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Journal articles on the topic 'Eusebius of Alexandria'

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1

Fernández Hernández, Gonzalo. "El concilio alejandrino de 339 y sus consecuencias." Estudios humanísticos. Geografía, historia y arte, no. 21 (February 10, 2021): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehgha.v0i21.6795.

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<span>This article deals with the alexandrian council in year 339 A. D. and its consequences. Sources: Athanasius of Alexandria, Eusebius of Caesarea, George Cedrenus, Socrates and Theodoret of Cyr.</span>
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2

Zaytseva, Irina Valeryevna. "Problems in the development of the Episcopate of Cyril of Alexandria." Samara Journal of Science 8, no. 4 (2019): 160–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201984207.

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The paper deals with problems of the development of the Episcopate under one of the greatest person of the Alexandrian Church - Cyril of Alexandria. The paper analyzes the Historia Ecclesiastica by Socrates Scholasticus, the works of Eusebius Caesarea and John of Nikiu, that outlines the key issues of the establishment of power relations in the Alexandrian Episcopate in IV-V centuries. The research has shown that the Cyrils inauguration was prompted by the practice of continuity, which was developed in the Church Hierarchy, beginning with Athanasius of Alexandria, when power was handed down fr
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Kyriacou, Chrysovalantis. "On the Origins of the Alexandrian School: Rhizomes, Episcopal Legitimation, and a Tale of Two Cities." Religions 14, no. 4 (2023): 482. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14040482.

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This article revisits an important and much-discussed question: how and why was Christian learning in second- and third-century Alexandria institutionalised, leading to what came to be known as the “Catechetical School”? Its contribution to scholarship lays in that it focuses on cultural, ideological, and ecclesiastical developments under the Antonines and the Severans, placing the Alexandrian case within a broader context. Building on Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of the rhizome, our examination seeks to map the complex web of interactions among the Christians themselves, as well as between
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4

Crawford, Matthew R. "Ammonius of Alexandria, Eusebius of Caesarea and the Origins of Gospels Scholarship." New Testament Studies 61, no. 1 (2014): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688514000216.

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In the early third and fourth centuries respectively, Ammonius of Alexandria and Eusebius of Caesarea engaged in cutting-edge research on the relationships among the four canonical gospels. Indeed, these two figures stand at the head of the entire tradition of comparative literary analysis of the gospels. This article provides a more precise account of their contributions, as well as the relationship between the two figures. It argues that Ammonius, who was likely the teacher of Origen, composed the first gospel synopsis by placing similar passages in parallel columns. He gave this work the ti
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Jourdan, Fabienne. "Le Logos et l'empereur, nouveaux Orphée « Postérité d'une image entrée dans la littérature avec Clément d'Alexandrie »." Vigiliae Christianae 62, no. 4 (2008): 319–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007208x247656.

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AbstractIn the Protrepticus, Clement of Alexandria suggests Orpheus' song is a prefiguration of the power of the Word. In the fourth century A. D., Eusebius and Themistius will apply this interpretation of Orpheus' song respectively to the Logos and to the Emperor. In the image proposed by Eusebius the Alexandrian's influence is obvious, whereas its transformation in Themistius illustrates its political evolution. An examination of these two different applications shows not only Clement's role in the transfer of a symbolic figure, but also the originality of its first Christian transposition i
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Zarzeczny, Rafał. "Euzebiusz z Heraklei i jego "Homilia efeska" (CPG 6143) z etiopskiej antologii patrystycznej Qerellos." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 807–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4175.

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Classical oriental literatures, especially in Syriac, Arabic and Coptic lan­guages, constitute extraordinary treasury for patristic studies. Apart from the texts written originally in their ecclesiastical ambient, the oriental ancient manuscripts include many documents completely disappeared or preserved in their Greek and Latin originals in defective form only. The same refers to the Ethiopian Christian literature. In this context so-called Qerəllos anthology occupies a particular place as one of the most important patristic writings. It contains Christological treaties and homilies by Cyril
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Bruce, Scott G. "Fragments of Greek Patristics in Eusebius's Historia ecclesiastica and Their Readers in the Latin West." Catholic Historical Review 111, no. 2 (2025): 241–69. https://doi.org/10.1353/cat.2025.a962064.

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Abstract: The study of the reception of ante-Nicene Greek patristics in western Europe has focused almost exclusively on individual authors like Origen of Alexandria, whose works were rendered into Latin in late antiquity and well known among early medieval readers. This article draws attention to a neglected corpus of ancient Christian excerpts that were translated from Greek into Latin as part of the textual fabric of Eusebius of Caesarea's Historia ecclesiastica . It catalogues the Greek patristic fragments in Eusebius's historical project and considers the value and impact of two modes of
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8

Crawford, Matthew R. "Reconsidering the Relationship Between (Pseudo-)Didymus’s De Trinitate and Cyril of Alexandria’s Contra Julianum." Journal of Theological Studies 71, no. 1 (2020): 236–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flaa014.

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Abstract Cyril of Alexandria’s apologetic treatise Contra Julianum drew upon a wide range of earlier Christian literature, including works by Clement of Alexandria, Eusebius of Caesarea, Pseudo-Justin Martyr, and others. The literary relationship between Contra Julianum and the De Trinitate attributed to Didymus the Blind is, however, contested. In this article I re-examine the parallel passages between these two works and argue that Cyril drew directly upon the De Trinitate as he composed Contra Julianum, using that prior work in three different ways. In the light of this finding, I argue tha
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9

Longosz, Stanisław. "Dramatyzowane homilie patrystyczne zalążkiem dramatu chrześcijańskiego." Vox Patrum 65 (July 15, 2016): 389–431. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3508.

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The author of this paper tries to prove that the origins of Christian drama shouldn’t be sought in Latin liturgical drama crystalized in 9th and 10th century – as it is commonly accepted – but rather much earlier: in Eastern dramatized patristic homilies of 5th, 6th and 7th century. All fully dramatized homilies of those days are arranged in three groups: The homilies about John the Baptist and the Baptism of Jesus Christ; The homilies about descending of Jesus Christ into the abyss and libera­tion of those who are righteous from hell; Homilies about the Annunciation of Blessed Virgin Mary – m
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10

Flores Colín, Miguel Santiago. "Las listas episcopales en Eusebio de Cesarea: entre teología e historia." Nova Tellus 39, no. 2 (2021): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.nt.2021.39.2.79285.

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The status quaestionis on the Episcopal Lists of Eusebius of Caesarea has different positions. The complete Episcopal Lists offer specific information which, compared with current systematic studies, show that the historical strictness of the Father of Christian Historiography is directly related with his Theological intention and not disassociated as has been argued. The research contributes with the inclusion of the Church of Caesarea as an example of the Episcopal Lists, along with the Churches of Rome, Antioch, Jerusalem, and Alexandria.
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GILLIAM, PAUL R. "William Whiston: No Longer an Arian." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 66, no. 4 (2015): 755–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046915001566.

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This article contends that William Whiston (1667–1752) has been misidentified as an Arian for more than three hundred years. Though Whiston was labelled an Arian by his theological opponents, and early in his career naively accepted the Arian label for his own Christological beliefs, he consistently demarcated his own beliefs from those of Arius of Alexandria and Eusebius of Nicomedia. Furthermore, Whiston agreed with the Council of Nicaea's decision to rule Arius’ understanding of the relationship of the Son to the Father out of bounds. Thus, William Whiston should no longer be called an Aria
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12

CRAWFORD, MATTHEW R. "The Influence of Eusebius’ Chronicle on the Apologetic Treatises of Cyril of Alexandria and Augustine of Hippo." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 71, no. 4 (2020): 693–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046920000664.

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In the early fifth century, both Cyril of Alexandria and Augustine of Hippo used Eusebius of Caesarea's Chronicle in the writing of their respective apologetic treatises – Against Julian for Cyril and The city of God for Augustine. The present study compares the use that these two authors made of their predecessor and argues for two continuities between these acts of reception: the use of synchronisms between biblical and non-biblical history and the tracing of Mosaic monotheism through time. In both these respects, Cyril and Augustine were carrying forward themes of Christian apologetic that
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Gavrilyuk, Paul L. "Christopher Beeley, The Unity of Christ." Scottish Journal of Theology 68, no. 3 (2015): 345–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930615000149.

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Professor Beeley has contributed a new chapter to the history of the doctrine of communicatio idiomatum. He has written a provocative book, whose argument is both revisionist and orthodox. Beeley proposes to revise the accepted christological narrative by questioning the significance and theological genius of Athanasius of Alexandria. In Beeley's judgement, Athanasius' contribution pales in comparison with such giants as Origen, Eusebius of Caesarea, Gregory Nazianzen and Maximus the Confessor. Beeley finds especially in Nazianzen's Christology the most profound and consistent rendering of the
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14

Morales, Xavier. "Sabellius libyen, Libye sabellienne ?" Augustinianum 62, no. 1 (2022): 19–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20226212.

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Was Sabellius really a Libyan? Examining contemporary sources and ancient historiography on one of the most enigmatic heretics in the history of dogmas, the article shows that the Libyan origin of Sabellius is unlikely, and that it is an exaggeration to claim that Libya was a Sabellian home in the third century. Eusebius of Caesarea is probably guilty of having identified the adversaries of Dionysius of Alexandria located in Ptolemais as disciples of Sabellius, and the testimony of Origen on the theology of the identification between the Father and Christ is too abstract to deduce that this th
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15

Brzozowska, Zofia. "Sophia – God’s wisdom. Quality, energy or separate divine person in the theology of the eastern church (to the 15th century)." Hybris 20, no. 1 (2013): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1689-4286.20.02.

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The representation of Sophia – personified God’s Wisdom, based on the text of old-testament Sapiental Books, took quite an important place in the spiritual culture of Byzantium. What should be noted is the Empire inhabitants’ striving to identify Wisdom with one of the persons of Trinity. A vast majority of the Church Fathers and later East Christian thinkers inclined towards christological interpretation of Sophian images. The Second Hypostasis – the Word Incarnate, was identified with Sophia by Justin Martyr, Athenagoras of Athens, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Methodius of Olympus, Eusebiu
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16

Pérez-Jiménez, Aurelio. "Plutarch’s Parallel Lives and the Greek Christian Fathers of the 2nd Century, with special attention to Clement of Alexandria." Ploutarchos 20 (December 28, 2023): 27–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_20_2.

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It is well known the Plutarch’s influence on the Christian thought of the imperial era, especially in authors such as Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Eusebius of Caesarea, the three Capadocian Fathers, John Chrysosthomos, Theodoretus, Cyrillus of Alexandria, or Synesius of Cyrene, who not only cite (with the exception of Clement) him, but even, without explicit citing, are directly inspired by some Plutarch’s theological and ethical treatises. In this sense, the use of the Moralia by Greek Christian Apologists and other Fathers of the Church has received sufficient attention from modern bibliog
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17

Flower, Richard. "Witnesses for the Persecution." Studies in Late Antiquity 3, no. 3 (2019): 337–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2019.3.3.337.

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During the reign of Constantius II (337–361), a number of Christian bishops were exiled from their sees, reportedly for their opposition to the emperor's “Homoian” theological position. Several of them (Athanasius of Alexandria, Hilary of Poitiers, Lucifer of Cagliari, Eusebius of Vercelli) responded to their institutional insecurity and geographical isolation by writing accounts of their experiences in a range of textual forms: letters to individuals or groups, historical narratives with quoted documents, or formal invectives. This article explores the variety of ways in which these examples
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18

Jacobs, Andrew S. "The Disorder of Books: Priscillian's Canonical Defense of Apocrypha." Harvard Theological Review 93, no. 2 (2000): 135–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000016746.

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Historians of ancient Christianity derive a certain satisfaction from the fact that Athanasius of Alexandria, the fervent architect of Nicene Christianity, should also be the first known ecclesiastical authority to “list precisely the twenty-seven books that eventually formed the generally accepted canon of the New Testament.” This intersection of canon and creed abets the notion that Christianity matured and solidified in the latter half of the fourth century; henceforth heresy and extracanonical reading would together constitute evidence of theological backsliding, or, worse, deliberate and
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19

Johnson, Nathan C. "The Mind of Matthew, or the Text? Retrieving Eusebius’ Intertextual Proposal on the Crux Interpretum of Matthew 28:1." Journal of the Bible and its Reception 7, no. 2 (2020): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbr-2020-0005.

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AbstractThe translation of Matthew 28:1 is notoriously difficult (ὀψὲ δὲ σαββάτων τῇ ἐπιφωσκούσῃ εἰς μίαν σαββάτων). Following a survey of proposals that place the discovery of Jesus’ resurrection at dawn or during the night, and finding these solutions wanting, this article highlights overlooked evidence in this passage’s long reception history. Some of this evidence is intratextual, namely, passages which could favor a day-night schema (Matt 4:2; 12:40) or in which Matthew discusses commerce and travel at night (Matt 14:15; 25:1-13). The second, intertextual set of evidence is found in the w
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20

Boersma, Hans. "The Sacramental Reading of Nicene Theology: Athanasius and Gregory of Nyssa on Proverbs 8." Journal of Theological Interpretation 10, no. 1 (2016): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26373984.

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ABSTRACT Both Arian and pro-Nicene theologians saw in the Wisdom of Prov 8 a reference to Christ. This agreement, however, did not produce unanimity about the manner of Christological exegesis. Theologians such as Eusebius of Caesarea and Eunomius of Cyzicus tried to determine the "plain" or "literal" meaning of the text. As a result, they saw in the passage references to a shadowy figure, called "Wisdom," whom God had "created," "established," or "begotten" (Prov 8) long before time began—a figure that became incarnate in Jesus Christ. By contrast, the reading strategy of Marcellus of Ancyra,
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Boersma, Hans. "The Sacramental Reading of Nicene Theology: Athanasius and Gregory of Nyssa on Proverbs 8." Journal of Theological Interpretation 10, no. 1 (2016): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jtheointe.10.1.0001.

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ABSTRACT Both Arian and pro-Nicene theologians saw in the Wisdom of Prov 8 a reference to Christ. This agreement, however, did not produce unanimity about the manner of Christological exegesis. Theologians such as Eusebius of Caesarea and Eunomius of Cyzicus tried to determine the "plain" or "literal" meaning of the text. As a result, they saw in the passage references to a shadowy figure, called "Wisdom," whom God had "created," "established," or "begotten" (Prov 8) long before time began—a figure that became incarnate in Jesus Christ. By contrast, the reading strategy of Marcellus of Ancyra,
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Dudzik, Pavel. "Nicene terminology defended by Athanasius of Alexandria in "De Decretis Nicaenae synodi" and the possible influence of Eusebius’ "Epistula ad Caesarienses"." Vox Patrum 61 (January 5, 2014): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3613.

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Celem artykułu jest porównanie dwóch narracji teologicznych – zawartych w Epistula ad Caesarienses Euzebiusza z Cezarei i De decretis Nicaenae synodi Atanazego Aleksandryjskiego – prezentujących orzeczenia Soboru Nicejskiego i mających na celu doprowadzenie do uznania Credo nicejskiego. W niniejszym opracowaniu została dokonana przede wszystkim analiza rozdziałów 19. i 20. De decretis Nicaenae synodi, w których mogą być obecne sugestie polemiczne w sto­sunku do sformułowań z listu Euzebiusza. Obiektem badań jest także zawarta w De decretis Nicaenae synodi 24 dwustopniowa struktura definicji Ðm
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Минак, Вячеслав Сергеевич. "Пещера, беседа, самопознание: VII книга «Государства» и возможные позднеантичные «новации» в «Алкивиаде I»". Платоновские исследования 1, № 22(22) (2025): 58–69. https://doi.org/10.25985/pi.22.1.04.

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Тематическое и содержательное единство текстов, приписываемых Платону, даже если некоторые, как «Алкивиад I», завершались уже его учениками, особенно заметно на примере трактовки автором самопознания. На наш взгляд, существуют очевидные параллели между процедурой выхода из пещерной реальности в диалоге «Государство» и этапами разворота Алкивиада в одноименном диалоге, особенно если привлечь известный эпистемологический дискурс о «четырехчастной линии». Четыре последовательные «познавательные» позиции, видимо, понимались и как четыре этапа познания себя, и как четыре модуса существования «самос
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Meconi, David. "Christ as Mediator: a Study of the Theologies of Eusebius of Caesarea, Marcellus of Ancyra, and Athanasius of Alexandria. By Jon M. Robertson." Heythrop Journal 50, no. 4 (2009): 707–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2009.00501_11.x.

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25

Teal, A. "Christ as Mediator: A Study of the Theologies of Eusebius of Caesarea, Marcellus of Ancyra, and Athanasius of Alexandria. By JON M. ROBERTSON." Journal of Theological Studies 59, no. 2 (2008): 797–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fln080.

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26

Hill, Kevin Douglas. "Christ as Mediator: A Study of the Theologies of Eusebius of Caesarea, Marcellus of Ancyra and Athanasius of Alexandria - By Jon M. Robertson." Religious Studies Review 35, no. 1 (2009): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2009.01318_39.x.

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27

Lavand, S. "The story of the Apostles Barnabas and Paul of Antioch." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 12, no. 1 (2025): 103–8. https://doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2025.1.12.

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Introduction. Antioch occupies a significant part of Hellenistic history. Located in the Middle East, it became the cradle of one of the oldest Christian churches Antioch. This article analyzes the history of Antioch in the period from 40 to 46 AD, when Barnabas and Paul actively conducted their apostolic activities in the country according to the Christian religion and the church in Antioch. Materials and Methods. The main historical source for this period is the Christian Bible, as well as canonical texts that reveal the life and work of the apostles Barnabas and Paul. First of all, the Gosp
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Vinzent, Markus. "Jon M Robertson, . Christ as Mediator: A Study of the Theologies of Eusebius of Caesarea, Marcellus of Ancyra, and Athanasius of Alexandria. Oxford Theological Monographs. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. xi+249 pp. $110.00 (cloth)." Journal of Religion 89, no. 3 (2009): 437–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/600274.

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29

Hordern, J. H. "Two notes on Greek dithyrambic poetry." Classical Quarterly 48, no. 1 (1998): 289–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/48.1.289.

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The fragment is preserved in two sources, Clement of Alexandria's Miscellanies, Strom. 5.14.112 (ii.402 Stählin), which gives the order of words printed above, and Eusebius' Praep. Evang. 13.680c, in which the second line is given as . The latter reading was preferred by Bergk, but there seems at first little reason to prefer one order over the other. I shall return to this issue shortly.
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MOSSHAMMER, ALDEN A. "(A.P.) Johnson Ethnicity and Argument in Eusebius' Praeparatio Evangelica. Pp. xviii + 261. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. Cased, £50. ISBN: 978-0-19-929613-2. (D.M.) Gwynn The Eusebians. The Polemic of Athanasius of Alexandria and the Construction of the ‘Arian Controversy'. Pp. xiv + 280. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. Cased, £55. ISBN: 978-0-19-920555-4." Classical Review 58, no. 1 (2008): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x0700203x.

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Prikhodko, Maksim. "“Life of Constantine” by Eusebius of Caesarea as “sacred history”: a typology of Moses — Constantine." St. Tikhons' University Review, no. 109 (October 31, 2023): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturi2023109.9-27.

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In the article, the conceptual model of the holy emperor in one of the first monuments of Christian hagiographic literature, “Life Constantine” by Eusebius of Caesarea, is investigated. The analysis is based on the typological comparison of Emperor Constantine with the biblical figure of Moses, conducted by Eusebius. As part of this comparison, the development of a “sacred image” in history is traced, which forms a kind of “sacred history” beyond the biblical framework. Philo of Alexandria’s view of the unity of the laws of nature and the written legislation of Moses as having a single source
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32

Conti, Aidan. "In Search of a Harrowing Tale: Manuscripts of the Latin Translation of 'De Christi passione'." Interfaces: A Journal of Medieval European Literatures, no. 12 (December 7, 2024): 41–54. https://doi.org/10.54103/interfaces-12-04.

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This paper examines the manuscripts of the Latin translation of Eusebius of Alexandria's sermo 17 as evidence for medieval text searches. This homily, which treats the apprehension of Jesus, his trial and subsequent descent into hell, is found in four manuscripts (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 343; Cambridge, St John’s College, C. 12; München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm14540; Salzburg, Stiftsbibliothek St Peter, a VII 5), which evince two distinct searches for the homily. In the English manuscripts, the homily fills a lacuna in Easter season within the Homiliary of Angers. In the earl
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CEDILNIK, Alenka, and Dominic MOREAU. "Macedonius of Constantinople, a True Eusebian? Contribution (IV) to the Christian Prosopography of the Dioecesis Thraciarum." Classica et Christiana 19, no. 1 (2024): 149–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/cetc-2024-19.1.149.

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This paper deal with the figure of Macedonius, which was the second pro-Arian head of the Church of Constantinople, from 342 to 360, but with two periods of interruption, during which the pro-Nicene Paul regained his see. Macedonius became bishop because of the support he received from the Eusebians and kept his position as long as his conduct was in line with the efforts of this po­li-tico-religious faction. This meant asserting the pro-Arian doctrine of this group, as well as strengthening and expanding the sphere of influence of the episcopal see of Constantinople. As part of his efforts to
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Barry, Jennifer. "Damning Nicomedia." Studies in Late Antiquity 3, no. 3 (2019): 413–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2019.3.3.413.

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All Christian flights were not created equal. With the aid of pro-Nicene authors, Athanasius of Alexandria's multiple flights quickly became the standard for an orthodox exile. The charge of cowardice, or worse, heresy, was not so easily dismissed, however. While the famed Athanasius would explain away such charges in his own writings, as did many of his later defenders, not all fleeing bishops could escape a damning verdict. In this article, I explore how the enemies of Nicaea, re-read as the enemies of Athanasius, also found themselves in exile. Their episcopal flights were no testament to t
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Тимофеев, Борис. "Exegesis of St. Isidore of Pelusium: A Meeting Point Between the Alexandrian and Antiochian Exegetical Traditions." Theological Herald, no. 2(33) (June 15, 2019): 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2500-1450-2019-33-80-90.

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Данная статья представляет собой попытку реконструкции экзегетического метода прп. Исидора Пелусиота. Прп. Исидор как богослов и экзегет формировался в контексте александрийской богословской традиции, однако при этом под влиянием личности и произведений свт. Иоанна Златоуста усвоил некоторые принципы антиохийской экзегезы, поэтому для реконструкции экзегетического метода прп. Исидора важно определить источники содержания и возможный масштаб влияния обеих традиций. Для этого необходимо провести поиск и анализ возможных заимствований. В комментариях на отрывки из исторических и законодательных к
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Toom, Tarmo. "The Eusebians: The Polemic of Athanasius of Alexandria and the Construction of the ?Arian Controversy? ? By D.M. Gwynn." Reviews in Religion & Theology 14, no. 3 (2007): 412–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9418.2007.00350_12.x.

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Vergara, Fábio. "What musical instrument was the nablas?" Dramaturgias, no. 22 (April 29, 2023): 599–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/dramaturgias22.48373.

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A nablas é um instrumento de cordas praticado no contexto greco-romano antigo, conhecido das fontes gregas (νάβλας) e latinas (nabilium). Os autores antigos convergem sobre sua origem oriental, variando quanto à região a que atribuem sua invenção: para alguns, seria oriundo da Fenícia (Sópatro de Pafos); para outros, da Capadócia (Clemente de Alexandria e Eusebio de Cesareia, o qual cita fontes tardo-clássicas e helenísticas, como Scamon de Mitilene); a versão mais aceita deriva de Flávio Josefo, que aponta sua origem hebraica. Em sua performance, usava-se a técnica do psallein,
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Tarrant, Harold. "Olympiodorus and Proclus on the Climax of the Alcibiades." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 1, no. 1 (2007): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254707x194636.

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AbstractThis paper examines the late Neoplatonic evidence for the text at the crucial point of the Alcibiades I, 133c, finding that Olympiodorus' important evidence is not in the lexis, which strangely has nothing to say. Perhaps it was dangerous in Christian Alexandria to record one's views here too precisely. Rather, they are found primarily in the prologue and secondarily in the relevant theoria. Olympiodorus believes that he is quoting from the work or paraphrasing closely, but offers nothing that can be paralleled in either the manuscripts or the Eusebian (or Stobaean) versions. Since bot
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Zibaev, Anton V. "The animal kingdom in the picture of world by Philostorgius." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University, no. 1 (March 21, 2023): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/23-1/02.

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The article examines the place of the animal world in the picture of the world by Philostorgius. Being a prominent representative of the Alexandrian school and the heretical church historiography of the IV-V cent. AD, he approached this issue much more seriously, paying attention to the symbolism due to the appearance and relationship of a person with one or another biological species. All this correlates with the methods of biological descriptions in antiquity, some of which are also used by modern biologists. Careful handling of the biological terminology of Aristotle and Pliny is noticeable
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Barnes, T. D. "The Eusebians: The Polemic of Athanasius of Alexandria and the Construction of the 'Arian Controversy'. By DAVID M. GWYNN." Journal of Theological Studies 58, no. 2 (2007): 715–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flm100.

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Ehrman, Bart D. "Jesus and the Adulteress." New Testament Studies 34, no. 1 (1988): 24–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500022189.

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The story of Jesus and the Adulteress (John 7. 53–8. 11) is fraught with historical and literary problems, many of which have seemed insoluble. On only two points is there a scholarly consensus: the passage did not originally form part of the Fourth Gospel, and it bears a close resemblance to Synoptic, particularly Lukan, traditions about Jesus. The arguments for these judgments are overwhelming and do not need to be repeated here. In some respects these unanimous conclusions have themselves brought into sharp focus the thorny problems of the story's textual and pre-literary history: (1) Textu
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Zelinskyi, Andrii. "Foreign Policy Orientation of the Bithynian King Ziaelas in Light of New Inscriptions from Kos." Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. Series: History, no. 60 (December 10, 2021): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2220-7929-2021-60-02.

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The appearance of this article was prompted by the discovery of a new block of inscriptions from the island of Kos, published in the 50th volume of the journal Chiron by D. Bosnakis and K. Hallof. Among these inscriptions, dating to 243 BC, of particular interest are two royal letters concerning the recognition of the right of asylum possessed by the temple of Asclepius in Kos. The first letter belongs to the king of Bithynia Ziaelas, and the second – to the Seleucid queen Laodice I, the mother of Seleucus II and Antiochus Hierax. Analysis of the contents of these documents compels us to rethi
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Graumann, Thomas. "Christ as mediator. A study of the theologies of Eusebius of Caesarea, Marcellus of Ancyra, and Athanasius of Alexandria. By Jon M. Robertson. (Oxford Theological Monographs.) Pp. xiv+249. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. £60. 978 0 19 921260 6 - The Christology of Theodoret of Cyrus. Antiochene Christology from the Council of Ephesus (431) to the Council of Chalcedon (451). By Paul B. ClaytonJr. (Oxford Early Christian Studies.) Pp. ix+355. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. £75. 978 0 19 814398 7." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 60, no. 2 (2009): 329–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046908007707.

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Paciorek, Piotr M. "Czas kresu czasów w literaturze apokaliptycznej." Vox Patrum 62 (September 4, 2014): 383–425. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3592.

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In this article titled “The Time of the End of Times in the Apocalyptical Literature” the author presents the study about the biblical vision of the final time which concern two domains christological and ecclesiological. This patristic study pertains to several subjects set forth in section and sub-section titles, such as: Christ as the Eternal Day of God, the Parousia as the Second Coming of Christ, the Day of Judgement, the Great Tribulation or Persecution (Mt 24: 21; Mk 13: 19; por. Dan 12: 1), “the great distress” (Rev 7: 14), the time of Pagans persisting for forty two months, the fall o
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Lyman, Rebecca. "The Eusebians: The Polemic of Athanasius of Alexandria and the Construction of the “Arian Controversy.” By David M. Gwynn. Oxford Theological Monographs. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. xv + 286pp. $85.00 cloth." Church History 78, no. 2 (2009): 386–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640709000560.

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DelCogliano, Mark. "The Eusebians. The polemic of Athanasius of Alexandria and the construction of the Arian controversy. By David M. Gwynn. (Oxford Theological Monographs.) Pp. xiii+280. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. £55. 10: 0 19 920555 8; 13: 978 0 19 920555 4." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 59, no. 1 (2008): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046907002953.

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Devore, David J. "‘The Only Event Mightier Than Everyone’s Hope’: Classical Historiography and Eusebius’ Plague Narrative." Histos 14 (February 1, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/histos440.

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Classicists have downplayed ecclesiastical historians’ participation in classical historiography. This study provides a test case for Christian engagement with classical historiography through a close reading of Eusebius’ account of the Plague of Cyprian in the Ecclesiastical History (7.21–2). Deploying carefully-selected quotations from Dionysius, the bishop of Alexandria in the 250s AD, Eusebius referenced Thucydides’ plague and invited comparison to further plague narratives in Diodorus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and Josephus. Whereas pagans in plague narratives undergo violence and commu
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Fernández, Gonzalo. "El estallido de la controversia arriana." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, no. 9 (January 1, 1996). http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.9.1996.4298.

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Este artículo estudia el inicio de la disputa arriana. Fuentes: Epifanio de Salamina, Eusebio de Cesárea, Basilio de Cesárea, Filoslorgio, Rufino de Aquileya, Sócrates, Procopio de Cesárea, Sozomeno, Atanasio de Alejandría y Teodoreto de Ciro.This article deals with the beginning of arlan dispute. Sources: Epiphanius of Salamis, Eusebius of Caesarea, Basil of Caesarea, Philostorgius, Rufinus of Aquileia, Sócrates, Procopius of Caesarea, Sozomen, Athanasius of Alexandria and Theodoret of Cyr.
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Nicolaides, Angelo. "Reflections on the City of Alexandria and the growth of the early Christian faith." Pharos Journal of Theology 103 (December 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.46222/pharosjot.10310.

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The city of Alexandria in Egypt was and remains the centre of the Orthodox Patriarchate of Alexandria, and it was one of the major centres of Christianity in the Eastern Roman Empire. St. Mark the Evangelist was the founder of the See, and the Patriarchate's emblem is the Lion of Saint Mark. It was in this city where the Christian faith was vigorously promoted, and in which Hellenic culture flourished. The first theological school of Christendom was stablished which drove catechesis and the study of religious philosophy to new heights. It was greatly supported in its quest by numerous champion
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Oliver, Willem H. "The heads of the Catechetical School in Alexandria." Verbum et Ecclesia 36, no. 1 (2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v36i1.1386.

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This is the second of two articles, the first article being concerned with general questions regarding the Didaskaleion in Alexandria. The account of the founding of the Didaskaleion in Alexandria is based on information provided by Eusebius of Caesarea (263�339), a Roman historian, exegete and Christian polemicist, in his well-known Historia Ecclesiastica, which he wrote during the first half of the 4th century. The heads of the Didaskaleion are, however, not indicated by Eusebius in an exhaustive order, as he referred to only some of them. The only ancient writer who attempted to assemble a
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