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Journal articles on the topic 'Eusebius of Caesarea’s'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Whealey, Alice. "The Greek Fragments attributed to Eusebius of Caesarea’s Theophania." Vigiliae Christianae 69, no. 1 (January 14, 2015): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341225.

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Some of the Greek fragments that Nicetas of Heraclea attributed to Eusebius of Caesarea’s Theophania lack parallels in the intact Syriac translation of the work. Many of the Greek fragments that lack a Syriac counterpart were not in fact authored by Eusebius of Caesarea, for their themes, vocabulary and style are not characteristic of him. Rather, most of them were authored by Eusebius of Emesa, and were wrongly attributed to the bishop of Caesarea through name confusion in the catenae lemmata. At least two Greek fragments missing in the Syriac version were authored by Eusebius of Caesarea. This suggests that the Syriac translator may have used a version of Theophania that abbreviated parts of the original.

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2

Lewis, V. Bradley. "Eusebius of Caesarea’s Un-Platonic Platonic Political Theology." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 34, no. 1 (April 4, 2017): 94–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340119.

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Eusebius of Caesarea drew heavily on pagan philosophy in developing the first Christian political theology. His quotations from Plato’s most political work, the Laws, are so extensive that they are treated as a manuscript authority by modern editors. Yet Eusebius’s actual use of the Laws is oddly detached from Plato’s own political intentions in that work, adapting it to a model of philosophical kingship closer to the Republic and applied to the emperor Constantine. For Eusebius the Laws mainly shows the agreement of Christian and pagan morality, while his political theory centers on the establishment and maintenance of a Christian empire under a Christian emperor who is a philosopher-king. His view represents one of the fundamental political options in ancient Christianity, one that influenced later Byzantine political theology, but was largely rejected in the west.

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3

Montinaro, Federico, and Lisa Neumann. "Eusebius was the author of the Contra Hieroclem." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 22, no. 2 (September 3, 2018): 322–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2018-0034.

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4

Szesnat, Holger. "Eusebius of Caesarea’s or Eusebius of Emesa’s Theophania? Evidence from the Lemmata in Vaticanus Graecus 1611." Vigiliae Christianae 73, no. 5 (October 9, 2019): 507–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341398.

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Abstract This paper is a response to Alice Whealey’s proposal concerning the authorship of certain fragments traditionally assigned to Eusebius of Caesarea, arguing that they are more likely the work of his pupil, Eusebius of Emesa. The paper considers the manuscript evidence, specifically the lemmata in Vat.gr. 1611, in relation to the internal evidence considered by Whealey.

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5

Bucur, Bogdan G. "“God Never Appeared to Moses:” Eusebius of Caesarea’s Peculiar Exegesis of the Burning Bush Theophany." Journal of the Bible and its Reception 5, no. 2 (October 25, 2018): 235–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbr-2018-0005.

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Abstract The exegesis of the burning bush theophany set forth in Eusebius of Caesarea’s Prophetic Extracts and Proof of the Gospel adds a distinctive and original voice to the rich chorus of Jewish and Christian interpreters of Exodus 3. Eusebius posits a disjunction between the visual and the auditory aspects of the theophany – the angel appears, the Lord speaks – and departs from the mainstream of Jewish and Christian tradition by depicting Moses as a spiritual neophyte whose attunement to God ranks much lower than that of the patriarchs of old. Even though scholars point to the overall anti-Jewish context of this exegesis, it is difficult to find satisfactory terms of comparison for some of its details. It appears, therefore, that Eusebius’ understudied Prophetic Extracts and Proof of the Gospel offer a surprisingly original interpretation that should enrich the scholarly account of the Wirkungsgeschichte of the famous burning bush episode.

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6

Giulea, Dragoş Andrei. "Basil of Caesarea’s Authorship of Epistle 361 and His Relationship with the Homoiousians Reconsidered." Vigiliae Christianae 72, no. 1 (February 9, 2018): 41–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341325.

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Abstract A comparative analysis of Ep. 361 and Eun. 1.19 in terms of language and ideas will offer a renewed confirmation (on internal grounds) of Basil of Caesarea’s authorship of Ep. 361 and a new perspective on Basil’s relationship with the Homoiousians. In addition, the article will also retrace the steps and revisit the purpose of Basil’s argument. Thus we discover in the early Basil an author simultaneously receptive to both Homoiousian and pro-Nicene visions, but leaning towards an improved Homoiousian solution. The article further investigates Basil’s vision of ousia in Ep. 361 and finds that—unlike in his later, mature, period—the early Basil shares with the Homoiousians and Eusebius of Caesarea two doctrinal elements, namely the understanding of ousia as individual substance and an associated theology of “likeness”. He inherits this view from a tradition originating in the third century, which received its official confirmation at the council of Antioch in 268. This vision is also present in the first part of Basil’s Contra Eunomium. Instead of considering Basil as a Homoiousian, one may see him, together with Eusebius and the Homoiousians, as a representative of the Antiochene legacy.

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7

Coogan, Jeremiah. "Transforming Textuality." Studies in Late Antiquity 5, no. 1 (2021): 6–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2021.5.1.6.

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Late Antiquity witnessed a revolution in textuality. Numerous new technologies transformed the practices through which readers accessed written knowledge. Editors reconfigured existing works in order to facilitate new modes of access and new possibilities of knowledge. Despite recent investigations of late ancient knowing, tables of contents have been neglected. Addressing this lacuna, I analyze two examples from the early fourth century: Porphyry of Tyre’s outline of the Enneads in his Life of Plotinus and Eusebius of Caesarea’s Gospel canons. Using tables of contents, Porphyry and Eusebius reconfigured inherited corpora; their creative interventions generate and constrain possibilities of reading—sometimes in ways which run against the grain of the assembled material. I thus argue that Porphyry and Eusebius employed tables of contents to structure textual knowledge—and readers’ access to it—by embracing the dual possibilities of order and creativity in order to offer new texts to their readers. This dual function—of affording structure and inviting creative use—was significant in the construction of composite works which characterized much late ancient intellectual production. The examples of Porphyry and Eusebius illuminate broader late ancient practices of collecting and cataloguing textual knowledge.

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8

DelCogliano, Mark. "Tradition and Polemic in Basil of Caesarea’s Homily on the Theophany." Vigiliae Christianae 66, no. 1 (2012): 30–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007211x561662.

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Abstract The bulk of Basil of Caesarea’s neglected Homilia in sanctam Christi generationem is a commentary on select verses of Matthew 1:18-2:11. He explicitly approves or rejects other interpretations, though without ever naming their authors. This study does not merely identify his sources and interlocutors, but more importantly examines how he engaged with previous and contemporary theologians and exegetes in a critical, selective, and creative manner. It shows that while Basil may have borrowed from Eusebius of Caesarea and refuted Eunomius, his primary conversation partner was Origen. Basil’s use of Origen is by no means uniform, but ranges from wholesale adoption to outright rejection. Hence it is in his appropriation of Origen that Basil’s critical, selective, and creative engagement with exegetical traditions is most clearly seen. This study concludes with a typology of seven ways in which Basil engaged with Origen in this homily.

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9

Miles, Graeme. "Stones, wood and woven papyrus: Porphyry’s On Statues." Journal of Hellenic Studies 135 (2015): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426915000075.

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Abstract:Among the fragmentary works of the Neoplatonist philosopher Porphyry of Tyre are some reasonably substantial remains of his essay on the interpretation of cult images, On Statues (περì Ἀγαλμάτων). My study falls into two parts. Firstly, I assess the major source of our fragments, Eusebius of Caesarea’s Praeparatio Evangelica, and argue that the full text of On Statues would have looked quite different, and in particular much less Stoic, than the surviving fragments would suggest. Secondly, I turn to consider what these fragments tell us about Porphyry’s thoughts on the interpretation of images and the place of these thoughts in the wider history of viewing.

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10

Frend, W. H. C. "The Place of Miracles in the Conversion of the Ancient World to Christianity." Studies in Church History 41 (2005): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000085.

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In C.435 Sozomen, the fifth-century lawyer and continuator of Eusebius of Caesarea’s Ecclesiastical History, describes how probably near the end of Constantine’s reign his grandfather and his family were converted to Christianity. He attributes this to the work of the Palestinian monk, Hilarion. He writes of Alaphion, a friend of the family at that time living in Bethelia near Gaza, a pagan stronghold: Alaphion it appears was possessed of a devil; and neither the pagans nor the Jews could by any enchantments deliver him from this affliction, but Hilarion, by simply calling on the name of Christ expelled the demon and Alaphion and his whole family immediately embraced the faith.

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11

Singh, Devin. "Eusebius as Political Theologian: The Legend Continues." Harvard Theological Review 108, no. 1 (January 2015): 129–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816015000073.

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It was Franz Overbeck who, in his attack on Harnack, referred to Eusebius's work as “[that] of a hairdresser for the emperor's theological periwig,” and the eminent historian Jacob Burckhardt who declared Eusebius to be “the most objectionable of all eulogists” and “first thoroughly dishonest historian of antiquity.” The summary judgment of such luminaries has aided the tendency to write off the bishop of Caesarea as a hopeless ideologue. In recent decades, a shift has been underway to recalibrate the picture we have of Eusebius, with robust scholarship arguing in support of his work as an historian and biblical scholar. The aim has been in part to distance Eusebius from Constantine, a proximity that is the source of much of the modern consternation with the bishop, given modernity's own genealogical unease with the relation between religion and politics. Whatever Eusebius's actual relations with the emperor, however, his rhetoric of apparently unequivocal exaltation of Constantine endures. Yet this, too, requires reassessment.

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12

Witulski, Thomas. "Παπίας ἐπίσκοπος? – Zur Frage nach dem Bischofsamt des Papias von Hierapolis." New Testament Studies 61, no. 4 (August 28, 2015): 547–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688515000235.

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A critical analysis of the statements of Eusebius from Caesarea makes plausible the presumption that the indications of Papias administering an office as an ἐπίσκοπος in the city of Hierapolis in Asia Minor are not based on historically confirmed information accepted by Eusebius himself. Moreover these indications seem to depict a post-Eusebian construction. This presumption is likely to unsettle the historical reliability of Papias' episcopacy. This implies that Papias can no longer be treated as evidence for the hypothesis that for the congregations in the west of the Roman province of Asia the institution of an ἐπίσκοπος of the local church had already developed in the second quarter of the second century ce.

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13

Whealey, A. "The Commentary on Luke Attributed to Eusebius of Caesarea." Vigiliae Christianae 67, no. 2 (2013): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341098.

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Abstract The authenticity of a catena on the gospel of Luke (PG 24,529-605), which was attributed to Eusebius of Caesarea by Nicetas of Heraclea, is dubious. One short fragment appears to derive from Procopius of Gaza’s Commentary on the Octateuch, raising a question about the catena’s overall integrity as well as its authenticity. Some of the vocabulary and themes in the longer fragments are more characteristic of Eusebius of Emesa than of Eusebius of Caesarea. Thus the bulk of these fragments were probably written by Eusebius of Emesa, but wrongly attributed to Eusebius of Caesarea because of name confusion in the catenae lemmata.

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14

Barnes, Timothy D. "Eusebius of Caesarea." Expository Times 121, no. 1 (September 11, 2009): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524609107031.

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15

O'Loughlin, Thomas. "Harmonizing the Truth: Eusebius and the Problem of the Four Gospels." Traditio 65 (2010): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900000829.

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In the late third century Eusebius of Caesarea, better remembered now for his work as a historian of the church, produced an apparatus for the reconciliation of the disagreements found in the four Christian gospels. It was a remarkable work in its own right for it preserved, as the tradition demanded, the plurality of the gospels, while allowing them to be presented and studied as a single entity, “the gospel,” and so succeeding in Tatian's aim in hisDiatessaron— as exegesis and apologetics demanded. Moreover, though now largely forgotten, it remained an important element within theology for centuries. This paper's aim is to locate the significance of Eusebius's work in its original setting in the world of late antiquity and the Christian defense of pagan challenges to the gospels' integrity, and then to follow the influence of his work within just one strand of the tradition: that which forms the background of western, Latin theology. So it will note how that work was adopted and adapted by Jerome, how it then passed on to the late-patristic Latin schoolmasters who sought to transform all learning into convenient modules of defined value, and then was taken up by others in just one region of the Latin West, the insular world, such as the anonymous scribes of the Book of Kells, the Stowe Missal, and the Book of Deer, for whom Eusebius's work was a mystery that they could not simply abandon, even when they could not understand it. Throughout this period, the Eusebian Apparatus roused the intellect of scholars, teachers, and scribes, but in each milieu the significance and perceived utility of the Apparatus was different. The history of ideas is about changes within intellectual and textual continuities, and with the Apparatus we have a clearly identifiable scholarly tool that does not in itself change over the period, but whose reception and exploitation vary greatly.

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16

Hartog, Paul. "Pamphilus the Librarian and the Institutional Legacy of Origen's Library in Caesarea." Theological Librarianship 14, no. 1 (April 23, 2021): 22–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31046/tl.v14i1.1841.

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Pamphilus of Caesarea Maritima (who died around 310) managed the Caesarean library that was rooted in the book collection of Origen. Pamphilus’ significant library rivaled other collections of Late Antiquity, causing several modern scholars (cf. Carriker, Grafton, Williams, and Vleeschauwer) to investigate the nature and contents of his book collection. This article, however, will initially focus upon the roles and responsibilities of Pamphilus as a librarian, rather than upon the nature and contents of his library. Although scholarly accounts of the history of librarianship have not properly recognized Pamphilus’ dedicated librarianship, he and his Caesarean successors fulfilled seven roles that have persisted in librarianship. With this initial examination in hand, the essay will secondarily draw some conclusions regarding the sustained institutional legacy of Origen (beyond his literary, philological, exegetical, and theological legacies). Viewed through this institutional legacy, Pamphilus, Eusebius, Constantine, and Jerome appear in a new light.

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17

Spoerl, Kelley McCarthy. "Eusebius of Caesarea against Paganism (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 10, no. 2 (2002): 296–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2002.0027.

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18

van der Horst, P. W. "Eusebius’ Onomastikon in het recente onderzoek." NTT Journal for Theology and the Study of Religion 60, no. 4 (November 18, 2006): 299–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ntt2006.60.299.hors.

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In this article three new publications (translations, commentaries) on the Onomasticon by Eusebius of Caesarea are discussed and evaluated. Attention is also paid to the causes of the upsurge of interest in this hitherto rather neglected early Christian document.

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19

Gould, G. "Review: The Library of Eusebius of Caesarea." Journal of Theological Studies 55, no. 2 (October 1, 2004): 711–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/55.2.711.

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20

Keiss-Dolańska, Daria. "Cezarea/Wieża Stratona w wybranych źródłach pisanych." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 297–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4133.

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In my paper I have tried to present briefly a history of Caesarea in Palestine, relying on the Greek and Latin sources. Originally, the city was called Straton’s Tower, but it became famous in the Roman Empire as Caesarea. I have described briefly how did Caesarea change from a small village to the capital of province Palestina Prima Metropolis. Among the authors who were used as the sources are Flavius Josephus, Georgios Synkellos, Eusebius of Caesarea, Procopius of Caesarea, Procopius of Gaza and Johannes Malalas.

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21

Ким, Сергий. "Eusebius of Caesarean Commentary on Psalm 37 in the Old Georgian Version." Библия и христианская древность, no. 1(1) (February 15, 2019): 15–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2658-4476-2019-1-1-15-38.

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Толкование Евсевия Кесарийского на 37-й псалом в греческом оригинале было исследовано автором настоящей статьи в рамках проекта по Александрийской и Антиохийской экзегезе при Берлинско-Бранденбургской академии наук1 в 2017-2018 гг. По итогам исследования греческих рукописей было подготовлено новое критическое издание (в печати). Данная статья является продолжением работы над этим памятником и представляет читателю первую часть древнегрузинской версии Толкования на 37-й псалом и её русского перевода. The Greek original of the Commentary on Psalm 37 by Eusebius of Caesarea was studied by the author of the present contribution in the frame of the project «Die alexandrinische und antiochenische Bibelexegese in der Spätantike» at the Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences in 2017-2018. The investigation of the Greek manuscripts led to a new critical edition of Eusebius’ text (forthcoming). We conceive the present article as a continuation of our study on this text and offer the reader a first part of the critical edition of the hitherto inedited Old Georgian version of Eusebius’ Commentary on Psalm 37 alongside its Russian translation.

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Ким, Сергий. "Eusebius of Caesarean Commentary on Psalm 37 in the Old Georgian Version." Библия и христианская древность, no. 1(1) (February 15, 2019): 15–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2658-4476-2019-1-1-15-38.

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Толкование Евсевия Кесарийского на 37-й псалом в греческом оригинале было исследовано автором настоящей статьи в рамках проекта по Александрийской и Антиохийской экзегезе при Берлинско-Бранденбургской академии наук1 в 2017-2018 гг. По итогам исследования греческих рукописей было подготовлено новое критическое издание (в печати). Данная статья является продолжением работы над этим памятником и представляет читателю первую часть древнегрузинской версии Толкования на 37-й псалом и её русского перевода. The Greek original of the Commentary on Psalm 37 by Eusebius of Caesarea was studied by the author of the present contribution in the frame of the project «Die alexandrinische und antiochenische Bibelexegese in der Spätantike» at the Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences in 2017-2018. The investigation of the Greek manuscripts led to a new critical edition of Eusebius’ text (forthcoming). We conceive the present article as a continuation of our study on this text and offer the reader a first part of the critical edition of the hitherto inedited Old Georgian version of Eusebius’ Commentary on Psalm 37 alongside its Russian translation.

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23

Simmons, Michael Bland. "Porphyrian Universalism: A Tripartite Soteriology and Eusebius's Response." Harvard Theological Review 102, no. 2 (April 2009): 169–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781600900073x.

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In recent years scholars from a broad spectrum, including classicists, patristic and biblical scholars, ancient historians, and specialists in ancient Judaism,1 have demonstrated an increasing interest in universalism. There has been very little written, however, on Porphyry's search for universal salvation, and whether Eusebius of Caesarea's understanding of universalism2 —here defined as the universality of a particular cult's soteriology (or even more briefly stated, the belief in universal salvation)—was influenced polemically by Porphyry. Eusebius's great apologetic works, Praeparatio evangelica and Demonstratio evangelica (henceforth P.E. and D.E.), written ca. 313–318 and ca. 318–324 c.e., respectively,3 provide many passages in which he artistically weaves universalist themes into his overall theological argument: P.E. contains 187 such passages, while D.E. has 417, more than twice that number.4 While some of the sub-themes of each work are either identical to one another or very similar in scope and content, the different audiences addressed—P.E. is primarily written to pagans against the charge that Christianity is new and thus lacks the authenticity of an ancient tradition, while D.E. responds to Jewish criticisms and gives pastoral guidance for the bishop's flock—can account for differences in both rhetorical method and theological emphases.

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Crawford, Matthew R. "Ammonius of Alexandria, Eusebius of Caesarea and the Origins of Gospels Scholarship." New Testament Studies 61, no. 1 (December 3, 2014): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688514000216.

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In the early third and fourth centuries respectively, Ammonius of Alexandria and Eusebius of Caesarea engaged in cutting-edge research on the relationships among the four canonical gospels. Indeed, these two figures stand at the head of the entire tradition of comparative literary analysis of the gospels. This article provides a more precise account of their contributions, as well as the relationship between the two figures. It argues that Ammonius, who was likely the teacher of Origen, composed the first gospel synopsis by placing similar passages in parallel columns. He gave this work the title Diatessaron-Gospel, referring thereby to the four columns in which his text was laid out. This pioneering piece of scholarship drew upon a long tradition of Alexandrian textual scholarship and likely served as the inspiration for Origen's more famous Hexapla. A little over a century later, Eusebius of Caesarea picked up where Ammonius left off and attempted to accomplish the same goal, albeit using a different and improved method. Using the textual parallels presented in the Diatessaron-Gospel as his ‘raw data’, Eusebius converted these textual units into numbers which he then collated in ten tables, or ‘canons’, standing at the beginning of a gospel book. The resulting cross-reference system, consisting of the Canon Tables as well as sectional enumeration throughout each gospel, allowed the user to find parallels between the gospels, but in such a way that the literary integrity of each of the four was preserved. Moreover, Eusebius also exploited the potential of his invention by including theologically suggestive cross-references, thereby subtly guiding the reader of the fourfold gospel to what might be called a canonical reading of the four.

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Bralewski, Sławomir. "The Labarum – from Crux Dissimulata and Chi-Rho to the Open Image Cross." Studia Ceranea 10 (December 23, 2020): 243–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.10.11.

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Based on the testimony of emperor Constantine the Great himself, Eusebius of Caesarea presented a labarum in the form of crux dissimulata crowned with the Chi-Rho. The continuers of his Church History in the next century, Rufinus of Aquileia, Philostorgius, Socrates of Constantinople, and Sozomen, only kept the cross-shape of the banner, excluding the christogram. This might have happened because in two main sources informing about the vision of Constantine – the accounts of Eusebius of Caesarea and Lactantius – it was not only the monogram of Christ that played a significant role. The motif of the cross also appears in them, in the account of Eusebius directly, and Lactantius indirectly. Furthermore, Christians interpreted the cross explicitly as a sign of victory. Eusebius wrote about the cross as a symbol of immortality, a triumphant sign of Christ overcoming death. In the account of the bishop of Caesarea, on the other hand, Constantine’s supposed vision included a triumphal sign in the form of a luminous cross, or the symbol of the trophy of salvation. Numismatic evidence also cannot be ignored. Already during the reign of Constantine the Great, the Chi-Rho appeared on the coins both on the shields and on the labarum. However, starting from the reign of Constantius II, coins that were minted included the cross instead of the Chi-Rho on the labarum. It also began to be placed on the shields, in their central part, where the monogram of Christ used to be. Over time, the cross replaced the entire labarum. The iconography present on the coins may prove that the phenomenon of identifying the labarum or Chi-Rho with the cross was not limited to church historiography and was more widespread, although it should be remembered that coins continued to also be decorated with the letters Chi-Rho. Therefore, the representation of the cross did not replace this symbol. However, it cannot be ruled out that the increasingly common image of the cross on coins also contributed to the aforementioned perception of the labarum by church historians.

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26

Backus, Irena. "Calvin's Judgment of Eusebius of Caesarea: An Analysis." Sixteenth Century Journal 22, no. 3 (1991): 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2541468.

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27

Nuffelen, Peter Van. "EUSEBIUS OF CAESAREA AND THE CONCEPT OF PAGANISM." Late Antique Archaeology 7, no. 1 (2011): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000153.

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In scholarship the term ‘paganism’ is often rejected on the grounds that it reflects Christian attempts to project a false unity onto the variety of ancient religions. Although this is true to a certain extent, this paper argues that philosophers of the imperial age already ascribed a fundamental unity to all religions, and that Christian apologists drew on these ideas to formulate their own concept of ‘paganism’. The creation of paganism should thus been seen as a dialectical process, not as a onesided projection.

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28

Whealey, Alice. "Quaestiones ad Marinum: Eusebius or Acacius of Caesarea?" Revue Bénédictine 123, no. 2 (December 2013): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rb.1.103598.

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29

Crawford, Matthew R. "Resolving Genealogical Ambiguity: Eusebius and (ps-)Ephrem on Luke 1.36." Aramaic Studies 14, no. 2 (2016): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01402005.

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The earliest formal New Testament commentary in Syriac is the so-called Commentary on the Diatessaron attributed to Ephrem. This commentary is thoroughly at home in the world of Syriac Christianity, as seen not least in the fact that it focuses on Tatian’s idiosyncratic gospel version. Nevertheless, portions of the commentary also exhibit awareness of exegetical traditions shared with contemporary Greek authors. This paper focuses on one of the more striking of these parallels, namely, (ps-)Ephrem’s treatment of Mary’s Davidic lineage and relation to Elizabeth her ‘kinswoman’. Eusebius of Caesarea had taken up this issue in his Gospel Problems and Solutions, and the author of the Syriac commentary argues for the same three points evident in Eusebius’ treatment. Hence, the Syriac commentator has likely been directly or indirectly influenced by Eusebius’ formulation of this tradition, although specifying the manner of this transmission of ideas is impossible.

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Dudzik, Pavel. "The Commentary on the Nicene Creed by Eusebius of Caesarea: An analysis of Eusebius' Letter to his Diocese in Caesarea." Studia theologica 15, no. 3 (October 1, 2013): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5507/sth.2013.029.

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Fowden, Garth. "The Last Days of Constantine: Oppositional Versions and their Influence." Journal of Roman Studies 84 (November 1994): 146–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300874.

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The earliest surviving account of Constantine's last days, April to May 337, was written by Eusebius of Caesarea as instant history, since Eusebius died in May 338 or 339. Parts of this concluding section of the Vita Constantini, for example the paragraphs about the first Christian emperor's baptism and mausoleum, have attracted scholarly curiosity, others less so. Here I would like to investigate systematically, for the first time, the versions of Constantine's abortive Iranian campaign provided by Eusebius and others, and then move on to consider the origins of a famous account of Constantine's baptism. Both exercises will show how oppositional versions of Constantine's last days influenced the formation of conventionally accepted narratives—or, more specifically, how polytheist historiography helped to mould the Nicaean or ‘orthodox’ perspective, parts of which have prevailed to the present day. Discussion of the fictional accounts of Constantine's baptism by ‘Eusebius of Rome’ and Silvester of Rome will also provide an opportunity to underline the truth of Michel van Esbroeck's observation that ‘the historical aspect of propaganda literature eludes positivist history, of which it is, even so, a part’.

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Flores Colín, Miguel Santiago. "Las listas episcopales en Eusebio de Cesarea: entre teología e historia." Nova Tellus 39, no. 2 (June 29, 2021): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.nt.2021.39.2.79285.

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The status quaestionis on the Episcopal Lists of Eusebius of Caesarea has different positions. The complete Episcopal Lists offer specific information which, compared with current systematic studies, show that the historical strictness of the Father of Christian Historiography is directly related with his Theological intention and not disassociated as has been argued. The research contributes with the inclusion of the Church of Caesarea as an example of the Episcopal Lists, along with the Churches of Rome, Antioch, Jerusalem, and Alexandria.

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Degórski, Bazyli. "The Introduction to St. Jerome’s Chronicles Eusebius of Caesarea." Rocznik Teologii Katolickiej 12, no. 2 (2013): 141–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/rtk.2013.12.2.09.

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Thielman, Frank S. "Another Look At the Eschatology of Eusebius of Caesarea." Vigiliae Christianae 41, no. 3 (1987): 226–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007287x00148.

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WHEALEY, ALICE. "The Testimonium Flavianum in Syriac and Arabic." New Testament Studies 54, no. 4 (September 10, 2008): 573–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688508000301.

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‘Agapius of Hierapolis’ and Michael the Syrian's versions of the Testimonium Flavianum, a passage about Jesus from Josephus' Jewish Antiquities, both derive from the Syriac translation of Eusebius of Caesarea's Historia Ecclesiastica. Michael's Testimonium is more authentic than Agapius' Testimonium, and it is more authentic than the textus receptus in reading that Jesus was ‘thought to be the Messiah’. Some features of Agapius' Testimonium previously considered to be more authentic than the textus receptus can be explained by distinctive readings in the Syriac text that Agapius used.

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Brillante, Sergio. "Dying as a king: The Seleucids in the Fragments of Porphyry Transmitted by Eusebius' Chronicon Morire da re: I Seleucidi nei frammenti di Porfirio trasmessi dal Chronicon di Eusebio." Historia 69, no. 3 (April 1, 2020): 310–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2020-0014.

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The aim of this paper is to analyze a fragment by Porphyry concerning Seleucid history and transmitted by Eusebius of Caesarea's Chronicon. A short introduction on this work (par. 1) will be followed by a defense of the authorship of the fragment as Porphyrian, and by a cautious suggestion to assign it to the Contra Christianos (par. 2). In the last section, the fragment will be examined at length and its ideological background will be highlighted. In particular, the account of Seleucid kings' deaths shows that Porphyry turned to sources favorable to that dynasty. A critical voice seems to raise only when the author recounts of Demetrius I and of his descendants.

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Tondera, Adam. "Oryginalność Hieroklesowego porównania Apoloniusza z Tiany z Chrystusem." Vox Patrum 65 (July 15, 2016): 683–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3528.

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Sossianus Hierocles, governor of Bithynia and adviser of the emperor Diocletian, at the beginning of the “great persecution” of the Christians published his propagandistic writing under the title The Lover of Truth, in which he drew a comparison between Apollonius of Tyana and Christ. In the apologetic treatise of Eusebius of Caesarea Against Hierocles we find a statement, that this comparison was something new in the hitherto existing attacks of the pagan intellectuals on Christianity and demanded a polemic response from the Christian part. Modern studies regarding the works of Porphyry, famous enemy of the Christians and exponent of the Neo-Platonic philosophy, seem to indicate that even before Hierocles the personage of Apollonius was used in the anti-Christian polemics and was confronted with Christ. The present article try to explain, what the originality of Hierocles’ comparison, testified by Eusebius, consisted in.

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Kurdybaylo, Dmitry. "On symbols and symbolism in Eusebius’ of Caesarea ‘Demonstartio Evangelica’." St. Tikhon's University Review 78 (August 31, 2018): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturi201878.11-27.

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de Lange, Nicholas. "Eusebius of Caesarea's Commentary on Isaiah: Christian Exegesisin the Age of Constantine." Journal of Jewish Studies 51, no. 1 (April 1, 2000): 164–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2262/jjs-2000.

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Winn, Robert. "The Natural World in the Sermons of Eusebius of Emesa." Vigiliae Christianae 59, no. 1 (2005): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570072053623432.

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AbstractIn his extant sermons, Eusebius of Emesa rejected the use of natural analogies, such as the sun and its light, to clarify the relationship between the Father and the Son. This is remarkable not only because he was otherwise committed to the theological tradition of Origen as mediated through Eusebius of Caesarea, both of whom used such analogies, but also because he was willing to direct his audiences' attention to the natural world in many of his sermons to establish other theological positions of the church. In this article I will argue that his rejection of natural analogies in this instance must be understood in the broader context of his use of nature in general in his sermons. I conclude that his affirmation or denial of the usefulness of the natural world depended on whether it would affirm or undermine the religious identity of the church.

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CRAWFORD, MATTHEW R. "The Influence of Eusebius’ Chronicle on the Apologetic Treatises of Cyril of Alexandria and Augustine of Hippo." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 71, no. 4 (June 9, 2020): 693–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046920000664.

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In the early fifth century, both Cyril of Alexandria and Augustine of Hippo used Eusebius of Caesarea's Chronicle in the writing of their respective apologetic treatises – Against Julian for Cyril and The city of God for Augustine. The present study compares the use that these two authors made of their predecessor and argues for two continuities between these acts of reception: the use of synchronisms between biblical and non-biblical history and the tracing of Mosaic monotheism through time. In both these respects, Cyril and Augustine were carrying forward themes of Christian apologetic that reached back to the second-century apologists.

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Tondera, Adam. "Związek między chrystologią a teorią praw natury w traktacie Euzebiusza z Cezarei "Przeciwko Hieroklesowi"." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 713–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4166.

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The apologetic treatise Against Hierocles is a polemical reply of Eusebius of Caesarea to an antichristian work of Sossianus Hierocles who drew a comparison between Apollonius of Tyana and Christ. The philosophical aspect of the Eusebius’ polemics contains his critique of the image of Apollonius as a „divine man” in the Philostratus’ The Life of Apollonius of Tyana. Eusebius negates the alleged divinity of the hero of Philostratus on the ground of the providential conception of the world, according to which human nature, in virtue of the order established by the Providence, is not able to rise to divine because of its limits. An approach of both natures is possible solely through a mission of a being that belongs to the heavenly sphere and is illuminated and sent by God. Only the envoy of heavens, who brings the salvation to the whole human race and leaves „the effects of eternal divinity” to people, can be really considered divine.

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Soszyński, Jacek. "Od synchronizacji do wizualizacji. Prezentacja dziejów na kartach średniowiecznych kronik uniwersalnych." Z Badań nad Książką i Księgozbiorami Historycznymi 5 (September 15, 2020): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33077/uw.25448730.zbkh.2011.274.

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The article deals with the development of graphical systems of presenting history in universal chronicles on the instances of Eusebius of Caesarea and Jerome in late antiquity, Martinus Polonus in the thirteenth century, and Werner Rolevinck at the break of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. With the translation of the Eusebius’ Chronikoi Canones performed by Jerome, the synchronistic table was introduced into the Western historiographical tradition. This form of presenting history became firmly rooted in Latin chronicles, in particular within the genre of universal chronicles, which endeavoured to recount the history of mankind from Adam to the Final Judgement, and were very popular well into the early modern period. The author argues that the chronicles of Eusebius/Jerome and Martinus Polonus simply utilized synchronicity, in their pursuit to produce encyclopaedic works, aimed at the scholarly reader. In their intention, the synchronistic table was a technical means for a more effective presentation of past events. With Werner Rolevinck the case was different. The layout introduced by him was no longer asynchronistic table, but an attempt at visualizing history, with very little attention paid to precise dating of various events and persons. He constructed his complicated graphical system for religious purposes, to contemplate the magnificence of God’s creation, in accordance with the ideas of the devotio moderna, and destined his work for a much wider audience than scholars.

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SILVA, ELITON ALMEIDA DA. "Identidade na Antiguidade Tardia: considerações sobre a perspectiva de Eusébio de Cesareia quanto à Identidade dos Cristãos no Século IV d.C. * Identity in Late Antiquity: considerations of Eusebius’ Perspective about Christian’s Identity in the..." História e Cultura 2, no. 3 (February 4, 2014): 252. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v2i3.1111.

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<p><strong>Resumo: </strong>Neste artigo busca-se refletir acerca da construção de identidade entre o Imperador Constantino e os cristãos, a partir da análise das obras <em>História Eclesiástica</em> e <em>Vida de Constantino</em>, de Eusébio de Cesareia, um autor cristão de atuação significativa no século IV d.C. A imagem do Imperador Constantino, na historiografia clássica, esteve ligada a conversão ou não-conversão de Constantino ao cristianismo. E mesmo em trabalhos monográficos recentes, encontramos exemplos de constatações análogas. Na análise das obras citadas buscamos mais do que a exaltação da imagem de um imperador favorável aos cristãos ou um excelente articulador político. Identificamos em Eusébio a procura da construção de uma identidade entre figuras centrais da Antiguidade Tardia.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave: </strong>Antiguidade Tardia – Imperador Constantino – Eusébio de Cesareia – Construção de identidade.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This paper aims to reflect on the construction of identity between the Emperor Constantine and Christians from the analysis of <em>Ecclesiastical History</em> and <em>Life of Constantine</em>, works of a Christian author of significant activity in the fourth century A.D., Eusebius of Caesarea. The image of the Emperor Constantine in classical historiography, was linked to conversion or non-conversion of Constantine to Christianity. And even in recent monographs, we find examples findings of the same parameters. In the analysis of works cited above we seek more than the exaltation of Emperor’s image favorable to Christians or a great political operator. In Eusebius we identify the search of such identity built between central figures of the Late Antiquity.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Late Antiquity – Emperor Constantine – Eusebius of Caesarea – Construction of identity.</p>

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Hall, Stuart G. "Constantine and the Church." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 6 (1990): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001137.

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Constantine was already on his way to sainthood when Eusebius of Caesarea delivered panegyrics in his honour in 335—6. His Laudes are in the tradition of pagan panegyric, in which the virtues of the emperors were praised, especially their piety to the gods and the divine favour to them. Such had earlier been given to Constantine himself, relating him to his persecuting predecessors. But now it is his services to the one God the Creator, who inspired him with justice and wisdom to rule the Empire, to root out idolatrous error, and to set up the symbol of the Cross for mankind’s salvation. In the Life of Constantine, which must be largely or wholly from Eusebius, the whole career is surveyed in a form which combines panegyric, biography, history, and proclamation. The Emperor was, it was claimed, deeply, skilfully, and consistently Christian. He had fulfilled apocalyptic prophecy by destroying the persecuting dragon that corrupted the world, represented chiefly by Licinius. Constantine had filled the Empire with churches and Christian governors; he had pacified barbarians and brought them to the knowledge of God and the rule of law. In death he lay between monuments of Apostles, sharing the prayers of the Church to whose bosom he had finally been received in baptism. Coins depicted his ascent to heaven on a quadriga (a pagan tradition which Eusebius saw with Christian eyes), and the sons of his body continued to exercise his single, quasi-divine government of the world.

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Lai, Pak-Wah. "John Chrysostom’s Reception of Basil of Caesarea’s Trinitarian Theology." Scrinium 15, no. 1 (July 23, 2019): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00151p05.

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Abstract The last two decades have seen extensive research on the Trinitarian theologies of several post-Nicene Fathers. Not much, however, has been done for John Chrysostom. Thomas Karman and Pak-Wah Lai have demonstrated separately that Chrysostom shares several theological beliefs with the Eusebian-Meletians, including the doctrine of divine incomprehensibility, and their anti-Sabellian concerns. Stylianos Papadopoulos has claimed further that Chrysostom is a successor of both Athanasius and the Cappadocians’ teachings. Among the Cappadocians, it was Basil of Caesarea who first allied himself with the Meletians in the 370s. This makes him a prime candidate for examining Chrysostom’s reception of Cappadocian theology. We observe, first of all, that both bishops operate within the Meletian tradition, employing a wide range of Eusebian motifs to denote the Trinitarian relations, including the use of hypostatic language as a safeguard against Sabellianism. Both also assume God’s nature as incomprehensible. Basil, however, also developed several theological ideas which feature prominently in Chrysostom’s homilies. Specifically, a doctrine of divine simplicity that distinguishes between the knowledge and conceptions of God’s ousia, a careful distinction between God’s ousia and hypostasis whereby the latter is taken as representing ousia in its particular properties or idiomata, the illuminating role of the Spirit, and, finally, the defence of the Son and Spirit’s full divinity by underscoring the fact that they are equal in knowledge, authority, honour, and power as the Father. Taken together, these similarities suggest strongly that Basil’s teachings loom large in Chrysostom’s Trinitarian theology.

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O'Keefe, John J. "Eusebius of Caesarea's Commentary on Isaiah: Christian Exegesis in the Age of Constantine (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 8, no. 3 (2000): 473–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2000.0047.

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RAPP, C. "IMPERIAL IDEOLOGY IN THE MAKING: EUSEBIUS OF CAESAREA ON CONSTANTINE AS 'BISHOP'." Journal of Theological Studies 49, no. 2 (October 1, 1998): 685–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/49.2.685.

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Giulea, Dragoș Andrei. "Antioch 268 and Its Legacy in the Fourth-Century Theological Debates." Harvard Theological Review 111, no. 2 (April 2018): 192–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816018000056.

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AbstractThe study proposes an analysis of the concepts ofousiaandhypostasisin the theology of the Council of Antioch which condemned Paul of Samosata in 268 CE. The authentic reports preserved from the assembly unveil the fact that the synodals who condemned Paul of Samosata employed the two terms interchangeably to denote the individual entity or person rather than the common essence or nature of the Father and Son. Additionally, they defended Christ's divinity before time and simultaneously assumed a certain subordinationism. The study additionally explores theSitz im Lebenof this theology, an accepted language embraced in the Eastern part of the Roman world in the third century. The article further traces the elements of this Antiochene theology in the fourth century in what was traditionally viewed as the “Arian” councils held in Antioch in 341 and 345 as well as in such authors as Eusebius of Caesarea and the Homoiousians. While Antioch 341 and 345 distanced themselves from Arianism, it is more coherent to interpret them, together with Eusebius and the Homoiousians, through this new hermeneutical lens, namely Antioch 268, rather than the traditional polarization between Nicaea and Arianism.

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Holladay, Carl R. "Acts and the Fragmentary Hellenistic Jewish Authors." Novum Testamentum 53, no. 1 (2011): 22–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/004810010x523727.

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AbstractThis article reviews scholarship on the fragmentary Hellenistic Jewish authors as it relates to The Acts of the Apostles. Reviewed here are Jewish texts written in Greek during the Hellenistic-Roman period that were preserved only in the form of quotations or excerpts mostly by later Christian writers, most notably Eusebius of Caesarea in his Praeparatio Evangelica. The focus of the review is to see how these texts have been investigated, especially in Second Temple Judaism and in studies of Jewish historiography during the Graeco-Roman period, and how this scholarship informs the study of Acts.

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