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Journal articles on the topic 'Eutychius'
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1
Eguiarte, Enrique A. "Damasus and Eutychius. The texts of Virgil in the elogium of Eutychius." Mayéutica 33, no. 76 (2007): 355–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica2007337617.
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Monferrer-Sala, Juan Pedro. "'CAST OUT HAGAR AND ISMAEL HER SON FROM ME' TEXT AND INTERTEXT IN EUTYCHIUS OF ALEXANDRIA'S ANNALS." Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 14, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 225–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2012-140109.
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Vapheiades, Konstantinos. "The wall-paintings of the Protaton Church revisited." Zograf, no. 43 (2019): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1943113v.
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During the course of conservation work on the wall-paintings in the Protaton Church on Mount Athos a number of letters were found that can form the name ?Eutychios? or ?Eutychiou?, the name of one of the two painters who decorated the Peribleptos Church in Ohrid. This discovery has overturned the findings of previous research and also poses new questions. The answers to these questions constitute the aim of the present article. More specifically, the wall-paintings in the Protaton are attributed to two painters, Michael Astrapas and the painter of the Chapel of St. Euthymios in Thessalonica, and are dated to between 1309 and 1311/1312. Since there are many problematic points in Astrapas? artistic development, this article reexamines certain ensembles of wall-paintings, and particularly that of the Bogorodica Ljeviska Church, as a key to interpreting and solving the problem of ?Michael Astrapas?.
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Sang-Hyeon Yoo. "Eutychus in Troas." Theological Forum 56, no. ll (June 2009): 243–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17301/tf.2009.56..009.
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Whitby, Mary. "The occasion of Paul the Silentiary's Ekphrasis of S. Sophia." Classical Quarterly 35, no. 1 (May 1985): 215–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800014695.
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The ‘turgid archaisms’ of Paul the Silentiary's style have ensured that his two hexameter Ekphrases, describing the Emperor Justinian's sixth-century church of S. Sophia in Constantinople and its ambo, have lately attracted little interest, except among art historians who seek to extract nuggets of architectural information. On the other hand, the eighty or so pagan epigrams by Paul which are preserved in the Palatine and Planudean Anthologies have received attention in recent years both because of their literary interest and for the social and historical information which they contain. In my opinion, the much more substantial Ekphrases likewise deserve to be examined as literary and historical documents. The title Ekphrasis disguises the historical interest of the works: unlike the majority of the epigrams, these poems are no mere literary exercises, but official, public works, undoubtedly commissioned by Justinian, and delivered on specific and identifiable occasions. Only the central portion of the major poem describing S. Sophia comprises technical architectural ekphrasis; this is preceded and followed by panegyrical material appropriate to the occasion of recitation which together takes up almost half the total length of the poem (462 lines out of 1029). Here the Emperor Justinian, patron of the church, and Eutychius, Patriarch of Constantinople, are praised, and the events leading up to the occasion of the poem sketched. This topical part of the work provides evidence for the ceremonial which accompanied the poem's recitation and demonstrates the type of imperial propaganda pertinent to the end of the reign of Justinian. Moreover, an explanation for a limited number of stylistic flaws in a work which, by contemporary standards at least, is of high literary quality, may lie in the recognition that Paul was obliged to complete his poem in time for a specific occasion. It is with these three occasional aspects of the work that I shall here be concerned.
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Smith, Eric C. "The Fall and Rise of Eutychus: The Church of Paul and the Spatial Habitus of Luke." Biblical Interpretation 28, no. 2 (April 28, 2020): 228–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685152-00282p05.
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Abstract The story of Eutychus in Acts 20 seems to narrate a scene of a Pauline community, meeting for a communal meal and instruction in an insula building in Alexandria Troas. Some scholars have argued, however, that this tale was borrowed by Luke and appropriated to tell the story of Paul. When read through combined theoretical lenses from Michel de Certeau and Pierre Bourdieu, the story of Eutychus provides a window not into one of Paul’s communities, but into Luke’s own spatial practice, and the habitus of community that he knew from his own late-first-century context. Luke therefore repurposed the framework of the story, but also filled the story with his own experience and expectations of space and practice in his creative reconstruction of a Pauline vignette. The tale of Eutychus provides evidence of late-first-century or early-second-century urban Christianity in Asia Minor, not of a community from the life of Paul.
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Vranić, Vasilije. "The Christology of Eutyches at the Council of Constantinople 448." Philotheos 8 (2008): 208–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philotheos2008813.
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Jeong, Chang-Kyo. "The Reading of Eutychus’ Resuscitation in Troas (Act 20:7-12) through the Aspect of ‘We.’." Korean New Testament Studies 26, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 1045–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31982/knts.2019.12.26.4.1045.
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Ritti, Tullia. "La carriera di un cittadino di Hierapolis di Frigia : G. Memmios Eutychos." Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 19, no. 1 (2008): 279–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2008.1681.
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Thompson, Alexander P. "Laughing to the Grave and Back Again: The Humor of Acts 20.7-12." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 42, no. 2 (November 19, 2019): 223–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x19873835.
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The humorous story of Eutychus’ death and subsequent revival in Acts 20.7-12 is the source of several disagreements among recent interpreters. While some reject the humorous element and read this passage as a serious moral lesson, others recognize it but down-play its significance by focusing on the more serious framework of worship. Using recent work on the philosophy of humor, this article argues for interpreting Acts 20.7-12 as thoroughly humorous through an appeal to ancient parallels of nomastic wordplay, sleep-inducing speech, and examples of tragic deaths through falling. These elements fulfill the criteria of both shared knowledge and shared feeling between author and the original reader(s) necessary for detecting humor. It concludes by demonstrating how the humorous interpretation of Acts 20.7-12 can be integrated into the wider liturgical setting.
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Hall, Stuart G. "Past creeds and present formula at the Council of Chalcedon." Studies in Church History 33 (1997): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013164.
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The Formula by which the Council of Chalcedon in 451 defined the Person of Christ is a classic case of the deliberate adjustment and interpretation of the past to suit a present need. The assembled bishops at their fifth session gave their assent to a document which not merely prescribed a theological position in the face of the doctrines of Eutyches and Nestorius, but justified doing so in the face of historically-based objections to the enterprise.
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Arena, Gaetano. "Luoghi “pubblici” e donne “ai margini”: un’attrice a Catania romana." Gerión. Revista de Historia Antigua 38, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 83–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/geri.68586.
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Un epitaffio, rinvenuto a Catania intorno al 1731, menziona la mimas Aphrodito, moglie di Eutychus. Il mimo consisteva in uno spettacolo incentrato su parodie mitologiche o, più di frequente, su intrecci erotici, era una sorta di “farsa” recitata da più attori accompagnati da coristi e musicisti e soprattutto connotata dalla bellezza, spesso generosamente esibita, di attrici e danzatrici, che potevano raggiungere considerevole fama e conseguire elevati guadagni. Il marchio dell’infamia, però, colpiva le mimae, equiparate dalla legge alle prostitute: per tale ragione l’utilizzo della prestigiosa lingua latina da parte di individui dal nome grecanico non autorizza a pensare ad un’effettiva integrazione di Aphrodito all’interno della società di Catina. Da un canto l’interesse per il restauro e l’ampliamento del corredo urbanistico della città etnea, soprattutto nel corso del II secolo e, in particolare, per gli edifici adibiti agli spettacoli, dall’altro l’attenzione specificamente rivolta dagli imperatori adottivi agli attori e agli spettacoli di mimo consentono di ipotizzare una datazione dell’iscrizione di Aphrodito all’età degli Antonini.
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Pilipović, Sanja. "Stele con cimasa orizzontale con coppia di leoni da Viminacium." Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 72, no. 1 (August 3, 2021): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/072.2021.00005.
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AbstractThe goal of this paper1 was to shed light on the existence of stelae from Viminacium in the province of Upper Moesia which can be classified as topped by the two reclining lions. This type of stelae, surmounted by two lions and one element between them, was well-known in Noricum and Pannonia. There was no archaeological evidence and previous studies did not point out that this type of stelae was present in Viminacium and Upper Moesia. The study has shown that stelae of M. Valerius Speratus, T. Baebius Eutyches, and most probably of C. Corneilus Rufus, although not preserved in integral form today, were surmounted by the pediment, most likely with two reclining lions.
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Outler, Albert C. "Theodosius' Horse: Reflections on the Predicament of the Church Historian." Church History 57, S1 (March 1988): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700062909.
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The second general council of Ephesus was convened on August 8, 449, and adjourned some fourteen days later by the legates of Theodosius II, who promptly confirmed the council's canons and decrees. It had been as regular, or irregular, as Nicea I or Ephesus I had been, and far more general than the Constantinopolitan synod of 381. Its chief importance lay in registering another splendid victory for the Alexandrines. The “school” of Antioch was shattered beyond repair; Pope Leo and the Westerners were walled off and weakened; the bare notion of “two natures” was branded as Nestorian; every principal see in the East was manned by a henchman of Dioscoros. Moreover, the emperor and his grand chamberlain (the eunuch Chrysaphius, godson to Eutyches) were prepared to support Alexandrine policy with police power.
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Wygralak, Paweł. "Rola biskupów Rzymu w sporach doktrynalnych starożytnego Kościoła." Vox Patrum 69 (December 16, 2018): 707–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3282.
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This article presents the role of the bishops of Rome in the resolution of three doctrinal disputes (nestorianism, monophysitism, monothelitism) that hit the community of the Church between the 5th and the 7th centuries. Both the teaching of Nestorius and Eutyches were unequivocally condemned by the contemporary bishops of Rome, respectively Celestine and Leon the Great. Their teachings were confirmed by the general councils of Ephesus (431) and Chalcedon (451). Solving the problem of monothelitism has caused even more difficulties to the Holy See because of the attitude of Honorius I, who supported the erroneous teaching of the Patriarch of Constantinople, Sergei. Thus, the work discusses the actions of the subsequent bishops of Rome (especially John IV, Theodore, Martin I and Agathon) for restoring orthodoxy, which resulted in the adoption of resolutions condemning monothelitism by the Third Council of Constantinople (680-681). The article was primarily written on the basis of the preserved correspondence between heresiarchs and the bishops of Rome, the bishops of Rome and the emperors, as well as the resolutions of synods and councils.
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Constantinou, Maria. "I. The Threefold Summons at Late Antique Church Councils." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 107, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 1–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgk-2021-0001.
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Abstract The threefold summons of an absent defendant in the context of synodal proceedings – which had been admittedly formed by influence from the respective process in Roman law – is an important component of the ecclesiastical judicial procedure. In this paper I examine in detail all the extensive narratives of threefold summonses preserved in conciliar acts of the fifth and sixth centuries, that is, the cases of Nestorius of Constantinople and John of Antioch at the council of Ephesus (431), the case of the archimandrite Eutyches at the Resident Synod of Constantinople (448), the case of Athanasius of Perrhe at the local synods of Hierapolis (early 440s) and Antioch (445) as well as at the Council of Chalcedon (451), the case of Dioscorus of Alexandria at the Council of Chalcedon, and the case of Anthimus of Constantinople at the Resident Synod of Constantinople (536). In the final part I proceed to an assessment of this process’ evolution over the period in question. The principal conclusion is that by the time of Justinian the ecclesiastical threefold summons procedure had become consolidated and systematised.
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Wendlik, Krzysztof. "Defense of the Dogma of the Chalcedon Council on the Base of the Fifth Book of the Work "Against Eutyches" by Vigilius of Tapso." Vox Patrum 50 (June 15, 2007): 461–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6702.
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Powyższy artykuł przedstawiający poglądy teologiczne Wigiliusza z Tapso, jednego z biskupów północnoafrykańskich, żyjącego na przełomie V i VI wieku, przywołuje atmosferę debat teologicznych dotyczących dogmatu chalcedońskiego, nie gasnących przez kolejne dziesięciolecia po jego uroczystym ogłoszeniu w roku 451. Kontekst historyczny, w którym żył i pracował Wigiliusz, spowity był panowaniem Wandali, którzy najechali północną część Imperium Rzymskiego w roku 429. Ciągła destabilizacja, a przede wszystkim okrutne prześladowanie wobec chrześcijan i wpływ herezji Ariusza, były warunkami, w których przyszło pełnić posługę biskupią Wigiliuszowi. Jednym z dzieł, które przypisuje się naszemu autorowi, jest Contra Eutychetem (Przeciwko Eutychesowi), gdzie w piątej księdze - zatytułowanej „Obrona dekretu Soboru Chalcedońskiego” - bezpośrednio wykazuje niezasadność sposobu myślenia Eutychesa, głoszącego, iż po fakcie Wcielenia Logosu mamy do czynienia wyłącznie z jedną naturą w Osobie Jezusa Chrystusa. Wigiliusz obalając herezję Eutychesa bazował nie tyle na swoim oryginalnym sposobie argumentacji, który charakteryzowało przeniesienie punktu ciężkości z poziomu spekulacji teologicznych na poziom dywagacji lingwistycznych, lecz przede wszystkim ukazał daleko idącą niezgodność z Tradycją i Nauką Kościoła argumentów Archimandryty pochodzącego z Konstantynopola. Przejawiała się ona chociażby już w tym, że zwolennicy Eutychesa (i on sam) akceptowali poglądy Ariusza, potępione o wiele wcześniej, tym samym tracili moralne prawo do dyskusji na płaszczyźnie wiary i teologii. Punktem odniesienia dla Wigiliusza jako teologa w obronie Horosu Chalcedońskiego były z całą pewnością oficjalne wypowiedzi Soborów oraz pogłębione studium teologii św. Augustyna i papieża św. Leona Wielkiego, a zwłaszcza jego Tomus ad Flavianum. Argumentem, który przemawia z całą pewnością na korzyść biskupa Tapso, jest wierność Nauce i Tradycji Kościoła, dzięki której swobodnie i pewnie mógł się poruszać na polu teologii, która pozostała dla niego tym, czym być powinna, a więc interpretacją wiary przeżywanej we wspólnocie Kościoła.
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Nsiri, Mohamed-Arbi. "Libératus de Carthage, Abrégé de L'Histoire des Nestoriens et des Eutychiens, introd. et note Philippe Blaudeau; trad. François Cassingena et Philippe Blaudeau, Paris, SC. 607, 2019." Libyan Studies 51 (June 11, 2020): 176–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lis.2020.4.
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Shchukin, Timur, and Oleg Nogovitsin. "Difficulties in Particular: Theological and Historical Context of the Anonymous Treatise “On the Common Nature and the Trinity”." Scrinium 15, no. 1 (July 16, 2019): 218–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00151p15.
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Abstract The anti-Monophysitic anonymous treatise On the common nature and the Trinity was written in the 550-560s for the educational purposes in philosophy and theology. Therefore, its content was perceived in those days as something certainly traditional. It reflects theological discussions of its time, thus making feel the degree of complication of the current theological situation and the extent of mutual comprehension between the rival parties. The anonymous author normally keeps himself within the conceptual language of the late Neoplatonism, especially the school of Ammonius of Alexandria known by its interest to peripatetic instruments. The author himself is a Chalcedonian. When rejecting both “Nestorian” and “Severian” Christologies, he claims that the human nature became a constitutive element of the hypostasis of Christ (consisting of two common natures) and by no means an independent hypostasis. There are some similarities with the teaching of Leontius of Byzantium’s Against the Nestorians and the Eutychians and Solution of the Syllogisms of Severus, whereas the present author is much more succinct, and his exposition is simplified. For instance, unlike Leontius of Byzantium, he does not distinguish the contexts, where the notions of nature and substance could be used differently; he does not state explicitly that the human nature within the hypostasis of Christ is the common nature and not a particular nature. The latter term is used but never explained. The treatise is a curious witness of the relevance of an intra-Monophysite controversy for Chalcedonites.
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Szram, Mariusz. "Obraz heretyków w „Moralia in Iob” Grzegorza Wielkiego." Vox Patrum 71 (July 2, 2019): 475–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4041.
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Jednym z głównych wątków tematycznych Moraliów, czyli komentarza Grzegorza Wielkiego do Księgi Hioba jest interpretacja trzech przyjaciół Hioba jako heretyków. Niniejszy artykuł przedstawia obraz środowiska heretyków wyłaniający się z dzieła Grzegorza. Nie ma on charakteru prezentacji historycznej. Jest to silnie zretoryzowana krytyczna ocena zjawiska herezji, wzbogacona o analizy i zalecenia o charakterze moralno-duchowym. Problematykę herezji Grzegorz poruszał przede wszystkim z pobudek apologetycznych, mających na celu obronę ortodoksyjnej wiary. Obraz heretyka został w tym celu silnie zretoryzowany. Częste stosowanie inwektywy szło w parze z dużym stopniem ogólności w przedstawianiu osobowości i sposobu działania heretyków. Grzegorz bardzo rzadko odwoływał się do konkretnych postaci heretyków i zazwyczaj były to osoby z epoki minionej, głównie wielcy błędnowiercy IV i V wieku, jak Ariusz czy Eutyches. Charakterystyka heretyków jako ludzi odznaczających się głównie trzema wadami – pychą, obłudą i głupotą – przybiera w Moraliach formę toposu, czyli motywu literackiego, pojawiającego się w większości wczesnochrześcijańskich tekstów antyheretyckich. Najbardziej oryginalnym elementem w sposobie prezentacji heretyków przez Grzegorza było powiązanie z ich cechami osobowościowymi większości wypowiedzi pojawiających się w księdze Hioba. Tylko niektóre z tych alegorii znajdują swoje paralele w przypisywanym uczniowi Hieronima, Filipowi Prezbiterowi, komentarzu do księgi Hioba, który najprawdopodobniej był znany papieżowi. Grzegorz zetknął się z pewnością w swojej posłudze z pozostałościami takich wcześniejszych herezji jak arianizm czy donatyzm, co mogło go skłaniać do szerszej refleksji na temat dzialalności heretyków. Budzi jednak zastanowienie, dlaczego w epoce późnego antyku chrześcijańskiego, gdy minął czas powstawania wielkich ruchów heretyckich, właśnie krytyka fenomenu herezji stała się głównym przedmiotem duchowej egzegezy Księgi Hioba.
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Макаров, Дмитрий Игоревич. "From Mariology to Tritheism. On Some Possible Late Byzantine Parallels to Leontius’ of Byzantium and John Philoponus’ Ideas (Theophanes of Nicaea, John XI Veccus, Georges Moskhambar). Part 2." Библия и христианская древность, no. 4(4) (December 16, 2019): 77–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2658-4476-2019-4-4-77-102.
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Статья представляет собой вторую часть исследования о возможных перекличках и влияниях между Леонтием Византийским и латинофильской мыслью Византии XIII в. (Иоанн XI Векк). Показано, что основная путаница в сочинении Векка «Об унии между Церквами Старого и Нового Рима», вызванная нечётким употреблением категорий «сущность», «ипостась», «природа», «воипостасное» и др., могла иметь в качестве одной из причин недостаточное знакомство с трудами Леонтия Византийского, особенно с сочинением «Против несториан и евтихиан», в котором сам Леонтий предвидел ходы мысли, аналогичные рассуждениям Векка. В русле той же тенденции лежит и сведéние латинофильства Векка к тритеизму, представленное в антирретике Георгия Мосхамбара «Против богохульств Векка» (1281). Труды таких мыслителей, как Леонтий Византийский и Мосхамбар опровергают распространённое мнение (представленное, в частности, в трудах Х.-Г. Бека и Т. Кольбабы), будто в византийском богословии риторика превалировала над логикой. The article is the second part of our study concerning some possible repercussions and influences between Leontius of Byzantium and the thirteenth-century Byzantine Latinophile thought (Veccus). We have demonstrated that the main confusion in Veccus’ On the Union between the Churches of the Old and the New Rome was due, first, to the too wide usage of such categories as essence, hypostasis, nature, and enhypostaton, and, second, to the Patriarch’s lack of awareness of Leontius’ writings, especially of Against Nestorians and Eutychians, where the author himself had foreseen some lines of reasoning analogous to those of Veccus. On much the same lines that reduction of Veccus’ Latinophile ideas to tritheism is based which can be found in Georges Moschambar’s Against the Blasphemies of Veccus dating back to 1281. Leontius’ and Moschambar’s treatises do indeed refute a widespread idea represented, in particular, by H.-G. Beck and T. Kolbaba, that in Byzantine theology rhetoric dominated over logic.
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Макаров, Дмитрий Игоревич. "From Mariology to Tritheism. On Some Possible Late Byzantine Parallels to Leontius’ of Byzantium and John Philoponus’ Ideas (Theophanes of Nicaea, John XI Veccus, Georges Moskhambar). Part 2." Библия и христианская древность, no. 4(4) (December 16, 2019): 77–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2658-4476-2019-4-4-77-102.
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Статья представляет собой вторую часть исследования о возможных перекличках и влияниях между Леонтием Византийским и латинофильской мыслью Византии XIII в. (Иоанн XI Векк). Показано, что основная путаница в сочинении Векка «Об унии между Церквами Старого и Нового Рима», вызванная нечётким употреблением категорий «сущность», «ипостась», «природа», «воипостасное» и др., могла иметь в качестве одной из причин недостаточное знакомство с трудами Леонтия Византийского, особенно с сочинением «Против несториан и евтихиан», в котором сам Леонтий предвидел ходы мысли, аналогичные рассуждениям Векка. В русле той же тенденции лежит и сведéние латинофильства Векка к тритеизму, представленное в антирретике Георгия Мосхамбара «Против богохульств Векка» (1281). Труды таких мыслителей, как Леонтий Византийский и Мосхамбар опровергают распространённое мнение (представленное, в частности, в трудах Х.-Г. Бека и Т. Кольбабы), будто в византийском богословии риторика превалировала над логикой. The article is the second part of our study concerning some possible repercussions and influences between Leontius of Byzantium and the thirteenth-century Byzantine Latinophile thought (Veccus). We have demonstrated that the main confusion in Veccus’ On the Union between the Churches of the Old and the New Rome was due, first, to the too wide usage of such categories as essence, hypostasis, nature, and enhypostaton, and, second, to the Patriarch’s lack of awareness of Leontius’ writings, especially of Against Nestorians and Eutychians, where the author himself had foreseen some lines of reasoning analogous to those of Veccus. On much the same lines that reduction of Veccus’ Latinophile ideas to tritheism is based which can be found in Georges Moschambar’s Against the Blasphemies of Veccus dating back to 1281. Leontius’ and Moschambar’s treatises do indeed refute a widespread idea represented, in particular, by H.-G. Beck and T. Kolbaba, that in Byzantine theology rhetoric dominated over logic.
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Grzywaczewski, Józef. "Sobór chalcedoński. Kontekst historyczny, teologiczny, następstwa." Vox Patrum 58 (December 15, 2012): 137–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4072.
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The article presents the Council of Chalcedon; its theological and historical context and its consequences. The author starts with the theological context of this Council. In that time the question of relation between humanity and divinity in Christ was discussed. Apollinarius of Laodicea taught that in the person of Christ there were two elements: the Logos and the body. The Logos replaced the soul. He propagated the formula mia physis tou theou logou sesarkomene. Others theologians were not agree with his opinion. Generally, there were two theological schools which worked on this matter: school of Alexandria and of Antioch. In the first one, the Christ was seen especially as God who became man. In the second one, He was seen as the man who was God’s Son. With other words, in Alexandria the starting point of reflection was the Divinity of Christ. In Antioch the starting of reflection was His humanity. The author mentioned Eutyches whose ideas on Christology produced a lot of trouble. In such a context, the Council of Chalcedon was organized (451). It was the proposal of Emperor Marcjan. The Council, after having condemned Eutyches and Dioskur of Alexandria because of their position on theological matter, proclaimed a new definition of the catholic faith. The base of this definition was the Letter of Pope Leo the Great Ad Flavianum. The most important point of this definition was the statement that Divinity and humanity meet in Christ, and both form one person. Such a declaration seems to be clear, but it did not satisfy Greek theologians. They did not want to accept the formula two natures (duo physeis) in one person, because in their opinion it signifies a separation between the Divinity and the humanity of Christ. They preferred to speak about mia physis tou Theou Logou sesarkomene. Surely, by the term physis they did not understand nature, but a being. While saying mia physis they did not mean one nature, but one being. In their conception, Jesus Christ was a Being in which met Divinity and humanity. Many theologians were suspicious of the term person (prosopon); they supposed that it had a modalistic meaning. The main opinion of Modalists is: there is only One God who appears sometimes as Father, sometimes as Son, sometime as Holy Spirit. There were also other reasons of contesting the definition of Chalcedon. It was known that that this definition was imposed by the Greek emperor, influenced by the Bishop of Rome (Pope). Many theologians, especially in monastic milieu, did not want to accept the intervention of the civil authorities in religious matter. They did not have a very good opinion about Latin theology. In the fifth century there were some anti-Hellenic tendencies in the eastern part of the Empire. Many Oriental theologians rejected the definition of Chalcedon because it was „a formula of Rom and Constantinople”. In such circumstances, a lot of Christians separated themselves from the Catholic Church, forming Monophysite Churches. Those who remained in unity with Rome and Constantinople, keeping the definition of Chalcedon, were called Melchites. Another problem was the canon 28, which gave some privileges to the bishop see of Constantinople. Pope Leo the Great did not approve this canon. Anti-Hellenic tendencies were so strong that in the time of Islamic invasions the people of Palestine, Syria, and Egypt welcomed Arabic soldiers as liberators from Byzantine domination. It is to be said that Arabic authorities, after having taken power in a country, were friendly towards Monophysites and persecuted Melchites. So, the contestation of the definition of Chalcedon prepared the ground for the victory of Islam in the East. The article is ended by an observation of a French theologian Joseph Moingt: declaration that Divinity and humanity make union the person of Jesus Christ produced division not only in the Church, but also in the Roman Empire. This is one of great paradoxes in the history of Christianity.
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Ohme, Heinz. "Was war die Lateransynode von 649? Was sollte sie sein?" Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 48, no. 1 (June 20, 2018): 109–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890433-04801007.
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The radical nature of the Lateran Synod of 649 – which anathematized three patriarchs from Constantinople, one from Alexandria, two imperial laws, and one bishop identified as the heresiarch – was unprecedented in the history of the church. Hence the Synod represents the high point of the Monothelete controversy. This article analyzes its acts in order to identify the kind of synod which the Lateran gathering understood itself to be, thereby demonstrating that this papal synod, the most important of the early middle ages, constituted itself as a court of justice and pretended to go through a so-called synodal accusatory legal process. Patterning their proceedings after the example of the fifth-century lawsuit against Eutyches, Nestorius and Dioscorus, the gathering claimed to be following, in a canonically faithful manner, the standing synodal legal procedure according to the church’s statues. However, the examination of the actual trial reveals serious breaches of legal procedure. The mandatory summons of the accused was omitted, thereby taking away any possibility of their defense. Moreover, the absolute separation of prosecutor and judge was undermined and, because they were written beforehand, not only the record of the process but also its judgement were a farce. Relying on a theology of Roman primacy, the synod posited a Roman competence which challenged the actual authority of an ecumenical council convened by the emperor. In this respect, here is the first early medieval attempt to replace the institution of the ecumenical council with a papally led Concilium universale. Conceptionally organized by Maximus the Confessor with Popes Theodorus I and Martin I, and staged as a literary product by him and his students, the Lateran Synod was, according to canonical and imperial law, an illegal event which rendered any agreement in the theological controversy impossible.
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Smith, Mark. "Libératus de Carthage. Abrégé de l'histoire des nestoriens et des eutychiens. By Philippe Blaudeau. (Sources Chrétiennes, 607). Pp. 455. Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 2019. €35 (paper). 978 2 204 13415 6; 0750 1978." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 72, no. 1 (December 31, 2020): 150–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204692000161x.
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Law, Vivien. "Late latin grammars in the early middle ages." Historiographia Linguistica 13, no. 2-3 (January 1, 1986): 365–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.13.2-3.13law.
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Summary The popularity, and hence survival, of certain of the grammars of late Antiquity in the early Middle Ages can to a large extent be described in typological terms. The two principal ancient genres, the Schulgrammatik and the regulae type, were joined in the fifth century by a new genre, the grammatical commentary. The overwhelming importance of Donatus and commentaries on Donatus and the emergence of the elementary foreign-language grammar in the seventh and eighth centuries reveal the subsistence level of language study in early Christendom. The conceptually more challenging grammars of the regulae type, as well as shorter works of the Schulgrammatik type, suffered a temporary eclipse. The greater linguistic confidence of the Carolingian Renaissance shifted the balance toward works of a more varied and demanding nature. Priscian’s Partitiones and Institutiones grammaticae re-entered circulation and in the next few centuries were assiduously excerpted and glossed. Ancient Donatus commentaries were superseded by newly-written ones and were joined by Carolingian commentaries on the principal authors of the regulae type, Phocas and Eutyches. Shorter grammars of the Schulgrammatik type and minor regulae grammars enjoyed a brief return to favour in the first half of the ninth century but failed to establish themselves in the curriculum. Instead, Carolingian teachers devoted themselves to the development of another new genre, the parsing grammar, which was to survive well into the sixteenth century. The survival pattern of Late Latin grammars thus reflects the priorities of the early Middle Ages. In an environment in which the Latin language, and with it basic literacy, were barely established, the theoretical disquisitions of Varro and Priscian were irrelevant and unhelpful. Many ancient grammatical texts were undoubtedly lost at the end of Antiquity, during the transition from papyrus to parchment; others may well have disappeared in the pre-Carolingian period, when the demands of elementary language teaching were uppermost. This was the final hurdle: those ancient grammars which survived to the Carolingian Renaissance are virtually all available today.
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Passalacqua, Marina. "Priscian’s institutio de nomine et pronomine et verbo in the ninth century." Historiographia Linguistica 20, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.20.1.10pas.
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Summary The Institutio de nomine et pronomine et verbo by Priscian enjoyed, unlike the Institutiones grammaticae of which it is a summary, vast popularity in the early Middle Ages, because it provided the basic elements of Latin morphology and swiftly taught students how to decline and conjugate. In the eighth and ninth centuries we find 24 manuscripts in which the text is contaminated to such an extent that it prevents the charting of any stemma codicum, although it is possible to identify the influence of particular codices on one another. The text was well known in France, but there are copies also in Bavaria, in the Abruzzi and in Spain. Only four of these manuscripts contain the Institutiones grammaticae as well: the two works were destined for two very different kinds of public. Their coexistence in Paris, BN, lat. 7498 comes as a response to the need to have the complete corpus of Priscian in Saint-Amand; in Paris, BN, lat. 7503 the position occupied by the treatise suggests that it was felt as a summary of the first section of the Institutiones which deals with the noun, and as a preparation to the second section which concerns verbs; in Reims 1094 didactic considerations appear to predominate; in Wolfenbüttel 64, a witness to the presence of grammatical texts in Lyon, the fragment of the Institutio gives the impression of being a scholastic exercise. It has to be noted, however, that in three manuscripts out of four, the text is inserted into the first seven books of the Institutiones. The authors whose works most frequently occur together with Institutio are Isidore, Bede, Donatus, Servius’s De finalibus, Sergius’s De littera, Phocas, Sedulius, St. Jerome, Eutyches, Agroecius, Consentius, the Liber de finalibus metrorum, Maximus Victorinus’s De ratione metrorum and Servius’s Commentum in Artem Donati. The richest manuscripts in terms of texts are the great scholastic manuals Bologna 797, Orléans 295 and St. Gall 878 by Walahfrid Strabo.
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Wolińska, Teresa. "Wschodnie patriarchaty wobec sporu dotyczącego tytułu „patriarcha ekumeniczny”." Vox Patrum 58 (December 15, 2012): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4069.
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The struggle for primacy in the Universal Church was first started between Rome and Alexandria, but in the middle of 5th Century it was Constantinople that became the most important rival of Rome. The increasing position of the Constantinopolitan bishop was caused by the fact that at the turn of the 4th century the city became capital of the Empire. So, it was the emperor’s interest to give to the bishop of their capital the same rights as those of the bishops of the Old Rome. The growing importance and authority of Constantinopolitan bishops reflected the needs and natural evolution, so it was easily accepted in the Eastern part of the Empire. It was confirmed by the decisions of the two ecumenical councils and by imperial legislation. Hence, the bishops of Constantinople became the most important ones in the East. They rejected papal aspirations to control the whole Church. Popes opposed the growing authority of their rivals in Constantinople. They started to act as St. Peter’s successors and tried to obtain independence from secular authorities. Despite their efforts, the importance of bishops of Constantinople was still increasing. The argument concerning the title of „ecumenical patriarch” was a part of that struggle. Its beginning dates back to the year 483 when pope Felix protested against addressing Accacius, the bishop of Constantinople „ecumenical”. The argument became even more fierce during the pontificates of Pelagius II and Gregory the Great. They both fought against the title used by the patriarchs of Constantinople – John IV the Faster and Cyriacus. Gregory translated the controversial title as „universalis” or „solus” and tried to mount an alliance to fight it. He appealed to Eutychios, the patriarch of Alexandria and to the patriarch of Antioch – Anastasios. The predecessor of the latter, patriarch also named Gregory, just like the pope, did not take part in the argument, but he was in a way cause the cause of it, as the title had been used in the documents from just his trial that were sent to Rome. For Gregory using the title in relation just to the patriarchs of Constantinople sounded diminishing for other bishops. According to the pope, using the title by the patriarchs of Constantinople implied that they would subject other patriarchs and consequently would demand power over the whole Church. Gregory counted that due to that, other patriarchs, particularly those of Antioch and of Alexandria would support him in the argument. He kept writing to both Eulogius and Anastasius. He relied on them the more that he knew both personally and with Eulogius he was even befriended. To his disappointment, both patriarchs kindly refused their support. The problems they had were more important than the question of someone’s title. They felt they might need support from the Byzantine emperor as well as from the patriarch of Constantinople in the struggle with heretics on their own territory and absolutely did not feel threatened by the growing position of the fellow-bishop. Besides, it seems they quite did not understand what the whole problem was about. Consequently, the lack of support from eastern patriarchs and the negative opinion of emperor Maurice resulted in Gregory’s defeat in the argument.
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Dusanic, Slobodan. "Prosopographic notes on roman mining in Moesia superior: The families of wealthy immigrants in the mining districts of Moesia superior." Starinar, no. 56 (2006): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta0656085d.
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The author analyzes epigraphic evidence (fresh or based on documents the reading and/or interpretation of which has been revised in sections I-V) to show that Roman mining in Moesia Superior, under the Principate, was largely based on private - frequently senatorial - financial investment. I An unpublished inscription (IInd cent.?) from the Kosmaj argentariae discloses two Publii Fundanii, obviously members of the same family which was to produce P. Fundanius Eutyches, a colonus of the near-by Rudnik mines early in Septimius Severus' reign (IMS I 168). It is perhaps no simple coincidence that, long before, a P. Fundanius Hospes was active in the ferrariae of Noricum (CIL III 4915 a, Magdalensberg); as is well known, the involvement of wealthy Romans in the mining business tended to be hereditary. II The set of Dardanian lead-ingots found at the wreck site of Caesarea Palaestinae registers interesting stamps (Ann. ?p. 1999, 1683; Domitianic). Their testimony can be understood, on a number of points, more completely than has been done by previous editors (I shall discuss the ingots' epigraphic problems in a separate article). Here, let us note that the stamp (d) P.T.R., is best read P(ublius) T(arius) R(ufus) (the genitive construction being possible, too). Like several other families from Liburnia and Nedinum itself (e.g. the Quinti Gnorii), the Tarii Rufi (there seems to be independent evidence that they employed the praenomen Publius [CIL III 2877] among other praenomina) will have invested their money in the mining of Illyricum/Upper Moesia. This state of affairs probably went back to L. Tarius Rufus, cos. 16 BC. III As briefly noted by A. Evans (and more or less forgotten by later scholars), there was a Roman mining region in northwest Dardania (Mokra Gora - Suva Planina), which has left traces in the toponymy (the eloquent Serbian place-name "Rudnik"), archaeological material (including "traces of the ancient workings "), and inscriptions (the mining aspects of which remained unobserved). The presence of rich people/bearers of significant gentilicia should be pointed out here; it tends to be overlooked by the epigraphists. A Greek inscription from Rudnik (Spomenik 71 [1931] 92 no. 215) records a Fulcinius (line 1), who probably originated in Macedonia and may have been a distant successor to the Fulcinius figuring as quaestor in the province's Fasti for 148 BC. The economic expansion of the Fulcinii from Macedonia to the mining districts in the north obviously went via Scupi (IMS VI 121). Another inscription of the same provenance was erected by a Paconius (Spomenik 71[1931] 92 no. 213, with photograph), certainly connected with the city ?lite of S(plonum?) and Risinium, perhaps also with merchants from Delos and Thessalonice. IV The honorary base of Gamicus conductor an(nis) X, lib(ertus) Pont[io(rum)], found at Agio Pnevma not far from Siris (Ann. ?p. 1986, 629, slightly modified), is of double interest. On the one hand, it provides an instructive piece of evidence on iron-mines in the south of Macedonia. (A number of facts tend to indicate their role in the matter: Gamicus' title of conductor, his being a freedman of the Pontii [? to be identified with the senatorial family of the Pontii from Dardania, whose social success, it is generally assumed, must have owed much to the mines in the neighbourhood of Ulpiana], and the mineral wealth of the Strymon region) If Gamicus is really taken to have belonged to the Dardanian branch of the Pontii as their libertus, i.e. the prominent family owning i.a. the ferrariae in Macedonia, their interest in iron may be attributed to the intensity of their need for tools, typical of people possessing mines as well as latifundia. On the other hand, despite the silence of scholars on the subject, it seems that the Gamicus of Ann. ?p. 1986, 629, must be identified with the Gamicus of the Mursan dedication reading [I.]O.M./[pr]o salute/C. Iul. Agatho/pi c(onductoris)/ f(errariarum) Panno5/niar(um) itemq. provinciar(um) / transmarinar(um) / Gamicus ark(arius) / v.s.l.m. (Fitz Verwaltung Pannoniens, 740 f. no. 2; early Severan). Two circumstances favour the identification - the comparative rarity of the name Gamicus and the fact that the conductor as well as the arcarius served in ironmines (under the regime of conductoriate). Probably, Gamicus was a slave of Agathopus' Iulii first; after their being replaced by the Pontii at the head of a part (doubtless the south-eastern one) of the complex of the iron-mines formerly administered by Agathopus, he was taken over by the Pontii (? related to the Dardanian family of that name which has just been discussed) who manumitted him. Writing of the personnel of the portorium Illyrici (whose case naturally, was similar), P. ?rsted noted an analogous practice: "?new conductores bought the slaves of the departing conductor" (Roman Imperial Economy?340). If the foregoing deductions prove accurate, they can lead to a number of comments concerning the administrative and prosopographic history of the iron-mines in Illyricum. V In the last section of the article, the inscriptions from the Scupian dossier of the (senatorial) Libonii are discussed (IMS VI 27, 75, 167 ?now lost?, and 224 ?discovered at Lopate nr. Kumanovo?). New readings and interpretation of CIL III 8227 = IMS VI 167 (with R. Ardevan's suggestions) have been proposed. We are led to the conclusion that the Libonii constituted another senatorial family with estates in Moesia Superior (Dardania) that sought profit from mining. This would explain the two interesting features of the text of IMS VI 167 which have been overlooked/misinterpreted by previous editors. First, the gentile Libonii (not Sibonii or Sidonii) can be seen among the lettertraces of lines 1 and 6. Second, a mining title occurs in lines 4/5: (procurator, vilicus sim) arg(entariarum) (?) / [D]ar[d(anicarum)]. Palaeographical and onomastic considerations sustain the former point (note that IMS VI 27 and 167 share the cognomina Maxima /Maximus and Severus). The latter point recalls the fact that the Kumanovo territory, to the north of Scupi, is known for its Roman mines of argentiferous lead; for Lopate, where the Le/ibonian inscription IMS VI 224 was found, see TIR K 34,VIII d.
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Bevan, George A., and Patrick T. R. Gray. "The trial of Eutyches: A new interpretation." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 101, no. 2 (January 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/byzs.2008.016.
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Kuryłowicz, Marek. "Threpte und Eutyches – römische Sklaven in Krakau (CIL VI 27389a)." Krytyka Prawa 2016, no. 2 (June 15, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.7206/kp.2080-1084.109.
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Shchukin, Timur. "“What do you say about this flesh?”: “Substance” and “Nature” in the treatise of “Against the Nestorians and Eutychians” by Leontius of Byzantium." ESSE: Studies in philosophy and theology, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31119/essephts.2019.4.1.7.
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