Academic literature on the topic 'Ex-combatant reintegration'

While ex-combatant reintegration is vital to successful transitions from war to peace, some former fighters turn to crime following demobilization. Such criminality undermines the consolidation of political order. Leading theories of crime participation emphasize the role of both individual economic opportunities and factors related to social ties. Yet, we still know little about the social logic of ex-combatant criminality and how social and economic factors relate as drivers of crime participation. This article presents a theory of how wartime social ties – namely, vertical ties to former commanders and horizontal ties to ex-combatant peers – influence ex-combatant crime on their own and via their relationship to economic opportunity costs. We use the theory to derive predictions in the context of Colombia, and then test them with a combination of administrative data and high-quality original survey data. We find that both vertical and horizontal wartime ties are powerful drivers of ex-combatant criminality. Our evidence indicates that wartime ties mitigate the risks of criminal behavior by facilitating the transmission of criminal capabilities and pro-crime social norms. We do not find that economic conditions moderate the effect of wartime times nor do we find any indication that economic opportunity costs, on their own, predict criminality. These findings underscore the importance of wartime ties – both vertical and horizontal – to understanding post-conflict transitions and designing reintegration interventions.

AbstractEx-combatant reintegration programmes are buttressed by a number of problematic assumptions about ex-combatants themselves; namely, that ex-combatants should not receive long-term support because such assistance would amplify the threat they pose to security and exacerbate community resentment towards them. The article uses data collected from Liberia to demonstrate that such thinking stigmatises ex-combatants and works against the objective of reintegration: it disruptsintegration intothe everyday social, economic, and political life of the post-conflict state and aims instead to render ex-combatantsseparate fromcommunities. Integration will remain elusive unless assumptions about ex-combatants as programme beneficiaries are challenged.

AbstractRecent research has shown that disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) programs often fail to uproot wartime command structures. A key question is why some ex-commanders succeed in retaining control over their ex-fighters, while others are less successful. This study seeks to address this question by comparing four former midlevel commanders (ex-MiLCs) in Liberia and the ex-combatant networks that they head. Contrary to previous assumptions, which have stressed the tendency of ex-fighters to flock around ex-commanders operating in spaces of marginality, I argue that ex-MiLCs employed as government brokers and who funnel patronage from ruling elites to ex-combatants are likely to possess the most durable networks. These findings highlight how ex-military bonds thrive where previous research expects them to be weakest: close to government elites who are often designated as “agents of change” by international peacemakers.

What determines the recidivism of ex-combatants from armed conflicts? In postconflict settings around the world, there has been growing interest in reintegration programs to prevent ex-combatants from returning to illegal activities or to armed groups, yet little is known about who decides to “go bad.” We evaluate explanations for recidivism related to combatant experiences and common criminal motives by combining data from a representative survey of ex-combatants of various armed groups in Colombia with police records of observed behaviors that indicate which among the respondents returned to belligerent or illegal activities. Consistent with a theory of recidivism being shaped by driving and restraining factors, the results suggest that factors such as antisocial personality traits, weak family ties, lack of educational attainment, and the presence of criminal groups are most highly correlated with various kinds of recidivism and hold implications for programs and policies to successfully reintegrate ex-combatants into society.

Resumen: “La guerra no es una razón de ser, es unpaso en la búsqueda de paz”. Esta frase resume una delas premisas más constantes en el proceso del conflictocolombiano donde el 80 por ciento de las excombatientesdesmovilizadas trabaja o ha trabajado con proyectos depaz desde el momento de su reinserción en la sociedad.Este ensayo explora la experiencia de las mujeres excombatientesen su transformación de actores de guerraa sujetos de paz a partir de los procesos de rescate y validaciónde la memoria. Se analizan narrativas y testimoniosde mujeres excombatientes o vinculadas al conflictoen su paso hacia protagonistas de los procesos de paz,ya sea como líder, activista de organizaciones de paz oparticipantes directas en los procesos de reconciliación.El objetivo es explorar la transformación genérica queha experimentado la sociedad a partir del rol que hanjugado las mujeres en los procesos del conflicto armado,reinserción y reconciliación. Los testimonios que seanalizan son el de Vera Grave y su trabajo en el observatoriopara la paz; testimonios de excombatientes contenidosen el documental “Reveladas”, de Juliana Ladrónde Guevara, y narrativas del manuscrito, “Mujeres nocontadas”, del Colectivo de excombatientes. También seincluyen entrevistas con activistas de organizaciones depaz y con algunas mujeres que han participado en losprocesos de paz.Palabras clave: mujeres excombatientes, conflictocolombiano, procesos de paz, reinserción, reconciliación,recuperación de la memoriaFrom Armed Actors to Subjects of Peace: Womenand Reconciliation in the Colombian ConflictAbstract: “War is not a reason for being, it is a stepin the quest for peace.” This sentence condenses one ofthe most consistent premises in the process of the Colombianconflict where 80 percent of former women combatantsworks or has worked with projects of peace from themoment of his return to society. This essay explores theexperience of ex-combatants women in their transformationfrom actors of war to subjects of peace and their processof validation and recuperation of memory. I analyzenarratives and testimonies of women who participated inthe Colombian conflict and their transformation in peaceagents either as leaders, peace activists or direct participantsin the process of reconciliation. The objective is toexplore the generic transformation of society through therole played by women who underwent the processes ofconflict, reintegration and reconciliation. The testimonialsanalyzed are Vera Grave’s and her work at the observatoryfor peace; testimonies of ex-combatants includedin the documentary “Revealed” by Juliana Ladrón deGuevara, and narratives from the manuscript, “Mujeresno contadas”. I explore also interviews with peace activist’sleaders and former guerrilla combatants.Key words: ex-combatant women, Colombian conflict,peace process, reinsertion, reconciliation, recuperationof memory.

While reintegration programs for ex‐combatants have become a major focus of cease fire agreements, their success remains elusive. In this study, I interview members of Nuevo Horizonte, an intentional community comprised of Guatemalan ex‐guerrillas. These men and women reflect on two questions: what was reintegration like, and what advice do you have for other reintegrating ex-combatants. Using a grounded theory approach, common themes (such as being united) were developed and lead to a substantive theory of their transformative reintegration process. The collective voice of these ex‐ combatants challenges conventional reintegration programs by (a) challenging the demobilization prerogative showcasing how their unity was integral to their reintegration experience and (b) challenging the development model in which ex‐combatants are viewed as lacking capacity and in need of outside experts to deliver solutions. By highlighting how reliance on their own capacity resulted in their successful reintegration, these ex‐combatants believe their experience can assist other ex‐combatants around the world.

Several organizations, most prominently the United Nations and the World Bank, have emphasized that ex-combatant reintegration is crucial to consolidating peace after war. Strategic thinking about peace-building and opportunities for international involvement in post-conflict states after the Cold War have focused attention on programs to disarm, demobilize, and reintegrate fighters. Despite the resources and effort invested in reintegration programs, however, the evidence from Namibia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone shows that significant problems linked to incomplete reintegration persist after formal programs end. These problems include widespread unemployment among former fighters, ex-combatant involvement in criminality, re-recruitment into neighboring conflicts, and political and social polarization of reintegration grievances. Left unmanaged, such problems threaten security even if they do not lead a state back to war. The thesis explains the persistence of reintegration problems in terms of two variables: the capacity (defined as resources, operational expertise, and authority) and preferences (defined as the explicit and implicit interests and assumptions that guide programs) of reintegration actors. The capacity and preferences of these actors are aggregate independent variables that are themselves the product of endogenous (organizational and bureaucratic) and exogenous (systemic) pressures that literature on political economy and international relations theory helps to elucidate (i.e., helps to determine how reintegration actors' own behavior exacerbates or ameliorates problems). Drawing on documentation and interviews, the thesis constructs a narrative of reintegration in each case and employs process tracing within cases to identify reintegration problems, measure their impact on security, and determine whether and how the capacity and preferences of reintegration actors contributed to the persistence of reintegration problems. The thesis uses comparative analysis to generalize inferences about the variables observed, and suggests potential solutions to improve the management of reintegration problems and creation of economic opportunities. Unless deeper issues of reintegration governance related to problem management and opportunity creation are addressed, targeted remedies to improve program design will not succeed.

As a result of the conflict in eastern Ukraine, there are at present hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian Donbass War veterans who participated in the Anti-Terrorist Operation (ATO) and Joint Forces Operation (JFO) who must now reintegrate into civilian life. Despite the great number of veterans who need to be reintegrated socially, politically, and economically into Ukrainian society, there is currently no comprehensive policy for ex-combatant reintegration in Ukraine. Applying the concept of social capital and based on interviews, observations, and documents, this qualitative case study investigates the nature and the role of social resources in ATO/JFO veterans’ social, political, and economic reintegration in Odessa. The analysis revealed that in the lack of social trust, social cohesion, shared values, and generalized reciprocity within the wider society, veterans’ ability to generate bridging social ties were undermined. On the other hand, widespread norms of trust, particularistic reciprocity, cohesion, and solidarity within the veteran networks made research participants to rely more on their bonding social ties among veterans. The study also finds that in the absence of overarching reintegration programs, veterans’ bonding social ties contributed significantly to all spheres of their reintegration. Despite the inward-looking nature of bonding social capital that tends to reinforce exclusive identities and homogeneous groups, all veterans to varied extent describe their bonding social ties with former military comrades as an important factor in facilitating social, political, and economic reintegration.

In the reconstruction of war-tom societies, the successful reintegration of combatants into the post-conflict environment is recognised to be a vital component in the peacebuilding effort. In order to achieve and sustain such reintegration Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) programmes are implemented. DDR literature advocates the importance of economic reintegration due to the fact it provides a focus for ex-combatants and thus the possibility of a secure environment. However, as DDR is studied in greater detail, the limitations of such a narrow focus are becoming apparent. Moreover, the identified need for the effective social reintegration of excombatants is becoming an increasingly more salient issue; particularly when considering the reconciliation of war-affected communities. Nevertheless, whilst the importance of social reintegration may have been recognised, understanding as to the ways in which ex-combatants socially reintegrate, and the effects such reintegration may have on the reconciliation process and the general peacebuilding effort, is in its relevant infancy. This research, through fieldwork involving the life history analysis of 50 ex-combatants and 22 civilians, along with ethnographic studies of four rural communities and 26 elite interviews with policy makers/implementers, sought to investigate this hiatus within the context of Rwanda. Specifically, it examined the obstacles faced by ex-combatants in their social reintegration and the mechanisms through which ex-combatants are successful in their endeavours. It then progressed to an elaborate consideration of the effects of the successful social reintegration of ex-combatants on the reconciliation process within the peacebuilding environment. It does this by applying the c~ncept of social capital as a bridge between ex-combatant social reintegration and reconciliation. The findings from this research identify a number of significant elements that are crucial to the social reintegration of ex-combatants. Additionally, the thesis delineates the importance of such reintegration for the reconciliation and peacebuilding process and thus signifies the need for a significant reconsideration of the way in which DDR programmes are designed and implemented.

Student Number : 0513998G - MA research report - School of Social Sciences - Faculty of Humanities
This study aimed to investigate how specific needs of the Rwandan child combatants who fought in the Great Lakes Region are being addressed in the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) processes. Data collected by the use of semistructured interviews of demobilised child combatants and key informants revealed that many children were recruited after being orphaned, separated from parents, or because of their search for physical and psychological security which was threatened by war and its immediate effects. Further, it was found that child combatants experienced harsh living conditions in the bush due to both the nature of their work as combatants and their physical and mental immaturity. As far as the DDR processes are concerned, the study revealed many weaknesses in addressing the specific needs of child combatants at least until January 2004. However, there has been a significant positive shift in dealing with the same needs since then. The absence of female child combatants in the DDR process was noted. This research concludes with a number of recommendations for both future interventions and further research.

Ce mémoire s’intéresse aux récits des ex-combattants des groupes paramilitaires Autodéfenses unies de Colombie sur leur participation au conflit armé. Ces narrations, construites dans un contexte de réintégration à la société, permettent de réfléchir à la construction de la vérité par les ex-combattants dans les contextes post-conflit. Nous avons analysé les histoires de vie de 18 ex-combattants qui participaient au Programme de réintégration à la vie civile à Bogota. Nos interviewés ont adopté une position de victimes, en élaborant des discours justificateurs visant à se déresponsabiliser. Ces discours montrent une normalisation de la violence qui revient à la notion de « banalité du mal » d’Hannah Arendt. Nos interviewés ont employé plusieurs rhétoriques des groupes paramilitaires afin de justifier la violence. Ces rhétoriques font partie de la construction psychologique de l’ennemi par les groupes et elles invitent à analyser le rôle du langage dans la construction d’une culture paramilitaire. Néanmoins, certains interviewés ont condamné la violence exercée par leur groupe. Nous avons observé qu’il existe plusieurs interprétations de la manière dont nos interviewés disaient avoir réagi aux contextes de violence de masse, ce qui nous a amenés à réfléchir aux notions de culpabilité morale et juridique.
This paper studies the interpretations of the ex-combatants of the paramilitary groups United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia about their participation in the internal conflict. These discourses, created in a context of social reintegration, are used to discuss the recreation of the truth brought by the ex-combatants in post-conflict contexts. We analyzed the life stories of 18 ex-combatants who were part of the reintegration to civil life Program held in Bogota. Our interviewees have adopted a position of victims, creating discourses of legitimation of the violence in order to avoid the according responsability. In there, it suggests a normalization of violence, remembering the concept of the “banality of evil” brought by Hannah Arendt. Our interviewees have used the paramilitary rhetoric to justify violence. This rhetoric belongs to the psychological construction of the enemy by the groups and it reveals the role of language in the construction of a paramilitary culture. Although, we found that there are other interpretations that don’t concede and justify violence. There are different interpretations of their reactions in the contexts of mass violence. From there we discussed the notions of moral and legal guilty.
Esta investigación se interesa por las interpretaciones de los excombatientes de los grupos paramilitares Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia sobre su participación en el conflicto armado interno. Estas narraciones, creadas en un contexto de reintegración social, permiten reflexionar sobre la construcción de la verdad por los excombatientes en los contextos post-conflicto. Analizamos las historias de vida de 18 excombatientes que participaban en el Programa de Reintegración a la Vida Civil en Bogotá. Nuestros entrevistados adoptaron una posición de víctimas, construyendo discursos justificatorios buscando des-responsabilizarse. Estos discursos muestran una normalización de la violencia que recuerdan la noción de “banalidad del mal” de Hannah Arendt. Nuestros entrevistados emplearon varias retóricas de los grupos paramilitares para justificar la violencia. Estas retóricas hacen parte de la construcción psicológica del enemigo por los grupos e invitan a analizar el rol del lenguaje en la construcción de una cultura paramilitar. Sin embargo, no todos utilizaron discursos justificatorios. Encontramos que existen varias interpretaciones de la manera en que nuestros entrevistados decían haber reaccionado a los contextos de violencia de masa, lo cual nos condujo a reflexionar sobre las nociones de culpabilidad moral y jurídica.

Recent questions surrounding the repatriation, rehabilitation, and reintegration of those who traveled to join the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), the reintegration of violent extremists in conflict zones including Somalia, Nigeria, Libya, and Mali, and the impending release of scores of homegrown violent extremists from prisons in the United States and Europe have heightened policymaker and practitioner interest in violent extremist disengagement and reintegration (VEDR). Although a number of programs to reintegrate violent extremists have emerged both within and outside of conflict zones, significant questions remain regarding their design, implementation, and effectiveness. To advance our understanding of VEDR, this report draws insights from a review of the literature on ex-combatant disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR). The literature on DDR typically adopts a “whole of society” approach, which helps us to understand how systemic factors may influence VEDR at the individual level and outcomes at the societal level. Despite the important differences that will be reviewed, the international community’s thirty-year experience with DDR—which includes working with violent extremists—offers important insights for our understanding of VEDR.