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Journal articles on the topic 'Executive Office of the President'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Edwards, George C. "Reforming the “President”: The Individual as Leader." PS 20, no. 3 (1987): 620–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030826900628394.

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Proposals to reform the presidency fall into three increasingly exclusive categories. The most inclusive are those that focus on reforming the American political system and by doing so altering the balance of power within the government, usually in favor of the chief executive. The effort to strengthen the party system is probably the most prominent representative of this orientation. Other proposals, such as a presidential item veto, would increase the president's power on a more modest scale but still require change in the fundamental rules of the game.A second class of proposals has the nar

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2

Edwards, George C. "Reforming the “President”: The Individual as Leader." PS: Political Science & Politics 20, no. 03 (1987): 621–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500026652.

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Proposals to reform the presidency fall into three increasingly exclusive categories. The most inclusive are those that focus on reforming the American political system and by doing so altering the balance of power within the government, usually in favor of the chief executive. The effort to strengthen the party system is probably the most prominent representative of this orientation. Other proposals, such as a presidential item veto, would increase the president's power on a more modest scale but still require change in the fundamental rules of the game.A second class of proposals has the nar

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3

Mejía-Guinand, Luis Bernardo, Felipe Botero, and Angélica Solano. "Agency Loss and the Strategic Redesign of the Presidential Office in Colombia." Latin American Politics and Society 60, no. 3 (2018): 96–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2018.26.

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AbstractPresidents rely on their trusted advisers to collect, analyze, coordinate, and present information in a timely fashion. However, Latin American presidents often fail to form majority governments and must use cabinet appointments to secure legislative coalitions to pursue their policies. This article suggests that presidents strategically redesign their executive offices to address the ministry drift. Presidents who can transform the organizations attached to their executive office have additional tools to monitor their ministers’ flexibility. The article argues that the greater the num

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Hart, John. "The National Environmental Policy Act and the Battle for Control of Environmental Policy." Journal of Policy History 31, no. 04 (2019): 464–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030619000186.

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Abstract:In 1969, a public debate between President Nixon and Congress took place during the legislative passage of the National Environmental Policy Act and centered on two very different and competing conceptions of how presidential advice should be organized in the Executive Office of the President. It focused on the proposed establishment of the Council on Environmental Quality. The outcome of the ensuing battle represented a complete victory for congressional interests against the expressed wishes of the president. The nature of the debate has been overlooked in the literature on the pres

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Park, Bert E. "Presidential Disability: Past Experiences and Future Implications." Politics and the Life Sciences 7, no. 1 (1988): 50–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400003762.

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In 1967 Congress passed the Twenty-fifth Amendment to rectify an apparent inadequacy in the U. S. Constitution dealing with one of the gravest dangers to executive function–disability in the presidency. For 180 years, imprecise wording had bound the public welfare beneath a constitutional sword of Damocles which threatened to sever the legal discovery of inability in our Chief Executive from its occurrence. On at least four occasions during the last 100 years alone, executive function has been paralyzed by medically defined presidential inability, while two perplexing questions restricted a sa

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Sambo, Usman. "Executive immunity clause and its effects on the fight against corruption in Nigeria." African Social Science and Humanities Journal 3, no. 4 (2022): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.57040/asshj.v3i4.227.

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The Nigerian 1999 Constitution enshrined an outrageous and controversial clause known as the ‘Immunity Clause’ in Section 306 of the Constitution which provides maximum protection for the executive office holders at the Federal and State levels. Hence, the President, Vice President, Governors and their Deputies are immune from any investigation or sanction during their tenure in office even if they commit an offence or a breach of trust such as corruption. This study analysed critically the provision of the immunity clause and its effects on engendering corruption by the executive office holde

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Chung, Seung yun. "A Study on the legal matter of the police department in Ministry of Public Administration and Security." Korean Association of Criminal Procedure Law 14, no. 4 (2022): 163–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.34222/kdps.2022.14.4.163.

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There were many controversies and conflicts regarding the police department established under the Minister of Public Administration and Security, and the constitutionality and legitimacy of the police department, which emerged as the main issue of the controversy, was examined in terms of the principle of popular sovereignty, principles of the administration of the rule of law, and Administrative organization legalism. Since all administrative rights of the Republic of Korea are part of the sovereignty delegated by the people, its legitimacy is based on the principle of popular sovereignty and

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8

Baturo, Alexander. "The Stakes of Losing Office, Term Limits and Democracy." British Journal of Political Science 40, no. 3 (2010): 635–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123409990056.

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Some presidents facing term limits attempt – often successfully – to scrap tenure restrictions, while others step down when constitutionally required. Whether democratic, partly democratic or non-democratic, there is considerable variation among electoral regimes as to whether presidents respect term limits. This article focuses on what is at stake for a president required to leave the highest political office. It argues that for a given level of executive constraints, the value of holding political office in polities with large public sectors and prevalent corruption, combined with the probab

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Gadzhiyev, Abdulkhakim K. "Anti-corruption component of activity of the office of the plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the North Caucasian federal district: state and prospects." Vestnik of Kostroma State University, no. 3 (2019): 185–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2019-25-3-185-187.

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Single topical issues of anti-corruption in activity of the office of the plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the North Caucasian federal district are considered in the present article . The main directions are defined and the content of operation of the office of the plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the North-Caucasian federal district on implementation of anti-corruption policy of the Russian state is analysed. The conducted research allowed to formulate the provision on expediency of account and loan in ope

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10

Rockman, Bert A. "La Maison blanche et ses conseillers : une administration tentaculaire." Revue française d'administration publique 83, no. 1 (1997): 481–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1997.3135.

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The institutional System in America does not involve the existence of a singular top-level State institution - such as a cabinet - before which matters are brought together. However, at the heart of the presidential structure is one institution -the Executive Office of the President - which groups together a whole series of departments whose task is to assist the President. The staff of the presidential office has grown considerably since the beginning of the 20th century in order to address the requirements of the modem American presidency at a political, administrative and tactical level. Th

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Lammersma, Johanna. "South Australian Branch Office Opens." Australasian Psychiatry 5, no. 6 (1997): 310. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/10398569709082298.

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A cocktail party on 15 August 1997 marked the official opening of the Branch Office for the Sod Australian Branch of the College. many Fellow and college Many from other Colleges gathered to inspect the premises, enjoy each other's company and meet with the Executive of the College. The opening had been arranged to coincide with a visit by College president, Dr Janice Wilson, Honorary Secretary, Associate Professor Fiona Judd and Executive Director, Dr Robert Broadbent. It was a wonderful occasion and a great opportunity to meet and discuss issues with the Executive.

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12

Perry, Clifton. "Indicting a President." International Journal of Applied Philosophy 33, no. 1 (2019): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ijap201988122.

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Although it is clear that the Chief Executive may be impeached while in office, it is generally thought that a sitting President cannot suffer criminal indictment while in office. There are two general arguments in support of this position. The first argument notes that criminal indictment of the President would so interfere with the duties of the office as to constitute a violation of the Constitution. The second argument simply refers to the express language of the Constitution providing that the remedy for intolerable occupation of the office is impeachment and conviction. While the Constit

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Brademas, John. "PRESIDENTIAL RECORDS." RBM: A Journal of Rare Books, Manuscripts, and Cultural Heritage 3, no. 2 (2002): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rbm.3.2.209.

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Allow me to observe that the Executive Order of President Bush of November 1, 2001, blocking access to the records of Presidents Reagan and the first President Bush, in circumvention of the requirements of the Presidential Records Act of 1978; the dispute concerning the papers of Mayor Giuliani of New York; the suit by the General Accounting Office against Vice President Cheney because of his refusal to provide names of the persons who took part in his secret Energy Task Force meetings; and the controversy over the decision by Governor Bush of Texas to send his records as governor not . . .

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Annesley, Claire, and Susan Franceschet. "Gender and the Executive Branch." Politics & Gender 11, no. 04 (2015): 613–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000446.

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The executive branch of government constitutes the pinnacle of political power. In principle, presidents and prime ministers, along with their cabinets, set the policy agenda, debate, and deliberate policy initiatives; introduce legislation; and oversee the implementation of public policies. Executives are the most visible political actors, representing the public “face” of government. Until very recently, executives were also the most masculinized of political institutions, with women absent entirely from the position of prime minister or president until the 1960s, and, at least until the las

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Raunio, Tapio, and Thomas Sedelius. "Shifting Power-Centres of Semi-Presidentialism: Exploring Executive Coordination in Lithuania." Government and Opposition 54, no. 4 (2017): 637–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.31.

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Despite more than two decades of research on semi-presidential regimes, we still know very little about the actual coordination between the president and the prime minister. Through an in-depth analysis of Lithuanian semi-presidentialism, this article underscores the importance of institutional design on intra-executive balance of power. Drawing primarily on interviews with top-level civil servants and office-holders, it argues that in the absence of written rules or other strong norms guiding intra-executive coordination, presidents enjoy more discretion in designing their own modes of operat

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Pérez-Liñán, Aníbal. "Democratization and Constitutional Crises in Presidential Regimes." Comparative Political Studies 38, no. 1 (2005): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004270888.

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This article explores the impact of democratization on the resolution of executive-legislative crises in Latin American presidential regimes. The author studies 27 episodes in which the executive branch closed the legislature or the legislature removed the chief executive from office between 1950 and 2000. It is hypothesized that the democratization of Latin American presidential systems has hindered the ability of presidents to challenge the legislature and encouraged the emergence of congressional supremacy (i.e., the capacity of congress to impeach the president if a serious conflict emerge

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Fitzgerald, Owen. "Success of The Unama’ki Economic Benefits Office." Journal of Aboriginal Economic Development 6, no. 2 (2009): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/jaed271.

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Today, the President of the Sydney and Area Chamber of Commerce (completed twoyear term as president on May 20) works in Membertou as the Executive Director of the Unama'ki Economic Benefits Office. The aim was to identify how Unama'ki communities could have meaningful participation in the $400 million Sydney Tar Ponds Cleanup project. The proposal called for the provincial and federal governments to partner with Cape Breton's five First Nation communities in establishing the Unama'ki Economic Benefits Office. The office acts as a liaison between the aboriginal communities, both aboriginal and

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Shair-Rosenfield, Sarah, and Alissandra T. Stoyan. "Gendered Opportunities and Constraints: How Executive Sex and Approval Influence Executive Decree Issuance." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 3 (2018): 586–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917750279.

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Do female executives exercise the authority of their office distinctly from their male counterparts? Anecdotal evidence suggests women legislators are likely to govern in a more consensual manner than men. Yet there has been little systematic research extending such claims to women in executive office. Using an original data set, we evaluate one aspect of policy agenda setting—rates of executive decree issuance—among four male–female pairs of Latin American presidents between 2000 and 2014. Female presidents are generally less prone to rule by decree, but this relationship is conditioned by pr

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19

Snow, Tamsin. "NMC chief executive departs as new president takes up office." Nursing Standard 22, no. 49 (2008): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.22.49.6.s4.

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Chung, Thomas, and Christine Giordano. "Note from the SBS Office, Executive Director, and SBS President." Journal of Biomolecular Screening 6, no. 5 (2001): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/108705710100600501.

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Hill, Scott. "A staff for the president: The executive office, 1921–52." Government Publications Review 18, no. 5 (1991): 552–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-9390(91)90150-v.

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Skotnicki, Krzysztof. "W sprawie dopuszczalności zakazu reelekcji wójta burmistrza, prezydenta miasta po piastowaniu urzędu przez dwie kadencje." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 24 (May 7, 2018): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.24.1.

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On the admissibility of the ban on the re-election of the mayor city president after holding office for two termsTe principle of direct election of mayors presidents of cities has been in force in Poland since 2002. At the same time, the idea of limiting the possibility of holding office for two terms has started. The analysis leads the author to the conclusion that in view of the laconic nature of the constitutional regulation of local elections, such solution cannot be considered as contrary to the Constitution. The decision about who will act as the executive body of the commune should, ho

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23

Jung, Yonju. "Constitutional Complaint against the Boarding Exclusion Action of the Presidential Aircraft: Regarding the Case of an Adjudication on a Constitutional Complaint of MBC." Center for Public Interest & Human Rights Law Chonnam National University 31 (August 31, 2023): 271–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.38135/hrlr.2023.31.271.

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As is generally known, the boarding in the presidential plane of the journalists of Munwha Breoadcasting Corporation(MBC) in case of Presidential State Visit in Southeast Asia Countries were recently rejected. MBC requested an adjudication on a Constitutional Complaint asserting that the freedom of Speech and equal rights of the claimant were infringed by the boarding exclusion action of Executive Office of the President. The legal requirements of the adjudication on a Constitutional Complaint could be met. MBC holds a qualification as a claimant. The boarding exclusion action of Executive Off

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Dudley, Susan E. "Regulatory Oversight and Benefit-Cost Analysis: A Historical Perspective." Journal of Benefit-Cost Analysis 11, no. 1 (2020): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bca.2019.34.

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The Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) in the Executive Office of the President coordinates the federal government’s regulatory agenda, reviews executive branch agencies’ draft regulations, and oversees government-wide information quality, peer review, privacy, and statistical policies. Remarkably, its regulatory oversight functions, and the benefit-cost framework underlying them, have not changed significantly through six very different presidential administrations. This article examines the evolution of executive regulatory oversight and analysis from the 1970s to today, exp

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Gherghina, Sergiu, and Sergiu Miscoiu. "The Failure of Cohabitation." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 4 (2013): 668–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325413485621.

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Built on concurrent claims of legitimacy, the semi-presidential constitutional framework is prone to conflicts between the office holders. Cohabitation is a particular instance in which the president’s party is not represented in government and he has to share executive power with a prime minister. Instead of producing a flexible dual-authority structure within the executive, cohabitation has always tended to generate institutional crises in Romania, ending with the impeachment of the president (2007 and 2012). This article identifies a combination of four factors leading to this outcome: legi

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Perera, Binendri. "Governance by Perpetual Conflict: How Early Colonial Political Practices Undermine Democracy in Post-Civil War Sri Lanka." Bandung 8, no. 2 (2021): 150–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21983534-08020002.

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Abstract The 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka established a semi-presidential system within the country with constitutional provisions for a powerful executive presidency. Three decades later, practices of the presidents in the post-war period show commonalities with the Sinhala monarchy that prevailed in early colonial Sri Lanka. To substantiate this argument, this paper focuses on four kings from the Sithavaka and Kandyan kingdoms who reigned in Sri Lanka during the Portuguese colonization and the early years of Dutch colonization, i.e. from 1521 to 1687. These kings governed by feeding off pe

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Cockerham, Alexandra G. "Going it Alone: The Adverse Effect of Executive Term Limits on Bargaining." State and Local Government Review 53, no. 1 (2021): 62–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160323x211020733.

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It is widely accepted that executive term limits provide a check on executive power. I challenge this assumption by arguing that executive term limits pose an obstacle to inter-branch bargaining because they both limit tenure potential and force an executive from office precisely when she is most prone to bargain. While previous research has assumed that an executive’s tenure potential remains constant throughout his time in office, I argue that the tenure potential of a term-limited executive varies with time left in office. The perfect correlation between time served (experience) and maximum

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Martin, Philip L. "President Trump and US Migration after 100 Days." Migration Letters 14, no. 2 (2017): 319–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v14i2.335.

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President Trump issued four executive orders dealing with immigration since taking office January 20, 2017, setting in motion plans to build a wall on the 2,000 mile Mexico-US border, increase deportations, reduce refugee admissions, and protect US workers. These executive orders signaled a new era in migration policy that emphasize enforcement against unauthorized foreigners and protections for US workers, but their major effect so far is a changed tone in migration policy, from welcoming newcomers from around the world to the US being perceived as a country where natives fear immigrants and

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Szukis, Wiktor. "Wyrok Izby Europejskiego Trybunału Praw Człowieka z dnia 14 marca 2023 r. w sprawie Georgiou przeciwko Grecji, skarga nr 57378/18." Przegląd Konstytucyjny, no. 3 (2023) (September 2023): 141–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25442031pko.23.021.18568.

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In March 2023, the European Court of Human Rights issued a judgment concerning the former President of the Greek Statistical Office. The case was described as a test of the Greek justice system, and the issue at stake was the reliability of published statistics relating to the functioning of both the national and the Community economy. Andreas Georgiou was President of ELSTAT, the Greek equivalent of the Polish Central Statistical Office, from 2010 to 2015. In its first year of office, it provided the European Statistical Office with statistics relating to the budget deficit in Greece for 2009

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Libgober, Brian, and Mark D. Richardson. "Identifying bureaus with substantial personnel change during the Trump administration: A Bayesian approach." PLOS ONE 18, no. 1 (2023): e0278458. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0278458.

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Presidents and executive branch agencies often have adversarial relationships. Early accounts suggest that these antagonisms may have been deeper and broader under President Trump than under any recent President. Yet careful appraisals have sometimes shown that claims about what President Trump has done to government and politics are over-stated, require greater nuance, or are just plain wrong. In this article, we use federal employment records from the Office of Personnel Management to examine rates of entry and exit at agencies across the executive branch during President Trump’s term. A key

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Post, Robert L. "The Federal Budget in the Executive Branch." MRS Bulletin 16, no. 1 (1991): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1557/s0883769400057833.

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This is the second of a short series on the federal budget process. Here, we will focus on how the science budget is set inside the Executive Office of the President. The main players here are the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) and the Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP).The budget process for a given fiscal year starts in the agencies. For example, the fiscal year 1991 budget request to Congress was put together by the agencies during the winter, spring and summer of 1989. In the Department of Energy (DOE) for example, budget requests are obtained from the field offices. Typ

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Drezner, Daniel W. "Immature leadership: Donald Trump and the American presidency." International Affairs 96, no. 2 (2020): 383–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa009.

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Abstract There has been a renaissance in the study of how the backgrounds of individual leaders affect foreign policy outcomes. Donald Trump's presidency highlights the limits of this approach. Trump's psychology is so unique, and so akin to that of a small child, that studying his background alone is insufficient to explain his decision-making. The evidence for this characterization of Trump's leadership comes not from his political opponents, but his allies, staffers and subordinates. Trump's lack of impulse control, short attention span and frequent temper tantrums have all undercut his eff

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Potter, Rachel Augustine, Andrew Rudalevige, Sharece Thrower, and Adam L. Warber. "Continuity Trumps Change: The First Year of Trump’s Administrative Presidency." PS: Political Science & Politics 52, no. 4 (2019): 613–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096519000520.

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ABSTRACTFrom campaign rhetoric to tweets, President Trump has positioned himself as “disrupter in chief,” often pointing to administrative action as the avenue by which he is leaving a lasting mark. However, research on the administrative presidency begins with the premise that all presidents face incentives to use administrative tools to gain substantive or political traction. If, as this article suggests, Trump’s institutional standing differs little from his recent predecessors, then how much of the Trump presidency represents a change from past norms and practices? How much represents cont

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McInnis, Tom N. "The Federal Judiciary and the Clinton Administration: A Potential for Ideological Change." American Review of Politics 14 (July 1, 1993): 267–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1993.14.0.267-288.

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After twelve years of Republican control of the executive branch, President Clinton is inheriting a judicial branch in which seventy percent of all judges have been appointed by Presidents Reagan and Bush. By all accounts, the cohort of judges appointed by Reagan and Bush has resulted in conservative decisions. The ability of President Clinton to reverse this trend is examined here by focusing on four factors: Clinton’s commitment to make ideologically-based appointments; the number of appointments Clinton will be able to make; Clinton’s political clout; and the judicial climate Clinton inheri

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Kelley, Christopher. "The Unitary, or Unilateral Executive? Presidential Power in the Bush Administration." American Review of Politics 29 (November 1, 2008): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2008.29.0.181-196.

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The Bush administration came to office in 2001 determined to return powers to the president lost largely as a result of Watergate. Key to returning those powers is the unitary executive theory of presidential power—a constitutional theory of power developed by conservatives in the Reagan administration meant to offer the president offensive and defensive opportunities when working with an external environment that is polarized and hostile towards the executive branch. While the theory has been a part of each administration from Reagan through Bush II, it is the Bush II administration that has

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Thorarensen, Björg, and Stefanía Óskarsdóttir. "Gæslumaður Alþingis: Breytt valdastaða forseta Íslands." Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 11, no. 2 (2015): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2015.11.2.2.

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The article focuses on the constitutional role of the president of Iceland when the republic was established in 1944, and the evolution of this role during the time Ólafur Ragnar Grímsson has been in office. The study shows that the creation of a republic involved hardly any changes in the constitutional role of the head of state neither in regard to executive nor legislative powers. Thus the authors reject the theory that the creation of a republic introduced a dual authority structure, consisting of Althingi and a powerful president, which characterizes semi-presidentialim. However, despite

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Ramadhan, Febriansyah, Setyo Widagdo, Aan Eko Widiarto, and Riana Susmayanti. "INDONESIA'S FUTURE ACTING PRESIDENCY: MAINTAINING OR REPLACING THE NEW ORDER LEGACY." Veritas et Justitia 10, no. 1 (2024): 30–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.25123/vej.v10i1.7273.

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The interim president anticipates the vacancy of the office of president and vice president; Indonesia calls it ‘pelaksana tugas kepresidenan’, which is filled by the minister of home affairs, foreign affairs, and minister of defense. This article explores the two actors (bureaucrats and legitimacy) who become interim presidents in the constitutions of the world's countries. Next, the Indonesian arrangement and accompanying problems in the 1945 Constitution will be reviewed. This article is aided by a doctrinal research method with historical, legislative, and comparative constitutional approa

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Juwayeyi, Murendehle Mulheva. "Congressional Concerns Over Partisanship and a Lack of Professional Independence: Critical Junctures and the Evolution of U.S. Government Information Agencies." Journalism & Communication Monographs 23, no. 3 (2021): 164–233. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15226379211033850.

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The nomination by Pres. Donald J. Trump of Michael Pack as the Chief Executive Officer of the U.S. Agency for Global Media (USAGM), the agency that oversees the Voice of America (VOA) and other civilian international broadcasters, was politically controversial. Democratic senators feared that if confirmed, Pack would pursue a partisan political agenda through the broadcasters because he was a known associate of President Trump’s former chief strategist, Stephen K. Bannon. This study shows that fears that a president could use government agencies to advance a partisan political agenda emerged l

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Journal system. "6 - Solidarity Messages." CODESRIA Bulletin, no. 02-03-04 (August 17, 2021): 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.57054/cb02-03-042003613.

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Babatunde A. Ahonsi, Ph.D, Senior Program Officer The Ford Foundation Office for West Africa, Nigeria.  Tove Strand, Director of NORAD, Norwegian Agency for Development Co-operation, Norway  President, Sida Sweden   Joseph R.A. Ayee, PhD, Professor / Dean Faculty of Social Studies, University of Ghana   Helmi Sharawy, Arab Research Center   Hage G. Geingob, Executive Secretary, Global Coalition for Africa   Dr Lennart Wohlgemuth, Director & Dr Henning Melber, Research Director, The Nordic Africa

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ROGOWSKI, JON C. "Presidential Influence in an Era of Congressional Dominance." American Political Science Review 110, no. 2 (2016): 325–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000125.

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Research on presidential power focuses almost exclusively on the modern era, while earlier presidents are said to have held office while congressional dominance was at its peak. In this article, I argue that nineteenth-century presidents wielded greater influence than commonly recognized due to their position as head of the executive branch. Using an original dataset on the county-level distribution of U.S. post offices from 1876 to 1896, I find consistent evidence that counties represented by a president’s copartisans in the U.S. House received substantially more post offices than other count

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Brown, Heath, and Lindsey Cormack. "Angry about Fraud: How Congress Took up Trump’s Claims of Fraud." Forum 19, no. 1 (2021): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2021-0004.

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Abstract Talk of fraud dominated President Donald J. Trump’s campaign and time in office. In this article, we explore whether members of Congress followed Trump’s lead in discussing all types of fraud, including electoral fraud as well as fraud, waste, and abuse. Using a unique dataset of the universe of congressional electronic newsletters from 2010 to 2021, we show that Republicans wrote to constituents about fraud much more than Democrats, especially about electoral fraud after Trump’s election, but it was Democrats who used angrier rhetoric to discuss fraud, a check on the President and ma

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Lamont, Melissa, and Mae Schreiber. "The executive office of the president: A historical, biographical, and bibliographical guide." Journal of Government Information 24, no. 6 (1997): 621–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1352-0237(97)90223-9.

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Tozzi, Jim. "Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs: Past, Present, and Future." Journal of Benefit-Cost Analysis 11, no. 1 (2019): 2–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bca.2019.26.

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AbstractThis article has three sections, each of which deals with an Executive Order. The first section, “Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) Past,” emphasizes the critical role that Executive Orders played in the formation of OIRA. More specifically, OIRA owes its initial existence to the establishment of a centralized regulatory review system, the Quality of Life Review, which initiated Office of Management and Budget (OMB) review of environmental regulations through the issuance of a directive from OMB. Every subsequent President expanded OMBs powers through the issuance of

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Suska, Magdalena. "Zasada kadencyjności organów jednostek samorządu terytorialnego." Studia Politologiczne, no. 59/2021 (March 31, 2021): 252–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2021.59.13.

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In 2018, amendments to the law entered into force, which extended and reduced the term of administrative officer of the commune, mayor, and city president. There is a dispute in the doctrine regarding the constitutionality of the adopted regulations. Constitution of the Republic of Poland leaves the ordinary legislator to determine the principles and procedure for electing the executive bodies of local government units. The literature presents agruments for and against the introduced changes. The adopted changes are effective from the term of office started in 2018, terms that have already end

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Lee, Jonghoon. "The constitutionality of the amendment to Article 11 of the Assembly and Demonstration Act - an absolute ban on assemblies in the vicinity of the executive office of the President and former President's residence." Center for Public Interest & Human Rights Law Chonnam National University 31 (August 31, 2023): 197–237. http://dx.doi.org/10.38135/hrlr.2023.31.197.

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Recently, some members of National Assembly proposed an amendment to Article 11 of the ‘Assembly And Demonstration Act’ in order to ban on assemblies in the vicinity of the Executive Office of the President and former President's residence This paper will examine the constitutionality of this proposal. Absolute no-assembly zones have historically been used by military regimes as a means to curb citizens' freedom of assembly. These zones are generally thought to be unduly restrictive of freedom of assembly and do not pass the proportionality test. In fact, the Constitutional Court of Kore

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Podolak, Małgorzata. "The Institution of the President in the Political System of the Republic of Serbia." Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Sklodowska, sectio M – Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis 8 (December 4, 2023): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/bc.2023.8.135-150.

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The institution of the President of the Republic of Serbia was established under the 2006 constitution. Previous experience of the country was limited in terms of the structure of the executive power. In 1953, the office of President of Yugoslavia was introduced in the former Yugoslavia. From 1971, the function of the head of state was performed by the collective Presidium of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), consisting of representatives of individual republics and autonomous districts (i.e. Vojvodina and Kosovo). The presidium was headed by Tito, who was president for life

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Enemuo, Francis C. "Elite Solidarity, Communal Support, and the 1999 Presidential Election in Nigeria." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503023.

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Modeled after the U.S. presidency, the office of the president of Nigeria is easily the most powerful position in the land. The president is both the chief of state and the head of government. The authority of the nation’s chief executive expanded greatly during the patrimonial regimes of General Ibrahim Babangida and General Sani Abacha. Indeed, not only was power concentrated in the hands of these despots, its exercise was also marked by massive corruption, brazen nepotism, and sustained brutality. Against this background, it was perhaps natural that the presidential election of February 27,

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Martin, Philip L. "President Trump and Migration at 3." Migration Letters 17, no. 1 (2020): 191–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v17i1.903.

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Candidate Trump made reducing unauthorized migration a central theme of his campaign in 2015 and 2016 (Martin, 2017a). Soon after taking office, Trump issued executive orders that instructed the Department of Homeland Security to build a wall on the Mexico-US border, increase deportations, and reduce refugee admissions (Martin, 2017b). Immigration systems are like supertankers, hard to turn around quickly, but President Trump has in three years developed a restrictionist migration policy aimed at reducing unauthorized migration and asylum seeking. Even though Trump’s businesses employ low-skil

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Mubdir ABDULKAREEM, Maher, and Ali Ibrahim IDAN. "THE FIRST LADY AND HER POLITICAL EFFECT ON THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (HISTORICAL STUDY)." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 05, no. 04 (2023): 331–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.24.20.

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The Americans adopted the title of First Lady for the wife of the President of the United States of America, and the president’s wife bore several titles until it crystallized and became known by this name, as Washington bore the title of Lady Washington in 1789, and she is the wife of President George Washington, the first president of the United States of America, The institutionalization of the first lady's office began within the executive branch of the White House when she appointed Mrs. Edith Roosevelt (1901-1909) as a social secretary to assist her in dealing with her official correspon

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Clark, Deanna, and Alexander Jeffery. "OFAC Sanctions Trends Under the New Biden Administration." Global Trade and Customs Journal 16, Issue 11/12 (2021): 623–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2021079.

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Though dramatically different in terms of style and rhetoric on how to best lead the country, it remains to be seen how different United States trade policy between the current and former administration, and in particular President Biden’s use of Executive Orders to implement sanctions, will be used in shaping the global priorities of the United States. This article highlights the top countries facing the Department of Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) activity under the new Presidency and what direct, and indirect, messages reveal themselves through these first actions by the

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