory of the Eastern European countries increasingly important for Beijing. The significance of the ‘16+1’ format on the formation of a specific role of China in the region is considered. It is argued that the formal ground of the absence of Ukraine in the Chinese strategy in Central and Eastern Europe is that our state is not involved in the ‘16+1’ format. However, bilateral relations with Ukraine do not differ from those with Central and Eastern European countries. An important factor is the lack of Ukraine’s influence on political decisions of the EU, which is the main criterion for China. This accounts for the insufficient level of Ukraine’s involvement in the cooperation within the framework of the ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative. Keywords: ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative, the People’s Republic of China, Eastern Europe, European Union, Ukraine, politics.
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Vartanyan, A. "International Student Migration: Regional Aspect." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 2 (2016): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-2-113-121.
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The article provides a profound analysis of the main trends of international student migration for tertiary education, discusses the key factors influencing the choice of destination for studying abroad, and reveals the regional peculiarities of instruments for student migration regulation. The first part of the paper highlights the official statistics showing that in recent decades the world witnessed the steady increase in the number of international students, concentrating mainly in the USA and the European Union. Almost 48% of all international students in the world study in the European Union. This region also shows the highest internal student mobility. Among others, such countries as Austria, Luxemburg, Switzerland, Australia and New Zealand demonstrate the biggest shares of foreign students in the total number of university students. As for donor countries, the dynamics proves the major role of the Asia region, with a half of all international students originated from it. The largest number of foreign students come from China, India and South Korea. Nonetheless, the Asia region becomes a popular destination of student mobility nowadays. The second part of the article concerns different coordination policies of tertiary migration in the regional context. Mostly in developed countries, practices of attracting foreign students to study in professional programs and degree programs with a perspective to enter a national labor market after graduation become more and more popular. Postgraduate migration remains a priority. Most countries encourage job-searching for foreign graduate students, as they are considered to have a high-skill level, international views and an opportunity to live and work in a variety of socio-cultural conditions. Further analysis refers to the main factors determining the choice of destination for foreign students, which are: geographical proximity, language skills, cultural proximity, the cost of education, and a country's reputation in the field of higher education. The paper reveals the leading role of the EU in the developed intraregional educational mobility, the regional asymmetry of migration processes in other regions of the world, and Asian countries actively promoting temporary educational and labor migration to developed countries with incentives to return to a home-country in the future. In recent years, due to positive dynamics of the return migrants number, an interest in the creation of the returnees strategy grows as well as desire of developed and developing countries to benefit most from the return migration.
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Podoba, Z., and V. Gorshkov. "“Path-Dependency” Effect in Japan-U.S. Trade." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 11 (2021): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-31-39.
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The paper addresses current issues in Japan-U.S. foreign trade following the signing of the Japan-U.S. Trade Agreement and the Japan-U.S. Agreement on Digital Trade in October 2019. By providing an overview of Japan-U.S. trade relations, analyzing current trends in bilateral foreign trade and outlining basic terms of new bilateral agreements, the authors conclude that “path-dependency” in Japan-U.S. contemporary foreign trade persists and trade relations between the two countries are to a greater extent influenced by the U.S. trade policy which aims to assure a broader access of American companies to Japanese markets – the situation that was typical for bilateral trade relations since the 1980s. “Path-dependency” in Japan-U.S. trade relations, conventionally categorized by the existence of numerous trade contradictions, is pronounced in the unchanged goals, strategy and tactics of foreign trade negotiations. The United States maintains its “attacking” role and dominates in the bilateral trade negotiations, while Japan, despite its enhancing influence in the multilateral trading system and regional trade agreements, is forced to “self-defend” and make concessions to a more dominant partner in order to maintain its automobile exports to the United States at the expense of its national interests in other industries, particularly in the agricultural sector. Thus, new trade agreements are unlikely to cause significant structural changes in Japan-U.S. bilateral trade in the shortterm as the problem of persistent trade deficits remains. In order to break the vicious circle of “path-dependency” Japan is to actively cooperate with the economies of the European Union which have large amounts of trade deficits with the U.S., can serve as a mediator in the U.S. – China trade conflicts, as well with other Asian countries via mega-FTAs which possess potential risks to the United States. Further development of foreign trade cooperation will depend on the initiatives of new governments in both countries.
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Checkmarev, A. "The Actualization of the Cuban Model of Social and Economic Development and Its Impact on National Foreign Policy." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2022): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-4-84-96.
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The ‘actualization’ of the Cuban social and economic model is a set of measures taken by the Cuban government to improve the country's socio-economic situation by attracting foreign capital and developing the private sector of the economy. These reforms are unprecedented in the history of socialist Cuba, since the country's leadership has never resorted to such comprehensive and profound reforms before. These measures include partial revision of tenets of Cuban statehood that previously seemed immutable. Such metamorphoses executed by Havana, despite their domestic political nature, have had a significant impact on the country's foreign policy, its bilateral relations with key world actors, and have changed Cuba's role and status both at the global and regional levels. ‘Actualization’ was a well-timed response of the Cuban government to the revision of the foundations of U.S. regional policy in Latin America under B. Obama, which subsequently allowed the parties to begin the so-called ‘Cuban thaw’ in bilateral relations. The transformation affected relations between Havana and the European Union, which were institutionalized due to the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and turned the EU into Caribbean state’s important investment and trade partner. China and countries of Latin America have also felt the effects of Cuba's socio-economic transformation. The evolution of Russian-Cuban relations which have undergone significant changes over the past two decades deserves particular attention in the context of ‘actualization’. A fold increase in bilateral trade turnover and the development of political dialogue between Moscow and Havana are markers of positive dynamics. However, it cannot be claimed that the Russian side has totally benefited from the Cuban socio-economic reforms, given the unique potential that Russia has in regard to Cuba.
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Chufrin, G. I. "Post-Soviet States of Eurasia in International Economic Relations." Federalism 26, no. 4 (December 28, 2021): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2073-1051-2021-4-89-110.
Full textAbstract:
The present article is devoted to the analysis of participation of new post-Soviet Eurasian states in international economic relations, of current goals and strategic targets of this policy in the economic development of these states. Many, in fact the majority of them appeared to be unable after achieving political sovereignty to solve complex economic problems of national development since they had neither organizational experience in carrying out an independent and effective economic policy nor the personnel, technological and financial provisions for these goals. Therefore new independent Eurasian states had to approach foreign countries searching for adequate forms and methods of cooperation with them on these issues. In this connection the article explores the nature of interrelations between post-Soviet states with their principal foreign partners on a bilateral basis as well as in multilateral international economic organizations, of the comparative role of political and economic factors in these relations. Some of the post-Soviet states have begun their participation in the Eurasian integration project headed by Russia, others aim at solving their external political and economic problems by strengthening relations with the USA and European Union on a priority basis, still others see the way out in promoting their orientation primarily on their closest regional partners (such as China, Turkey, Iran). However, neither of these directions of external economic activities has become a dominant one on the post-Soviet space. Moreover, some of their elements may get a priority significance, neighboring others or even replacing them at various stages of development of this or that post-Soviet state. Besides, three decades after their formation the new sovereign Eurasian states having endured complex processes of national state building began to differ substantially from each other by their political systems, by levels of economic development and above all – by their strategic goals, aspirations and orientations. And in its turn this has caused serious changes in their approaches to building relations with their external partners, both in bilateral and multilateral formats. Under these conditions the most important national priority of Russia is to implement such a foreign policy at the post-Soviet space that would react timely and most flexibly at social, political and economic processes going on there and emphasizing that most important goal of such a policy is neither a political expansion or an institution of a great power hegemony but development of partnership and friendly relations with the post-Soviet states on the basis of equality and mutual benefits.
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Rakel, Eva. "IX. Paradigms of Iranian Policy in Central Eurasia and Beyond." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 3 (2003): 549–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322986398.
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AbstractIran and CEA have historically close links going back as far as the sixth century BC when the Persian Achaemenid Empire conquered the region. For a long time, Persian was the main language of the elite in CEA. Since the disintegration of the USSR, Iran has been determined to re-strengthen its position in CEA, particularly in economic and security terms. Iran is an active player in the Economic Co-operation Organization (ECO). It also promotes the construction of southern pipelines from CEA to export the region's oil and gas resources as it hopes to profit from it for its own oil and gas export. However, it has to be noted that Iran in no way is a dominant player in the region. The rivalry between the various political factions of the Iranian political elite - the Conservative Traditional Right (Rast-e Sonati), Traditionalist left (Chap-e Sonati), Revolutionary or New Left or Hizbollah, Conservative Modern Right Rast-e Modern - leads to incoherence in Iran's foreign policy and makes Iran an unreliable actor to cooperate with not only the countries of CEA but also for other countries interested in the region (i.e., the United States, European Union, Turkey, Russia, China, Saudi Arabia). Additionally, the great national economic problems in Iran are an obstacle for Iran to become more active economically in CEA.
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Lebedeva, Liudmila F. "Transcontinental Partnerships at the Crossroads: Factors, Risks, Consequences." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (November 28, 2017): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-54-69.
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Transcontinental partnerships – Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TATIP) – have been analyzed in view of the new challenges in polycentric world, US foreign economic policy changes, risks for the national economies of the block’s participants, as well as for the other countries. The TPP and the TATIP are in focus as the new stage of the world integration process. The TATIP can deepen the already substantial economic ties between the US and the European Union. But what will be included in the chapters of the agreement on financial services, agricultural products, some other sectors is still subject to debate. Particular concerns arise about the role for the TATIP in harmonizing financial regulation. The practical implementation of president Donald Trump plans to «promote American industry, protect American workers» began with the US withdrawal from the TPP, with negotiating new bilateral trade deals in mind. Since that decision, the leaders of Japan, Singapore, Australia, and other TPP participants emphasized the strategic importance of this agreement for their countries and for US leadership in the region. Withdrawing from the TPP raises concerns among US trade partners and allies in the region and put many questions before them. Besides, US withdrawal from the TPP effectively gives green light to assert a more pronounced leadership role in the region for China, which is already a major trade and investment partner for TPP countries. Furthermore, Donald Trump turned attention to certain imports as a threat to national security and thus potentially subject to steep tariffs. The US steps in this way may undermine the rules-based trading system, and put many questions before TPP partners and other countries. Whether import restrictions for national security reasons be implemented, they may damage not only China as the main U.S. imports driver; but other countries as well, and lead to new barriers against US exports by trading partners. The Trump administration initiatives not only represents a challenge for countries that linked closely to the American economy due to the trade-economic agreements, but leads to new opportunities and choices in international economic relations.
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Pushkareva, V. V. "THE CASPIAN REGION IN MODERN POLITICS: PROBLEMS OF REGIONAL COOPERATION." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 2 (June 18, 2021): 211–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-2-211-220.
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The Caspian region appears in international political terms with the USSR collapse. It includes five littoral countries - Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia and Turkmenistan, which are building cooperation with each other and with non-regional actors in the new geopolitical conditions. The formation of relations is influenced both by the common and diverse national interests of the Caspian states, and by the constant direct and indirect impact of external players: the United States, the European Union, China and Turkey. Each of them regards the Caspian region as the most important strategic space for political and economic control over Eurasia in accordance with their own interests. The interest of the world powers in strengthening their influence in the Caspian Sea is connected, firstly, with oil and gas reserves, and secondly, with the fact that the region is the center of Eurasia, where a transport transit corridor connecting Europe with various regions of Asia passes. The domestic and foreign political conditions of the Caspian region are not easy. The main problems of regional cooperation are the disunity of the region, the potential for the implementation of "color revolutions" against the background of socio-economic difficulties. The "domino effect" in development of the situation is quite real. There is no reliable mechanism to protect regional interests. The first steps to form multilateral cooperation have been taken on the basis of The Convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea.
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Podriez, Yulia, and Alexander Zhukov. "STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP BETWEEN CHINA, THE EU AND THE UNITED STATES IN THE FIELD OF ENERGY AND INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION (2000 - 2016)." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 2 (2022): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2022-02/067-076.
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The energy policy of the EU, China and the USA during 2000–2016 before the presidency of Donald Trump was analysed in the article. The common feature of the energy policy is its focus on strengthening integration processes to create a common energy policy, single market and sustainable development of countries. The EU’s energy policy is based on the priorities related to a guaranteed and secure supply of gas, oil and electricity. The author proposes six priority areas for cooperation: the formation of a single energy market, security of supply, diversification of energy resources, climate change issue, development of new technologies and formation of a common foreign policy as well as approaches to energy. In our opinion China adheres to the similar policy of reducing energy consumption and harmful emissions while increasing the share of «green energy», but it goes along with some differences, namely, China will continue to build nuclear power plants (NPP) and will not abandon coal-fired power plants (CFPP) for at least the next 20 years. Today, the European Union is one of China’s most important partners. In view of the above, the article also considers the process of trade and economic cooperation between the two parties. This study also presents the cooperation of American and Chinese companies in the energy sector, which differentiated the views of American analysts on the future of the relations between China and the USA. «Pessimists» believe that it is difficult for superpowers to coexist when their interests clash with vital natura l resources. According to them, it is almost impossible to avoid a future confrontation between China and the USA. «Optimists» are sure that the huge Chinese market is so vital to the American economy that the USA is interested in the Chinese economy to grow steadily, providing new opportunities for potential American investors.
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Mashevskyi, Oleh. "EUROPEAN UNION AND GREAT BRITAIN IS SEEKING NEW FORMS OF COOPERATION Review of the monograph by A.V. Grubinko, A. Yu. Martynov “The European Union after BREXIT: a continuation of history” (Ternopil – Kyiv, 2021. 258 p.)." European Historical Studies, no. 19 (2021): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.8.
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The authors of the monograph focused on the scientific analysis of an actual scientific and applied topic, which concerns the problem of adaptation of the European Union to the new conditions that have emerged since the UK left the EU. It is symbolic that this process coincided with the crisis of the globalization process due to the pandemic and its challenges to international security. The modern European Union is both an international and a state-like entity, which combines the features of at least three state unions: an international intergovernmental organization, a confederation and a federation. This not only determines the complexity of the subject of study, but also its inconsistency. In conditions of radical social change, it is always difficult to track and adequately analyze them. This titanic task is further complicated by the presence of an in-house methodological crisis in the family of social sciences. Therefore, given all these objective difficulties, we can only welcome attempts to find a new theoretical and methodological synthesis, which should help society to understand the essence of historical time and act in it as rationally and efficiently as possible. The pages of the monograph raise questions about the heuristic potential of the study of the problem of European historical experience; in addition, significant attention is paid to the coverage of a systematic approach to the social vector of European policy. It also addresses the issue of solving key social problems that stand in the way of qualitative deepening of European integration while maintaining the basic guidelines of social market economy. Among these issues, the authors highlight and analyze the most important aspects, which relate primarily to overcoming poverty and combating unemployment. The monograph outlines the range of methodological problems of transformational historical period, involved in its study synthesizing approach, which consists in the use of historical, socio-philosophical, economic, political science, legal approaches. This approach allows to restore the synthesis of scientific knowledge, which is often disrupted not only by the tendency to specialized fragmentation of complex objects of study, but also allows to take into account the specifics of the transitional historical period. In a geographical sense, not all European regions are equally developed, due to their different economic specialization, which has developed as a result of the historical division of labor. Eventually, there is a tendency to shifting responsibility for solving the problems of poor regions to themselves. The same German experience with the unification of East and West of the country has shown that even huge investments in infrastructure development, introduction of new technologies, efforts to increase productivity – all this together do not solve quickly enough the problem of social convergence. The leveling of the social space of richer and poorer federal states is rather slow. Last but not least, these problems became a good reason for the Great Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union. The issue of the monograph is of practical importance for the foreign policy of Ukraine. After all, the European Union is an important neighbor, trade and political partner of Ukraine and accession to it is actually declared as a prototype of a strategic national idea. The European project is essentially postmodern, as it seeks to overcome the modernism with which nationalism is associated and to reach a level of tolerant agreement of different national interests. The intensification of the globalization process has prompted integration structures to perform functions that limit national sovereignty. Historiographical discourse of common foreign and defense policy of European Union proves that this strategic course of European integration depends on the ability of elites and peoples of Europe to find a common European identity and organize around it the process of determining the place and role of the European Union in the modern system of international relations. This process in the distant historical perspective remains an open possibility with an unguaranteed positive or negative result. Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union, which was unexpected for many researchers of European integration, matured gradually. The authors of the peer-reviewed monograph list the main trends that influenced this decision. First of all, we are talking about the unregulated EU development strategy, the fate of the common European currency, the imperfection of the system of decision-making in the field of common foreign and security policy, which led to an ineffective EU response to Russian and Chinese autocratic challenges. Despite the objective problems associated with mutual adaptation of old and new EU member states, the European integration project continues to be seen as the key to addressing the challenges of modern life and finding answers to the challenges of globalization. In particular, in the final sixth chapter, the author focuses on the theoretical, methodological and practical analysis of the problem of democracy. The authors of the monograph are looking for an answer to the question of what the European Union will be like after the exit of Great Britain. No less important is the question of whether Britain will become a “global” Britain after leaving the European Union. Of course, Britain is concerned about turning the EU into a superpower that has not only its own flag, anthem, currency, but also the germ of a common European army and tries to pursue a common foreign and defense policy. London advocates stronger resistance from China and ousting Russia from Europe. Changing regional influences in the EU may create a new structure of conflict of interest not only for individual countries but also for various regional groups. The issue of a clear division of powers between supranational and national authorities at all levels seems ripe. More adequate to this trend will be not so much a more centralized federalist Europe as a decentralized confederative one. By the way, the model of the latter looks more open for further expansion. This work is imbued with the spirit of realistic Europeanism. Therefore, not least because of this, the peer-reviewed monograph will become a notable phenomenon in domestic European studies.
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Kherkhadze, Alim. "THE ROLE OF FORING DIRECT INVESTMENTS IN THE ECONOMY AND THEIR STIMULATION MECHANISM." Economic Profile 17, no. 2(24) (December 25, 2022): 104–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52244/ep.2022.24.03.
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In the era of globalization, the attraction of foreign investments has become an important factor in promoting the economic growth of countries. Investors are constantly looking for favorable conditions for investing their capital, which involves a combination of several important factors. The investor, who is focused on getting the maximum profit with the minimum cost, before making an investment decision, will study the investment environment of the host country, the proximity to large key markets, the barriers to entry from the host country to international markets, the availability of production and energy resources, the level of political and economic stability, the number of labor force, qualifications, etc. .sh. In terms of investments in the modern world, two types of trends have been identified: 1. High-tech investments, which are mainly located in developed countries, due to the developed country's intellectual resources, key market and good opportunities for business development, and 2. Investment, which is focused on obtaining maximum profit at the expense of cheap resources and labor force, and there is no or minimal technical innovation in it. It is important for the state to attract such direct foreign investments, which will not only be focused on making profits, but will also ensure the raising of the qualifications of local staff, the introduction of technological innovations, and the social protection of employees. Thanks to the economic reforms implemented after the post-Soviet upheavals, Georgia has become an attractive place for foreign investment, however, due to the shortage of labor force and low qualifications, investments focused on cheap resources and labor force are entering the country more than high-tech ones. The entry of relatively large, high-tech investments is hindered, in addition to the scarcity of the country's workforce and relatively low qualifications, the low level of energy independence, the territories occupied by the Russian Federation of Georgia, the generally politically and economically unstable region (Tskhinvali, Abkhazia, Karabakh regions), the aggressive state - the Russian Federation. Neighborhood and high probability of potential armed conflicts. The positive factors that make Georgia attractive for foreign investors are a favorable geopolitical location with land access, moderate natural and climatic conditions, low level of corruption, less bureaucratic and simple legislation compared to other countries, high level of harmonization of national legislation with international legislation, with the European Union in 2014 and in 2017 Free trade agreements signed with China, which allow a foreign investor to export products produced on behalf of Georgia to two of the world's largest markets without any problems. Due to the fact that one of the most important factors of production - "capital" - is needed to develop the economy, and the country does not have it at this stage, attracting foreign investments is a vitally important task for the economic growth of Georgia. In developing countries like Georgia, the level of domestic savings is relatively low. In addition to this, apart from the banking system, there is no stock market. In the period 1996-2021, a total of about 23.12 billion dollars of investment came into Georgia. The first and only investor country in 1996 was Ukraine with 3753.45 thousand US dollars. In the following years, significant investments were made in Georgia from the USA (1.81 billion USD), the European Union, CIS countries and Great Britain. According to the latest data, foreign investment has entered Georgia from 74 countries, which is almost 2 times less than the number of countries with which Georgia has trade relations (export-import). Since 2003, the growth of investments had an irreversible character, however, the 2008 world economic crisis and Russia's military attack on Georgia sharply reduced this figure, and it took 6 years to restore the pre-war figure. In addition, since 2017, foreign investments in Georgia have been characterized by a decreasing trend. Pandemic year 2020 was particularly notable in terms of investment decline. Despite the fact that after the signing of the Georgia-EU association in 2014, foreign investments should have increased due to the desire to access the EU market, until 2017, their volume was decreasing. In 2017, in the history of independent Georgia, the largest level of foreign investments - 1.98 billion USD was recorded. In the same year, the agreement on free trade between Georgia and China was signed, which should also increase foreign investments due to the desire to access the Chinese market, although the country has not returned to the level of foreign investments made in 2017. On December 31, 2013, the Organic Law of Georgia "On Economic Freedom" adopted in 2011 entered into force. The law, on the one hand, regulates the limit of the amount acceptable from taxpayers - in case of the desire to increase the tax rates of income, profit, VAT and import taxes, citizens' consent is required through a referendum, and on the other hand, the amount of spending of collected taxes is controlled by the limits of the established macroeconomic parameters. After the implementation of this law, the tax burden of taxpayers was not supposed to increase, but the government took advantage of the loophole in the law and in 2017 the excise duty rate was sharply increased on cars (the excise duty on right-hand drive cars was doubled), fuel and tobacco products. The property tax has also been increased, since it does not belong to the general state tax. Since January 1, 2017, when the Estonian model of profit tax came into force, the state budget received about 500 million GEL less. To make up the deficit, either government spending had to be cut, or debt had to be incurred, or taxes had to be raised. In 2017, the government's expenses increased by 800 million GEL, we took on a debt of 400 million GEL, and the excise and property tax rates were also increased, according to which if the family had an annual income of more than 40,000 GEL, they would have already paid property tax on the car. As of May 2021, the foreign debt has increased to 24.8 billion GEL and has already violated the macroeconomic parameter written in the Law on Economic Freedom, according to which the government's debt cannot exceed 60% of GDP. From 2011, when the law was adopted, until 2013, when the law entered into force, the volume of direct foreign investments did not increase, on the contrary - it even decreased, although this can be blamed on the caution caused by the change of government in 2012. - Investors are likely to observe the possibility of a change in the country's political vector. When the law came into force in December 2013, that is, in fact from 2014, the volume of investments increased by leaps and bounds, and this dynamic continued until 2017, when taxes were increased. Since 2018, the volume of direct foreign investments has dropped almost to the level of 2011. Based on all of the above, we believe that in order to attract foreign investments, Georgia should make maximum use of those competitive advantages that will attract the attention of foreign investors. The country, which has historically been a corridor of regional and world importance, has yet to fully utilize its transport function.
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Marchenko, Lyudmyla. "Digitalization of the tax administration system in Ukraine taking into account the experience of developed countries." Economic Analysis, no. 32(4) (2022): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/econa2022.04.127.
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Introduction. The issue of fiscal digitalization today concerns each of the business entities and any participants in economic and financial relations. Today, every stakeholder is interested in the efficiency, convenience and comprehensibility of the received information. In today's conditions, digitization and transition to advanced technologies is an important process in the development of taxation and other sectors. Electronic services in the tax administration system are created with the aim of increasing the efficiency of the functioning of tax authorities, as well as simplifying the procedures for calculating, declaring and paying taxes and fees, and obtaining advice for taxpayers. All these services have been working successfully for some time, but still need improvement and diversification of functionality. The purpose of the article is to monitor the main aspects of digitization of tax payment administration procedures in Ukrainian and foreign practice. Method (methodology). In the course of the research, the following methods were used: dialectical, correlational, generalization, comparison, system analysis, observation, induction and deduction. The results. The article examines the current aspects of the implementation of digital technologies in the procedures for the administration of taxes and fees in Ukraine. Monitoring of the main levels of introduction of electronic services in taxation at the international level was carried out. The analysis of regulatory and reporting statistical data on the use of innovative technologies in the processes of taxation of individuals and legal entities was carried out. It was revealed that there are countries of the world that are actively engaged in the digitalization of the tax sphere, including using new programs and technologies, at the same time, some countries are improving already adapted devices in order to minimize the risks of uncertainty from new technologies. The main postulates of the strategic development of the bodies of the State Tax Service of Ukraine in the context of the digitalization of the fiscal space and the introduction of digital technologies have been studied. The state of the modern use of electronic services in taxation in the bipolar plane (tax institutions - taxpayers) was assessed. The indicators of the dynamics of electronic document flow in the tax sphere in Ukraine were analyzed, and the direction of tax reporting was established as the most digitized in the studied period. Emphasis is placed on the use of mobile applications in the tax administration system of some developed countries of the world (China, Australia, Brazil, etc.). A number of European Union countries actively use virtual assistants and chat bots for the purpose of improving tax relations, which as a result produces a number of fiscal effects. The importance and perspective of the further implementation of digital technologies in the processes of tax administration in Ukrainian practice is substantiated, taking into account the experience of both developed countries of the world and those countries that are similar in terms of economic processes to Ukraine. This approach will improve the algorithms for the accumulation of tax payments to the budgets of all levels in the conditions of martial law and post-war reconstruction of Ukraine.
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Wiers-Jenssen, Jannecke. "What Brings International Students to Norway?" Journal of International Students 10, no. 1 (February 15, 2020): ix—xii. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v10i1.1888.
Full textAbstract:
Norway has experienced a substantial influx of students in the 21st century. The number of students with foreign citizenship has increased from just over 5,000 in 2000 to more than 23,000 in 2018, as seen in Figure 1 (DBH, 2020). This growth may seem like a paradox, given that Norway has few well-known higher education institutions, high living expenses, a language not widely understood, and a geographical location at the northern fringes of Europe.
Figure 1: Number of Bachelor and Master Students in Norway with Foreign Citizenship 2000–2018
So why do students choose Norway? A deliberate policy for internationalization of higher education developed is an important factor. From the 1980s, internationalization has increasingly become an integral part of national higher education policies as well as included as strategies of higher education institutions (Wiers-Jenssen & Sandersen, 2017). The main rationale for encouraging student mobility is educational; mobility is seen a tool for quality enhancement in higher education. However, economic, cultural,and political rationales are also present. The fact that the vast majority of higher education institutions are public partly explains why internationalization policies quite efficiently has trickled down from the national to the institutional level.
Most Norwegian higher education institutions do not charge tuition fees. This has gradually become a comparative advantage, as an increasing number of neighboring countries have introduced fees for students from outside Europe. Hence, there may be economic rationales for choosing Norway as a study destination, despite high costs of living. Students from developing countries may qualify for funding from the Norwegian government, while students from other countries have to cover all expenses themselves.
Higher education institutions have economic incentives other than tuition fees for attracting international students. A reform in Norwegian higher education implemented in 2003 introduced a performance-based funding system (Frölich, 2006). Higher education institutions are rewarded for the number of credit points awarded, implying a stronger focus on attracting students in general. A significant increase in the number of courses and programs in English has facilitated recruitment of international students (Wiers-Jenssen, 2019).
International students cited courses in English and absence of tuition fees as the most frequently reported motives for studying in Norway (Diku, 2019a; Wiers-Jenssen, 2019). The latter is particularly important for students undertaking a full degree in Norway. Features of Norway, such as peaceful, safe, and technologically advanced society and unspoiled countryside are also accentuated. As these characteristics were present also before the number of international students started to grow, such motives must be understood in relation to conditions that have changed, such as availability of courses in English. Beautiful scenery and safety would have limited attractional value if courses in English were not offered.
Quality is a less highlighted reason for choosing Norway as a study destination. But even if perceived quality is not a main attraction, international students in general give positive assessments of the quality of their education (Diku, 2019a). They cope quite well with academic demands, and their main challenges seem to be dealing with the high living expenses and limited interaction with Norwegians. The latter represents a challenge also for higher education institutions, as a major rationale for recruiting international students is to enhance “internationalization at home” (exposing Norwegian students and faculty to perspectives from abroad). If interaction is scarce, so is the exchange of ideas and perspectives.
Foreign students in Norway consist of three groups (see Figure 2): (a) students who come to undertake a full postgraduate degree (international graduate students), corresponding to the definition of international students used in the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD, 2020) statistics; (b) students who come for a shorter study of 3 months or more (international exchange students); and (c)students who come for study sojourn of less than three months or who have come to Norway for other reasons, including (labor) migrants, refugees and more. In total, these three groups constituted 8.7% of total enrollments in Norwegian higher education institutions in 2018 (own calculation based on DBH).
Figure 2: Bachelor and Master students in Norway with Foreign Citizenship, 2018: Number and Type of Students
PhD students are not included in the figures mentioned above, and an exact numberof current doctoral students cannot be estimated. However, the number of foreign citizens completing a PhD was 657 in 2018, 42 per cent of all PhD graduates (Research Council of Norway, 2019). Hence, the proportion of foreign citizens is far higher at the doctorate level than at the bachelor and master level. This is in line with the situation in most European and North American countries (OECD, 2019).
The largest universities (University of Oslo and Norwegian University of Science and Technology) attract the highest number of international students. These are also among the few Norwegian higher education institution found on international ranking lists. However, some small specialized higher education institutions such as the Academy of Fine Art, The Oslo School of Architecture and Design, and the Norwegian Academy of Music have higher proportions of international students.
The majority of international students originate from Europe and Asia (Diku, 2019b). China, Nepal, Sweden and Germany are currently the major sending countries of full degree students. Exchange students are mainly Europeans, and many of these come through the European Union student exchange program ERASMUS. European exchange students are often attracted by the “exoticness” of studying in the northern fringes of Europe. The majority of full degree students are enrolled in master programs, while exchange students are in bachelor programs. Science and technology is the most popular field of study, and clearly more popular among international students than Norwegian students (Diku, 2019b).
More than half of the international students report being interested in living and working in Norway upon graduation (Diku, 2019a). However, updated statistics on the number that actually settle in Norway are currently not available. While obtaining a residence permit in Norway is quite straightforward for those who are originate from countries in the European Economic Area, students from other countries generally face more barriers. Some countries see recruitment of international students as an instrument for so-called skilled migration, but Norway does not have an explicit policy on this. On the contrary, government policies have encouraged students to leave upon graduation, in order to avoid poaching highly skilled individuals from countries that already experience high emigration. As a part of foreign aid policy, students from developing countries have received grants for studying in Norway, on condition that they return to their home country.
The last couple of years, the number of international students in Norway has ceased to grow (cf. Figure 1). The reasons for this are not clear. It may be that a (temporary) point of saturation is reached. Still, the overall picture shows a remarkable growth in the last two decades. This illustrates that a small country with weak traditions for inward mobility may be able to attract international students if higher education institutions and national policies match well. Further, it shows that institutional policies can attract international students as much as economic policies.
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Elbashir, Rania. "LIBYA'S FOREIGN TRADE WITH EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." MEST Journal 10, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12709/mest.10.10.02.07.
Full textAbstract:
The subject of this empirical and theoretical work is the exchange of foreign trade in Libya with the countries of the European Union. The scientific objective of the research is to make a scientific classification of the volume of foreign trade between Libya and the European Union countries and to discover the factors that hinder foreign trade and explain them scientifically. European countries also support this cooperation and contribute significantly to the formulation of future cooperation policies with Libya in various social, political, and economic fields. However, this cooperation takes place in light of objective difficulties arising from the conflicting interests of Western countries in North Africa and Libya. Since these relations are burdened with many problems of different nature, we started this paper from two assumptions: The first premise is that in the trade relations between Libya and the European Union, there are common interests for foreign trade that are more feasible. The second premise is that more encouragement and protection for investments by the countries of the European Union helps in new qualitative development and economic growth in Libya, which will significantly improve trade relations between Libya and the countries of the European Union.
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Drzymała, Agnieszka. "European Union Foreign Direct Investment Outflows to ASEAN Countries." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 16, no. 1 (April 30, 2013): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cer-2013-0001.
Full textAbstract:
The paper analyses foreign direct investment outflows from the European Union to the ASEAN countries. The region of Southeast Asia is very important for the EU in terms of economic cooperation. Previous relations between the European Union and ASEAN countries laid the foundations and became the basis for subsequent business initiatives, first encompassing trade and later investment initiatives. Today the liberalisation of foreign direct investment (FDI) flows is taking place, which has a positive impact on the increase in exports of ASEAN countries and in turn affects the economic development of these countries. The European Union deepens its economic ties with the region through FDI, which results in increased economic interdependence.
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Slyusarenko, Kateryna, Irina Maksymova, and Anastasiia Beskrovna. "INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF UKRAINE AND THE EU." Scientific Journal of Polonia University 30, no. 5 (October 29, 2018): 76–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/3007.
Full textAbstract:
Foreign trade relations between Ukraine and the EU are developing under the terms of the Association Agreement coming into force. The article presents both positive and negative sides. The dynamics of foreign trade between Ukraine and the EU countries is analyzed, Ukraine's export and import structure is represented, as well as the proposed priorities of the development of foreign economic relations between Ukraine and the European Union