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Journal articles on the topic 'Executive control of legislature'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 18 February 2022

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1

Innocent, Eme O. "ADDRESSING EXECUTIVE-LEGISLATURE CONFLICT IN NIGERIA." Journal of Security Studies and Global Politics 1, no. 1 (2016): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33865/jssgp.001.01.0024.

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This paper examined the phenomenon of executive dominance over the legislatures both at the national and state levels in Nigeria. The paper argues that legislatures in Nigeria generally are faced with the crisis of executive belligerence, which itself is a hangover of the military rule and decreed two party states between 1960 and 1999. This culture of executive dominance appears more endemic and destructive to democracy. The data for this study was generated from Focus Group Discussion, in-depth desk review and other documentary sources. The technique of content analysis will constitute our d

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Sellers, Mitchell Dylan. "Gubernatorial use of executive orders: unilateral action and policy adoption." Journal of Public Policy 37, no. 3 (2016): 315–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x16000180.

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AbstractI examine gubernatorial use of executive orders, and assess how executive action influences statute adoption. I argue that strong governors use executive orders to pursue policy objectives when they perceive legislation as unlikely to pass. Multilevel Event History Analysis of executive orders and the adoption of statutes that protect the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) community from 1975 to 2013 reveals that partisan control of government and intrastate factors influence both forms of policy adoption. My findings support the strategic model that argues that executives t

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SCHLESINGER, MILDRED. "Legislative Governing Coalitions in Parliamentary Democracies." Comparative Political Studies 22, no. 1 (1989): 33–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414089022001002.

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A neglected aspect of parliamentary democracies that do not conform to the British model is the relation between executive and legislative leadership. In multiparty systems with strong legislative committees, committee chairmen constitute a governing coalition comparable to the cabinet. Given the coalitional nature of each leadership group, their partisan composition may not be identical; nor need they be equally stable. These are matters of importance for the operation of government. This article examines the relations between the two coalitions in the primordial parliamentary democracy, the

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4

Paine, Thomas. "ANSWER TO FOUR QUESTIONS ON THE LEGISLATIVE AND EXECUTIVE POWERS." E-Legis - Revista Eletrônica do Programa de Pós-Graduação da Câmara dos Deputados 13, no. 33 (2020): 277–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.51206/e-legis.v13i33.619.

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Thomas Paine, answering, supposedly, to Condorcet, about institutional definitions proposed to French Constitution, after the Revolution. He deals with themes as division and balance of powers; constitutional control; Legislature institutional organization; hereditary monarchy; constituent power and legislative power; constitutional reform.

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Negretto, Gabriel L. "Government Capacities and Policy Making by Decree in Latin America." Comparative Political Studies 37, no. 5 (2004): 531–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004263663.

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What is the effect of constitutional decree authority (CDA) on the policy-making process of a presidential regime? Despite recent efforts to answer this question, there is still much uncertainty in the literature about the extent to which decree powers may allow presidents to control the legislative process. This article argues that in a separation-of-powers system, the existence of CDA effectively enhances executives’ ability to act as agenda setters. This capacity, however, is not uniform across all cases. Developing a simple spatial model of decree games, the author argues that the bargaini

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Fagbadebo, Omololu. "Interrogating the Constitutional Requisites for Legislative Oversight in the Promotion of Accountability and Good Governance in South Africa and Nigeria." Insight on Africa 11, no. 1 (2018): 38–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087818814912.

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This article interrogates the effectiveness of the requisites for constitutional provisions in respect of the promotion of accountability and good governance in South Africa and Nigeria. The article notes that the drafters of the Constitutions of the two countries made sufficient provisions for the regulation and control of the executive and legislative activities in a manner that could guarantee effective service delivery. These constitutional provisions, in line with the practices of their respective governing systems of the two countries, empower the legislature to hold the executive accoun

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SINGER, ABRAHAM, and AMIT RON. "Models of shareholder democracy: A transnational approach." Global Constitutionalism 7, no. 3 (2018): 422–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381718000126.

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Abstract:Existing discussions about shareholder control work with a state-centric and Westphalian conception of democracy. Therefore, they see the corporation as a state-analogue: shareholders (citizens) elect a board (legislature) charged with the responsibility to ensure that the executive follows their ‘collective interest’. We claim that state-centric models of democracy are not apt for an environment of corporate governance characterised by complex interdependence, porous boundaries, and criss-crossing relations of weak allegiances. Instead, we suggest that recent theories of transnationa

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Lienert, Ian. "Who Controls the Budget: The Legislature or the Executive?" IMF Working Papers 05, no. 115 (2005): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451861341.001.

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9

Diermeier, D., and R. Vlaicu. "Executive Control and Legislative Success." Review of Economic Studies 78, no. 3 (2011): 846–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/restud/rdq030.

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Rodrííguez, Rogelio Hernáández. "Conflicto y colaboracióón entre poderes. La experiencia reciente de los gobiernos divididos en Mééxico." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 21, no. 1 (2005): 183–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2005.21.1.183.

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This essay examinesthe institutional changes undergone by the executive and legislative branches of government in Mexico since 1997 when PRI lost its dominance in congress. It considers the nature of divided government and its potential for conflict as well as the constitutional power of both branches during the period of PRI hegemony. It demonstrates that congress always possessed the right to balance and even control the executive branch while the latter had little power to dominate the former. The traditional subordination of the legislative branch to the executive derived from the politica

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Dahal, Gopal Prasad. "The Seperation of Power: An Experiment of Theory and Practice." Tribhuvan University Journal 28, no. 1-2 (2013): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v28i1-2.26214.

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When the legislative and executive power united in the same person, or in the same body of magistrates, there can be no liberty ... Again, there is no liberty if the power of judging is not separated from the legislative and executive. If it were joined with the legislative, the life and liberty of the subject would be exposed to arbitrary control; for the judge would then be the legislator. If they were joined to the executive power, the judge might behave with violence and oppression. There would be an end to everything, if the same man or the same body, whether of the nobles or the people,

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12

Faqir, Khan, and Imtiaz Ali. "The State of Judicial Review in 1973 Constitution of Pakistancc." Global Legal Studies Review V, Winter 2020 (2020): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glsr.2020(v-i).04.

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The aim of this paper is to highlight the power of judicial review in the 1973 constitution of Pakistan. The three organ of the government the executive, judiciary and legislature are working in such a way that each organ is functioning in its sphere. The functions and activities may not be disturbed by each other. There is a mechanism in the 1973 constitution of Pakistan of judicial review. In this way the judiciary has some check on the other branches of the government. Under the 1973 constitution, the judiciary has certain powers to control the executive and legislative branches of the gove

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Wickramasinghe, Nira. "Sri Lanka in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (2021): 211–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.211.

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President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his brother Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa set in motion a process aimed at consolidating their family’s control of the executive, cabinet, and legislature. The global coronavirus pandemic gave them an opportunity to further militarize the administration of the country. The ruling party, the Sri Lanka People’s Front, won a two-thirds majority in the parliamentary elections, which allowed them to enact decisive constitutional change and overturn crucial legislation that curbed the power of the executive. The government’s ability to withstand the economic crisi

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Yap, O. Fiona. "Agenda Control, Intraparty Conflict, and Government Spending in Asia: Evidence from South Korea and Taiwan." Journal of East Asian Studies 6, no. 1 (2006): 69–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000047.

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In nations where the executive has budgetary control, how are spending decisions and allocations affected? Is intraparty conflict relevant? This article sets out to show that institutional rules and leadership roles affect budgetary outcomes. It makes the following argument: if intraparty conflict exists in a one-party dominant or majority-party system, the executive reduces spending to punish the party in the legislature; if no intraparty conflict exists, then the executive increases spending to reward or cultivate loyalty to himself as the party leader. If intraparty conflict exists in a min

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Stienlet, Georges. "De programmabegroting als bruikbaar instrument voor de parlementaire controle." Res Publica 31, no. 2 (1989): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v31i2.18879.

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Untill recently the primary emphasis of the budget of the Belgian State was on formal controls of spending. The detailed classification of objects of expenditure was the main control mechanism. The growing needs for managerial control on the proliferation of public organisations turned intrest of the government executive to concerns with the efficient performance of government activities. Program budgeting was introduced as a technical solution for the public management. Legislative action resulting in an expenditure change has become more and more exceptional and shows how extraordinaly skill

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Garner, Paul. "Federalism and Caudillismo in the Mexican Revolution: The Genesis of the Oaxaca Sovereignty Movement (1915–20)." Journal of Latin American Studies 17, no. 1 (1985): 111–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00009214.

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On 3 June 1915 the state legislature of Oaxaca in southern Mexico issued a decree which proclaimed that the ‘free and sovereign state of Oaxaca reassumes its sovereignty until such time as constitutional order is restored in the republic’ (i.e. in accordance with the Constitution of 1857). Governor José Inés Dávila therefore declared that the executive and legislative branches of the state government would assume control and responsibility over the federal agencies and services within the state. The justification for this dramatic course of action, taken at the height of a period of intense ci

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Eaton, Kent. "Can Politicians Control Bureaucrats? Applying Theories of Political Control to Argentina's Democracy." Latin American Politics and Society 45, no. 4 (2003): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2003.tb00257.x.

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AbstractIn the United States, an important literature shows that legislators use interest groups, courts, and budgets to assert political control over bureaucrats. Similar theories can be applied to study the scores of new democracies that have emerged in recent decades. In Argentina, politicians in the first administration of Carlos Menem (1989-95) rewrote administrative procedures and relied on both “police patrol” and “fire alarm” oversight to realign the behavior of tax bureaucrats in conformance with their own policy preferences. Whereas U.S. legislators generally prefer complex administr

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Onoge, Elohor Stephanie. "Monitoring and Evaluating the Impact (Post-Legislative Scrutiny) of Emergency Regulation in Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic." IALS Student Law Review 8, no. 1 (2021): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14296/islr.v8i1.5269.

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The threat posed by passing emergency laws and policies in response to the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic can be said to be a critical precursor of human rights abuses. In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Nigerian President issued the COVID-19 REGULATION 2020 exercising his powers under the Federal Quarantine Act, CAP Q2 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004. Based on this, the Nigerian Federal Government has undertaken stringent measures, enforced restrictions and cessation of movement, social and economic activities in Nigeria to curtail the pandemic. Nigeria has employed human contr

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Borońska-Hryniewiecka, Karolina. "Differential Europeanization? Explaining the impact of the early warning system on subnational parliaments in Europe." European Political Science Review 9, no. 2 (2015): 255–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773915000375.

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The inclusion of subnational parliaments into the early warning system (EWS) for subsidiarity control generates transforming dynamics in parliamentary modus operandi in European Union (EU) decentralized states. Empirical findings reveal considerable variations in the pace and scope of subnational parliamentary activity in EU policy control challenging the existing theories of territorial mobilization. Drawing from a comparative institutional analysis, this article offers a theoretical framework that permits accounting for cross-country variations in subnational parliamentary mobilization in EU

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Dewi, Santi Rahma, Kukuh Sinduwiatno, and Sarwenda Biduri. "Board of Knowledge about Budgeting Regional Financing (APBD) in Sidoarjo." Journal of Economics, Business, and Government Challenges 2, no. 2 (2019): 110–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33005/ebgc.v2i2.78.

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This study aims to find out how the board's knowledge about the budget in implementing regional financial supervision (APBD). This research was conducted with qualitative methods by presenting elements of questions regarding the board's knowledge of budget and regional financial supervision. Methods of gathering information using interviews and documentation to members of the Sidoarjo Regency council. The results of this study indicate that board members understand the process of determining the budget carried out by the executive, so that they can supervise and control the implementation of t

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Dewi, Santi Rahma, Kukuh Sinduwiatmo, and Sarwenda Biduri. "Pengetahuan Dewan Tentang Anggaran Dalam Pengawasan Keuangan Daerah (APBD) Di Kabupaten Sidoarjo." Journal of Accounting Science 3, no. 2 (2019): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21070/jas.v3i2.2779.

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This study aims to find out how the board's knowledge about the budget in implementing regional financial supervision (APBD).This research was conducted with qualitative methods by presenting elements of questions regarding the board's knowledge of budget and regional financial supervision. Methods of gathering information using interviews and documentation to members of the Sidoarjo Regency council.The results of this study indicate that board members understand the process of determining the budget carried out by the executive, so that they can supervise and control the implementation of the

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22

Aung, Nge Nge. "The principle of rule of law and independence of the judiciary in Myanmar." Journal of Education Culture and Society 12, no. 1 (2021): 530–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs2021.1.530.539.

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Aim. This research aims to discuss the importance of the principle of rule of law in protecting the judiciary’s role, especially the independence of constitutional adjudication and its functions. Methods. The study applies the case study approach and comparative method to investigate the constitutional court systems of some countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and their independence. Results and conclusion. The resultsreveal a lack of the judiciary’s independence, even among the top branches that are trying to implement democracy in Myanmar. The judiciary is under th

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Zubek, Radoslaw. "Parties, rules and government legislative control in Central Europe: The case of Poland." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 2 (2008): 147–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.03.004.

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A distinguishing feature of Central European polities is a strong policy-shaping role of parliaments. This article demonstrates how party political and procedural factors set the scene for the executive's loss of legislative control in Poland. Parties undermine the governmental grip because of their limited internal cohesion and competitive coalitional strategies. Parliamentary rules reinforce such party effects. The executive can shield its bills from amendments by relying mainly on partisan controls, not formal privileges. But, as an analysis of over 300 bills shows, when party discipline an

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Bustamin, Bustamin, and Rony Jaya. "URGENSI CHECKS AND BALANCES KETATANEGARAAN INDONESIA DAN ISLAM." JURIS (Jurnal Ilmiah Syariah) 18, no. 2 (2019): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.31958/juris.v18i2.1740.

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The reform movement opened the door to implementation of the 1945 amendment to the constitution. The urgency of the Indonesian government's control system, which included the legislative, executive and judicial institutions, was quite a concern. This condition is based on the fact that during the Orde Baru the concept of the Trias Politica Montesquieu was castrated by the authorities. Unlike the case of the Islamic constitutional system, the concept of mutual control was much more familiar when Khulafaur Rasyidin Umar bin Khattab called six (six) high-ranking friends to find a replacement. Thi

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Pilarczyk, Piotr Miłosz. "Funkcje kontrolne parlamentów na ziemiach polskich w początkach XIX w." Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne 14, no. 2 (2016): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/osap.1560.

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One of the aspects of the principle of separation of powers in the state is control of the executive by the legislature. As regards the Polish lands in the early nineteenth century, we can speak about Polish parliamentarism only in the Duchy of Warsaw, the Kingdom of Poland and the Republic of Cracow. Although these states did not recognize the principle of parliamentary accountability, their parliaments voiced criticism of the authorities and there occurred the problem of controlling the executive. Parliament of the Duchy of Warsaw tried to usurp this right itself. Parliament of the Kingdom o

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Zucco, Cesar. "Legislative Coalitions in Presidential Systems: The Case of Uruguay." Latin American Politics and Society 55, no. 1 (2013): 96–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2013.00185.x.

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AbstractThe article analyzes executive-legislative relations in Uruguay between 1985 and 2005. It demonstrates that even after controlling for ideological affinity and acknowledging that ideology affects presence in the cabinet, legislators whose factions hold ministerial positions behave in a more progovernment way than their ideology would predict. This result not only shows that coalitions “work” but suggests that they work because the presidents use resources under their control to attract support from legislators. This article presents a systematic analysis of executive-legislative relati

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Jahan, Tasnuva. "Directors’ Remuneration and Corporate Governance within the UK." International Journal of Learning and Development 7, no. 3 (2017): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijld.v7i3.11496.

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In this era of globalization and rapid growth of world economy size of directors’ remuneration is a matter of international debate. Current anxieties are around the increase in executive pay as reports disclose that executive pay no longer corresponds with performance and the gap of wealth have widened since the 1980s. The courts, nevertheless, has been reluctant to scrutinise this condition, neither has the legislature shown any interest to fix any standard of pay. Model Articles for Public Companies allow the board of directors to delegate their powers on conditions they seem fit. Compared t

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Ojwang, J. B. "Legislative Control of Executive Power in Africa: New Insights." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 19, no. 4 (1986): 421–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-1986-4-421.

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Kumar, B. Muthu. "Docket Control in the Apex Court Exercising Constitutional Review." Christ University Law Journal 7, no. 1 (2018): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.12728/culj.12.4.

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Globally, there was a dramatic and disproportionate increase in caseloads in the second half of the twentieth century due to the expansion of human rights jurisprudence and legal awareness among citizens. This in turn, affected the quality of justice in the Apex Court of every country involved in the process of constitutional review. It was found that there cannot be any generalization in designing a Constitutional Court and it all depended on the constitutional and legal history of that particular nation. In many countries, the legislature and executive brought timely reforms to keep the Apex

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Hadfield, Brigid. "The Nature of Devolution in Scotland and Northern Ireland: Key Issues of Responsibility and Control." Edinburgh Law Review 3, no. 1 (1999): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/elr.1999.3.1.3.

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Under three broad headings, namely, the internal dimension, the Westminster dimension and the intergovernmental dimension, this article seeks to analyse and explore the nature of devolution and to consider factors pertinent to its development. The article, thus, first compares the provisions of the Scotland Act 1998 and of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 on the electoral system, the size of the devolved legislature, the power of dissolution and the formation and the scrutiny of the devolved executive. The prime purpose of this section is to identify the principles enshrined in the legislation wh

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Chamon, Merijn. "The legal framework for delegated and implementing powers ten years after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty." ERA Forum 22, no. 1 (2021): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12027-020-00646-2.

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AbstractThis Article gives an overview of the legal framework governing the exercise of the delegated and implementing powers foreseen in Articles 290 and 291 TFEU in light of the most recent jurisprudence of the EU Courts in this field. It clarifies what essential elements are under Article 290 TFEU, how the Courts test this requirement and how it relates to the requirement under Article 290 TFEU that a delegation must also be specific. The article subsequently discusses and compares the control regimes in place under Articles 290 and 291 TFEU, noting that in post-Lisbon institutional practic

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Watkins, Morgan. "Proceed with Caution: Law Reform, Judicial Review and the Judicature Modernisation Bill." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 47, no. 1 (2016): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v47i1.4882.

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The Judicature Modernisation Bill 2013 re-enacts the operative provisions of the Judicature Amendment Act 1972. This article analyses the re-enacted provisions, concluding that the reform will be largely successful relative to a goal of "non-substantive reform". However, this article argues that there were significant defects in the legislative process leading to reform, especially in terms of parliamentary scrutiny of judicial review. In a context of a fused executive–legislative branch of government, it is inappropriate to legislate for judicial review without adequate consideration of the e

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Taufiqurrohman, Moch Marsa. "KOALISI PARTAI POLITIK DAN IMPLIKASINYA TERHADAP SISTEM PRESIDENSIAL MULTIPARTAI DI INDONESIA." Kertha Semaya : Journal Ilmu Hukum 9, no. 1 (2020): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/ks.2020.v09.i01.p12.

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Artikel ini berupaya meninjau kembali praktik koalisi partai politik di tengah sistem presidensial pasca reformasi, dan menilai sejauh mana dampaknya terhadap kestabilan pemerintahan. Pasca reformasi 1998, sejumlah besar partai politik telah didirikan, menunjukkan bahwa munculnya fragmentasi politik adalah sesuatu yang tidak terhindarkan. Alih-alih melaksanakan pemerintahan secara sehat, partai politik membentuk koalisi untuk memperkuat kedudukan mereka di parlemen. Implikasi penerapan multi partai dalam sistem presidensial ini seringkali menimbulkan deadlock antara eksekutif dan legislatif. S

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Golosov, Grigorii V. "Legislative Turnover and Executive Control in Russia’s Regions (2003–2014)." Europe-Asia Studies 69, no. 4 (2017): 553–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2017.1337871.

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Lagassé, Philippe. "Parliament and the War Prerogative in the United Kingdom and Canada: Explaining Variations in Institutional Change and Legislative Control." Parliamentary Affairs 70, no. 2 (2016): 280–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsw029.

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The British and Canadian Parliaments have no legal control over military deployment decisions. Recently, however, governments in both countries have held votes in the House of Commons on expeditionary missions involving combat. In the United Kingdom, this has led to a convention of legislative control of the executive’s prerogative to deploy the armed forces. In Canada, the votes have benefited and enabled the executive, rather than strengthening legislative control. Using Mahoney and Thelen’s (2010) theory of gradual institutional change, this article analyses how and why war prerogative refo

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Susilo, Agus Budi. "REFORMULASI PERBUATAN MELANGGAR HUKUM OLEH BADAN ATAU PEJABAT PEMERINTAHAN DALAM KONTEKS KOMPETENSI ABSOLUT PERADILAN TATA USAHA NEGARA." Jurnal Hukum dan Peradilan 2, no. 2 (2013): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.25216/jhp.2.2.2013.291-308.

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Agency or government officials have broad authority in implementing government affairs. Broad authority was likely to be abused , causing loss and injustice in the society as well as lower level government officials, therefore there must be other institutions that control it. Based on the theory of triad politics, the executive is politically controlled by the legislature and are legally controlled by the judiciary, because the agency or government officials running the executive function, which controls the judiciary juridical is the State Administrative Court ( Judicial TUN ). TUN judicial c

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Lagassé, Philippe, and Stephen M. Saideman. "When civilian control is civil: Parliamentary oversight of the military in Belgium and New Zealand." European Journal of International Security 4, no. 1 (2018): 20–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2018.17.

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AbstractThis study introduces a new type of oversight in civil-military and executive-legislative relations:community policing. Building on principal-agent theory, this type of oversight emphasises trust rather than confrontation. To illustrate how community policing functions, the study examines how legislative oversight of military affairs operates in Belgium and New Zealand. Legislative defence committees in both countries rely on trust when overseeing the executive’s handling of defence affairs. This allows these committees to perform their oversight function at low cost in terms of time a

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Vitanski, Dejan, and Dijana Kirova. "POLITICAL CONTROL AND RESPONSIBILITY OF THE GOVERNMENT IN THE CERTAIN ENVELOPES OF STATE AUTHORITY WITH A SPECIAL ACCENT OF THE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 6 (2018): 1779–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28061779d.

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The executive power is a gravitational center of political power, that is the basic lever of the mechanism of power and at the same time, one of the key elements for determining the character of the political system. In order to prevent or disable the concentration of power in the hands of the executive power, political and legal thought have repeatedly sought for effective mechanisms for restricting that power and keeping it under control. The executive power in order not to turn it into its negation, must be as fully and accurately dimensioned and limited as possible. The nicules of the idea

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Kyryliuk, Oleh. "IMPROVEMENT OF MECHANISMS FOR IMPLEMENTING THE RESULTS OF PARLIAMENTARY CONTROL." Innovative Solution in Modern Science 5, no. 49 (2021): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.26886/2414-634x.5(49)2021.1.

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The main objective of the study, the results of which is presented in the article, is an analysis of the content and essence of parliamentary control, which is a prerequisite for improving mechanisms for its implementation. The author has shown that the concept of parliamentarism means the presence of a division of state power to the legislative, executive and judicial, and therefore means independence and simultaneous interconnection of all branches of power. Such interconnectivity makes it possible to restrain branch branches due to mutual influence, pressure and control. The article determi

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Al-Khazaleh, Shams El-Din Qassem, and Sayel Mofleh Momani. "The Jordanian Legal Regulation for Implementing the Arbitral Award as an Executive Bond in accordance with the Jordanian Execution Law No. 25 of 2007." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 4 (2018): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n4p109.

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The implementation of the arbitral award is the final stage of the arbitration process, which is the substance of the arbitration agreement, since the control is based on the principle of the authority of the administration and as it is the focus of this research, the arbitration judgment, as well as the implementation of the arbitral award, will be discussed in addition to the terms of the enforceable judgment, as well as judicial control over the execution of the award to reach the result that the legislator was not successful in organizing methods of appeal by arbitration.  The

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Коростылёва, Ольга Васильевна. "From the bureau of forced labor to the criminal-executive inspections." Vestnik Kuzbasskogo instituta, no. 2(39) (June 20, 2019): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.53993/2078-3914/2019/2(39)/149-156.

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В статье рассматривается история становления и развития учреждений и органов, исполняющих уголовные наказания и иные меры уголовно-правового характера, не связанные с изоляцией от общества. После Октябрьской революции 1917 г. был актуализирован вопрос введения мер уголовной ответственности, не связанных с изоляцией осужденных от общества. Для исполнения указанных мер в 1919 г. было создано Бюро принудительных работ, которое со временем было переименовано в инспекции исправительно-трудовых работ. В настоящее время, с 1996 г., инспекции получили свое окончательное наименование - уголовно-исполни

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von Weschpfennig, Armin. "Der Parlamentsvorbehalt in der Corona-Krise." Die Verwaltung 53, no. 4 (2020): 469–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/verw.53.4.469.

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Crises are not only a test for society, they also pose a challenge to the legal order. This is revealed by the worldwide handling of the Coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 and the COVID-19 disease with a clarity that until recently probably nobody thought possible. Even in liberal democratic states, far-reaching restrictions on personal freedoms have been imposed, including lockdowns. In addition to questions of proportionality, the scope of the parliamentary prerogative in the Corona crisis has been under discussion in Germany since March 2020. Contrary to some voices in legal literature, even serious en

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KINANE, CHRISTINA M. "Control without Confirmation: The Politics of Vacancies in Presidential Appointments." American Political Science Review 115, no. 2 (2021): 599–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305542000115x.

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Scholarship on separation of powers assumes executives are constrained by legislative approval when placing agents in top policy-making positions. But presidents frequently fill vacancies in agency leadership with unconfirmed, temporary officials or leave them empty entirely. I develop a novel dataset of vacancies across 15 executive departments from 1977 to 2016 and reevaluate the conventional perspective that appointment power operates only through formal channels. I argue that presidents’ nomination strategies include leaving positions empty and making interim appointments, and this choice

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Yordanova, Nikoleta, and Asya Zhelyazkova. "Legislative Control over Executive Law‐making: Delegation of Quasi‐legislative Powers to the European Commission." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 58, no. 2 (2019): 345–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12943.

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Pogłódek, Andrzej. "Kontrola parlamentarna w Republice Uzbekistanu." Przegląd europejski 2 (November 19, 2019): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5827.

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This work focuses on the parliamentary control in Uzbekistan. Currently, besides the Constitution of Uzbekistan, the issue of parliamentary control is subject to the Act from 11 April 2016 „on parliamentary control” and other legislative acts, in particular relating to the constitutional position of Oliy Majlis. The law provides for various mechanisms of control over the executive power (e.g. vote for budget approval, parliamentary inquiry, parliamentary investigation, presenting information about their business by the executive power). Currently, the most important challenge related to the de

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Şaramet, Oana. "EXECUTIVE POWERS IN RELATIONS WITH THE PARLIAMENT. PART I." Agora International Journal of Juridical Sciences 9, no. 4 (2016): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15837/aijjs.v9i4.2322.

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By art. 1 para. (4), Romanian Constitution, republished, enshrined the principle of separation and balance of powers. Therefore, this principle implies the existence of collaboration but also of a mutual control between these powers, including between the legislative and executive power, thus being expressed the balance between these two powers. By constitutional established powers, the two central authorities of the executive power - the President of Romania and the Government - will participate at the observance and application of this principle, including by those duties they perform in the

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Egbe, Catherine O., Stella A. Bialous, and Stanton Glantz. "Framework Convention on Tobacco Control Implementation in Nigeria: Lessons for Low- and Middle-Income Countries." Nicotine & Tobacco Research 21, no. 8 (2018): 1122–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ntr/nty069.

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Abstract Background Nigeria is a significant tobacco market and influential country in Africa. Nigeria ratified the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) in 2005. We reviewed Nigeria’s tobacco control legislation since 2000 and compliance of the National Tobacco Control Act (NTCA) 2015 with the FCTC. Methods We reviewed the National Tobacco Control Bills 2011 (proposed by legislature) and 2014 (proposed by Executive), the NTCA 2015, and media stories on tobacco control from 2008 to 2017. Results The NTCA, despite being more comprehensive than Nigeria’s first Tobacco Smoking (Contr

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Blom-Hansen, Jens. "Legislative Control of Powers Delegated to the Executive: The Case of the EU." Governance 26, no. 3 (2012): 425–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0491.2012.01606.x.

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Zubek, Radoslaw. "Negative Agenda Control and Executive–Legislative Relations in East Central Europe, 1997–2008." Journal of Legislative Studies 17, no. 2 (2011): 172–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2011.574025.

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Garant, Patrice, and Gilles Leclerc. "La qualité d'agent de la Couronne ou de mandataire du gouvernement." Les Cahiers de droit 20, no. 3 (2005): 485–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042326ar.

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In the absence of clear legislative intent as to the status of a corporation or public body as a Crown agent or Government mandatary, the courts apply one or both of two tests. The function test, based on the concept of public purpose, requires that the court decides what kind of activities can be held as functions of Government. The test is therefore subjective and not particularly satisfactory, bearing in mind that it is not for the courts to impose upon the Legislature any political doctrine as to what are the proper functions of Government. The control test requires that the whole statutor

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