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Journal articles on the topic '"face to face" democracy'
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Varzari, Pantelimon. "ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY: FACE-TO-FACE DEMOCRACY OR THE FIRST DEMOCRATIC EXERCISE." Moldoscopie 1 (January 15, 2020): 112–30. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3921884.
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This article examines some issues related to the visions of the ancient Greeks on the polis, the emergence of (classical) Athenian democracy and the transition from Greek democracy to Roman (republican) democracy. It supports the idea that in the analysis of the evolution of the democratic phenomenon, a logical succession of distinct stages is noticed - from ancient democracy, to modern democracy and, finally, to the democracy of the future. Particular attention is paid to the understanding of the ancient Greeks on the fortress, because the city-state, being a form of organization specific to Ancient Greece, fulfilled several roles - military, political, economic and religious. But the main function was the political one, represented by certain leading institutions of the inhabitants of the polis. It is shown that the concept of democracy was created to describe an evolving reality, a type of city-state in which the citizens govern themselfs. The Athens was, in fact, not the only democracy of the ancient Greek world, but it manifested itself most fully through its stability and durability for about two centuries. Considering that the glory moments of the (classical) Athenian democracy comprise three prominent figures - Solon, Clistene and Pericle, the institutions of this democracy are identified and at the same time described. It is concluded that the Athenian polis aimed at a systemic interrelation between the state and society, andthe participation in the governance of the citizen-governors assumed that the people (the demos) would engage in legislative and legal functions.
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Brenner, János. "The Face of German Democracy." Belvedere Meridionale 29, no. 4 (2017): 194–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2017.4.13.
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Martens, Wilfried. "The New Face of Democracy." European View 10, no. 1 (2011): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12290-011-0173-3.
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Churashova, Ekaterina. "Racism as a Face of Modern Democracy." Dialogue and Universalism 32, no. 3 (2022): 191–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du202232347.
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The paper aims at studying the problem of dominance of some states over others in international communication. The hypothesis of the study is the idea that one of the reasons of the inequality of states is the hegemony of democracy. We can designate this amazing phenomenon as “political racism.” Democracy has defined the dominant polit-ical race in the last decade. States that do not belong to this “higher” race are recognized as inferior, dangerous for the countries of the “democratic race.” The danger of political racism lies in the transition to “fascist democracy.”
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Muhammad Arslan Farooq and Rana Eijaz Ahmad. "Restoration of Democracy in Muslim Countries: A Case study of Muhammad Khan Juneju Government in Pakistan (1985-1988)." Al-Qamar 5, no. 2 (2022): 33–48. https://doi.org/10.53762/35h7h506.
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The long-running debate over Islam and democracy has struck a watershed moment. Since the outbreak of the Political upheavals in late 2010, political Islam and democracy have been closely associated. The question of whether they are interoperable is now mostly moot. Neither of them can now operate without the other. On 14th of august 1947 Pakistan was emerged on the map of the world as an Islamic democratic state but the dream of its founder could not become true and it had to face autocratic and non-democratic traditions. After a long struggle democracy was rstored under Muhammad Khan Juneju but could not established its roots and had to face the wrath of military dictator. This article will highlight the background of the struggle for democracy and the style of government of Juneju which eventually faced the music of COAS Zia Ul Haq.
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Rosenthal, Lawrence. "Dateline Rome: The New Face of Western Democracy." Foreign Policy, no. 104 (1996): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1148996.
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Wierzchowska, Anna. "The Janus Face of Democracy and Populist Tendencies." Acta Humanitatis 1, no. 2 (2023): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5709/ah-01.02.2023-03.
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Hilal-Harvald, Malthe. "Islam as a Civilizational Threat: Constitutional Identity, Militant Democracy, and Judicial Review in Western Europe." German Law Journal 21, no. 6 (2020): 1228–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2020.70.
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AbstractMultiple laws and regulations in Western Europe have been enacted on the premise that headscarves and face veils constitute an existential threat to the constitutional identity of the respective legal systems. Thus, the logic of militant democracy as a justification for restricting fundamental rights have been applied in order to restrict the freedom to manifest one’s religion. Yet, the politicymakers claiming to defend the constitutional identity through militant democracy have not been able to prove the existence of a concrete, imminent threat against the state from the women who wear headscarves or face veils. Nonetheless, the European judiciaries have taken the political claim at face value and allowed the restrictions without compelling the political decision-makers to provide substantive justifications. Thus, the cases of headscarves and face veils offer a prism, through which we can study fundamental paradoxes of liberal democracy and constitutionalism.
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Gajdziński, Jakub Napoleon. "The Age of Counter-Democracy." Studia Krytyczne/Critical Studies, no. 2 (October 29, 2019): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/sk.1391.
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The study is an analysis of the counter-democracy nature and phenomena, Author tries to show why it’s so present in our reality and what new challenges it makes us face. He claims, the most important question is the one about the democracy falling and counter-democracy rising. Why the counter-democracy seems to replace traditional model? Why people seems to look for urgently a new form of organization, political activity and control? Are the mechanism of liberal democracy no longer valid, unable to face the challenges of our reality? Or maybe people no longer trust the formal ways? Does the counter-democracy sunrise mean the sunset of liberal democracy model known today or they may coexist?
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Hu, Yifan. "Why does India still face challenges in addressing national development issues despite nearly seven decades of democratization?" Frontiers in Humanities and Social Sciences 5, no. 4 (2025): 293–307. https://doi.org/10.54691/yadv0597.
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India's seven-decade-long democratic journey has sustained political stability yet struggled to resolve persistent governance challenges, including economic disparities and gender inequality. This study employs a postcolonial framework and mixed-methods analysis to interrogate why democracy—despite enabling post-1991 market reforms and economic growth—fails to address systemic issues. Findings reveal that pre-reform stagnation stemmed from protectionist policies and bureaucratic inefficiencies, not democracy itself, while post-liberalization progress highlights the system's adaptability. However, entrenched gender discrimination, rooted in patriarchal norms and low female political representation, exposes democracy's inability to counter horizontal social oppression. Colonial legacies, socio-cultural fragmentation, and institutional inertia further constrain governance efficacy. The research concludes that India's democratic system operates within bounded limitations, requiring complementary reforms in economic inclusivity, social justice, and participatory governance to bridge the gap between procedural democracy and equitable development.
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Brown, Scott. "Socialism with a Slovak Face: Federalization, Democratization, and the Prague Spring." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 22, no. 3 (2008): 467–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408315824.
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Exploring the “federalization debate” that occurred in the context of the Prague Spring, this article highlights the diversity of opinions among political elites in Slovakia regarding the federalization and democratization discussions in 1968. The language Slovaks used to call for federalization reveals how they conceive of democracy and democratization, and it shows the variety of meanings Slovaks ascribed to federalization and to the popular slogan, “First federalization, then democratization.” Federalization and democratization were mutually dependent in the minds of many Slovaks. The author argues that Slovak political and cultural figures writing in the late 1960s saw federalization as a necessary precondition for democracy; they regarded the nation as one of the basic units of democracy, which led them to champion institutional safeguards for Slovak national rights as a prerequisite for successful democratization.
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Jakubowska, Urszula, and Krzysztof Kaniasty. "Post-communist transformation in progress: Poles’ attitudes toward democracy." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 3-4 (2014): 399–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.10.005.
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The present study investigates how Poles perceive the post-communist political system of contemporary Poland. A nationwide random sample of 400 adults was selected, using a probability quota sampling strategy, and interviewed face-to-face in respondents’ homes. The chief outcome variables were: full acceptance, conditional acceptance, and rejection of the Polish version of democracy. The majority of respondents generally approved, fully or at least conditionally, the new democratic system in Poland. Multiple regression analyses showed that differential attitudes toward Polish democracy depend on respondents’ age, their understanding of the concept of democracy, evaluations of democracy in general, and levels of political anomie.
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Idil, Akbar, and Nurlia Elly. "The Government's Power and Democracy Participation to Eradicating Inequalities in Local." E3S Web of Conferences 73 (2018): 09010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/20187309010.
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One of path to implement of democracy's values to eradicating inequalities is opened widely for public participation. As democracy's value for government is how the government must present democracy participate on its people. The government must create democracy participate in every level, including in local. This part will become differentiator how is the government's run. This article purposed to description and discussion how is the government's power and democracy participate frequent contradiction complicated, full dynamics, and conflict. Despite of government has given ample opportunities for peoples, but sometimes peoples must face the policies which uncompromised with this participation. This article based on research with qualitative descriptive method and data collected by literature. Resulted that Undang-Undang (Indonesian laws) has given the amble opportunities for peoples to participate in local politics and governance. The laws also giving generous to peoples to run participation based on local's values. Nevertheless, the freedom to participate frequent confronted with government interest which dominated by elite. Thus, in fact the local's peoples truly had efforts to participate in local politics and governance actively must face with government's power dominantly and determinately.
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Sklar, Richard L. "Developmental Democracy." Comparative Studies in Society and History 29, no. 4 (1987): 686–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014845.
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Political science has become a dismal science for most of the world. In the proverbial third world, where most people live, the “physical quality of life” is often abysmal and liable to further deterioration. Steeped in “realism,” political science foretells a future of dictatorial rule for most of those who face the prospect of increasing physical misery.
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Shaffer, Timothy J. "Democracy in the Air: Radio as a Complement to Face-To-Face Discussion in the New Deal." Journal of Radio & Audio Media 26, no. 1 (2019): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19376529.2019.1564996.
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Virkar, Shefali. "The Changing Face of Electronic Aggression." International Journal of Cyber Warfare and Terrorism 4, no. 4 (2014): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcwt.2014100103.
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Over the last two decades, public confidence and trust in Government has declined visibly in several liberal democracies, giving way instead to disillusionment with current political institutions, actors, and practices; rendering obsolete or inappropriate much of traditional democratic politics. Simultaneously, digital technologies have created huge opportunities for public bodies and agencies. In analysing the No. 10 Downing Street ePetitions Initiative based in the United Kingdom, this chapter engages with issues related to the innovative use of digital network technology by Government to involve citizens in policy processes and to buffer national security within existing democratic frameworks. The work examines whether the application of new digital platforms to participatory democracy in the Government 2.0 era leads eventually to radical transformations in government functioning and the body politic, or merely to modest, unspectacular political reform and to the emergence of technology-based obsessive-compulsive pathologies and trolling behaviours amongst individuals in society.
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Alexseev, Mikhail, and Serhii Dembitskyi. "Victory-in-freedom: Ukraine’s democratic resilience in the face of war." Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing, no. 2 (June 2024): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/sociology2024.02.040.
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The article offers a rare systematic analysis of political attitudes in societies experiencing massive military invasions using statistical analysis of two original surveys conducted by the Ukraine National Academy of Sciences Institute of Sociology — a panel survey tracking the same respondents in three waves (N = 329, November 2021, June-July 2022, and June 2023) and an additional larger survey (N = 869, June 2023). Despite devastating suffering, Ukrainians’ support for democracy as a political system and for freedom of speech have stayed remarkably resilient over this time period. Cross-sectional (multiple ordinary least squares regression) and longitudinal (linear mixed-effects model regression) tests, as well as supplementary focus group conversations in all of Ukraine’s macro-regions, show that this democratic resilience is grounded in the victory-in-freedom synergy — a widespread sense of shared sacrifice that drives determination to win the war and restore Ukraine’s territorial integrity. In particular, we found a clearer understanding of the importance of political freedoms and fighting for victory among individuals who experienced loss and trauma and a strong appreciation across Ukraine’s society that victory is vital to preserve democracy. Survey data also demonstrates that democracy support has become more intrinsic to Ukrainian national identity and that the initial surge of democracy support among Ukrainians in the face of Russia’s invasion has been more than a short-term rallying-round-the-flag. In combination, these factors explain the Ukrainians’ sustained, spirited resilience in the face Russia’s mass savage invasion over more than a two-year period. Moreover, support for democratic ideals doesn’t mean Ukrainians write a blank check of trust to their government. Longitudinal analysis indicates that as the war progressed, and hardship persisted respondents held their democratic institutions accountable. At the same time, the results of our study indicate that sustaining this resilience would require not only battlefield successes, but also accountable governance, countering Russia’s media impacts, and sustaining family incomes. Our findings contribute to the literature on war and democracy by showing the importance of considering both the external context (war duration and impacts and the aggressor state type) and the mobilization of national identity in the face of aggression.
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Andreescu, Florentina. "The changing face of the Other in Romanian films." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 1 (2011): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.532776.
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This article focuses on how the Other is represented and understood in films produced in Romania during periods of radical political, social and economic change. Specifically it addresses films produced during the years of communism and the planned economy, during the transition to democracy and to capitalism, as well as films produced during the period of democracy, capitalism and membership in the European Union. The research acknowledges two main aspects: the changing face of the Other over time (the socialist state, the foreign investors, the West, etc.) and the consistency of the fantasy structure. More specifically, the relationship between self and the Other generally follows a strict masochist fantasy script in which the Other has the power to constrain freedom, to inflict pain, and to function as an essential element through which pleasure is understood and experienced. The research proposes an understanding of this structure of fantasy, reflected in film through the existence of a national psyche written by the main myths and stories embraced by the society in discussion. This structure of fantasy hails and constructs a certain subject that has a basic masochistic psychic structure.
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Sahu, Gopal Krushna. "Changing Face of News Media: Implications on Democracy and Governance." Journal of Knowledge & Communication Management 3, no. 1 (2013): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/j.2277-7946.3.1.004.
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Radionova, Iryna. "DEMOCRACY IN THE FACE OF CHALLENGES POSED BY ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE." Visnyk of the Lviv University, no. 47 (2023): 253–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/pps.2023.47.32.
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LOUMBOUZ, Didier Arcade Ange, and Prefere Gildas OLENGA. "US HOMELAND SECURITY AND DEMOCRACY IN THE FACE OF VIOLENCE." International Journal of Language, Linguistics, Literature and Culture 01, no. 02 (2022): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.59009/ijlllc.2022.0008.
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This paper looks into the US homeland security policy and the application of democratic principles when the nation is internally facing a situation of violence. Instead of a simple laws analysis, it is a research carried out in relation with a historical perspective. Dealing with the threats of the homeland security in the United States of America by referring to the Civil War and the September 11th Terrorist Attack, the paper shows the weaknesses and loopholes of the Constitution when it is about ensuring the national security. According to what we notice, violence makes the Executive disregard the Constitution and the international agreements when it has to protect the homeland and its people. The paper has concluded that referring to forces becomes unavoidable in some situations. Thus, the US Constitution should be amended with articles authorizing the use of military forces to overcome some threats due to rebellion or terrorism in order to preserve democracy so that to secure life within the territory of the country and, incidentally, that of the world.
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Grönlund, Kimmo, Kim Strandberg and, and Staffan Himmelroos. "The challenge of deliberative democracy online – A comparison of face-to-face and virtual experiments in citizen deliberation." Information Polity 14, no. 3 (2009): 187–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ip-2009-0182.
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Wesley, Fred. "Pacific journalism solidarity in the face of overwhelming forces." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 26, no. 1 (2020): 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v26i1.1082.
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Commentary: The Melanesian Media Freedom Forum (MMFF) notes democracy is in retreat and journalists like Victor Mambor (West Papua), Scott Waide (Papua New Guinea) and Dan McGarry (Vanuatu) are carrying the baton for media freedom. There has been a global reversal for a free press that has spanned countries in every region, including long-standing democracies like the United States and consolidated authoritarian regimes like China and Russia. The pattern has been consistent and ominous.
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Lisboa Marinho, Anne Caroline, Daiane Silva Marques, Thais Silva Fonseca, et al. "Public heath challenges in coping with COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil: an integrative review." Concilium 23, no. 8 (2023): 534–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.53660/clm-1306-23k38.
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Objective: to identify the main public health challenges facing the COVID-19 pandemic, addressing the main difficulties in this chaotic period for Brazilian health. Materials and Methods: This is an Integrative Review (IR) of a descriptive and exploratory nature. With the purpose of developing the guiding question, the domains of the PECo strategy were applied. A bibliographic survey was carried out in February 2023 in the databases: LILACS and MEDLINE via BVS, ColecionaSUS and Science Direct. DeCS and MeSH were selected as descriptors, in which both were linked by the Boolean AND operator. Thus, 10 scientific articles were selected to compose the final sample. Results and Discussion: During the COVID-19 pandemic, public safety authorities faced a number of challenges, including: misinformation, social inequality and economic impact. Final Considerations: It is believed that strengthening democracy and defending the SUS is one of the (perhaps only) ways to face the health crisis that the population is experiencing face to face.
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Oswaldus, Dagur1* Yosef Usman2 Pius Pandor3. "RECONSTRUCTING DEMOCRACY TO REALIZE BONUM COMMUNE POLITICS IN THE PERSPECTIVE OF JOHN STUART MILL." ISRG Journal of Arts Humanities & Social Sciences (ISRGJAHSS) II, no. IV (2024): 43–48. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12654173.
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<em>This article is focused on discussing the efforts needed to reconstruct democracy in realizing bonum commune politics which is reviewed based on the thoughts of John Stuart Mill. In this paper, the author uses a library study method with the primary source being the book On Liberty written by Mill. Political realities that are colored by speculative actions for personal gain or certain groups have damaged the face of democracy in this country. Corruption, collusion, and nepotism have become a scourge that continues to erode the dignity of democracy. Certain individuals act as if other people are not competent, which gives rise to an attitude of ethnocentrism. This damage to the face of democracy is also exacerbated by the weak autonomy of law enforcers such as the Constitutional Court which is then used for the political interests of certain groups. The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) as an institution that handles corruption cases actually has some of its officials caught in corruption cases. This reality has damaged the face of democracy in this country. In response, there needs to be more concrete efforts. Education on this matter should be intensified so that people understand more about moral politics. The law must be implemented as it should. Those who commit crimes in a democracy must be dealt with firmly without discrimination. Systematically designed lies must be exposed in order to create a transparent democracy. The politicization of religion, culture, and customs must be openly opposed.</em>
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Kahn, Robert. "Masks, Face Veil Bans and “Living Together”." Public Governance, Administration and Finances Law Review 6, no. 2 (2021): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.53116/pgaflr.2021.2.2.
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The “living together” concept poses a puzzle. Why did Europeans decide that life in a modern democracy requires showing one’s face? One explanation is opposition to Muslims and Islam. But the enforcement of face veil bans against non-religious mask wearing raises doubts. This essay poses an alternative explanation. What if the face veil bans persist because of European conceptions of privacy? Von Hannover v. Germany held that one be private in public. Given this, why wear a mask? What is there to hide? To explore this idea, the essay turns to the United States, where one cannot be “private in public” and mask wearing has been opposed on narrow grounds such as public security and the content of specific masks. At the same time, the United States respects the decisional privacy of someone to wear a mask even for “irrational” reasons, something the “living together” idea tends to ignore.
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Barber, Benjamin R. "Can Democracy Survive Globalization?" Government and Opposition 35, no. 3 (2000): 275–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00029.
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Democracy is far less fragile than we sometimes imagine. Although hard to establish, it is remarkably robust and is corrupted only by dint of persistent effort. Yet, as Rousseau wrote of freedom, once lost, democracy is nearly impossible to regain. Today, the forces of democracy face a new source of corruption all the more sinister because it appears so innocuous, often even identifying itself with the liberty it undermines. Having survived the nation-state and in time subordinated it to its own liberal purposes, can democracy now survive globalization? Only if democracy is globalized.At present, the encompassing practices of globalization have created an ironic and radical asymmetry: we have managed to globalize markets in goods, labour, currencies and information without globalizing the civic and democratic institutions that have historically comprised the free market's indispensable context. Put simply, we have removed capitalism from the institutional ‘box’ that has (quite literally) domesticated it and given its sometimes harsh practices a human face.
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Gesta Leal, Rogério. "RISCOS E POSSIBILIDADES DO ATIVISMO JUDICIAL NA DEMOCRACIA." Revista Eletrônica Direito e Política 16, no. 1 (2021): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.14210/rdp.v16n1.p181-200.
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RESUMOO objetivo deste trabalho é verificar em que medida é possível conciliar ativismo judicial e democracia, considerando principalmente os desafios que se apresentam as relações sociais contemporâneas. A justificativa desta proposta se sustenta no fato de que o Poder Judiciário tem sido cada vez mais procurado para dar conta de demandas envolvendo as insuficiências das politicas públicas governamentais em face de direitos fundamentais. Demarcamos como problema da abordagem verificar se é possível superar eventuais tensões entre o excesso de ativismo judicial e a democracia enquanto representação politica também institucional de outros poderes, e como hipótese a premissa de que deva-se adotar, para a solução do problema, perspectiva ampliada da atuação do Poder Judiciário a partir da compreensão igualmente oxigenada da Democracia e dos seus outros legítimos protagonistas, sob pena do esvaziamento de instancias importantes de deliberação e decisão política quotidiano. A metodologia utilizada neste trabalho foi a hipotética dedutiva.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Ativismo Judicial; Democracia; Representação PolíticaABSTRACTThe objective of this work is to verify to what extent it is possible to conciliate judicial activism and democracy, considering mainly the challenges presented by contemporary social relations. The justification of this proposal is based on the fact that the Judiciary has been increasingly sought to deal with demands involving the inadequacies of governmental public policies in the face of fundamental rights. We point out as a problem of the approach to verify if it is possible to overcome possible tensions between the excess of judicial activism and democracy as a political representation also institutional of other powers, and as a hypothesis the premise that it should be adopted, for the solution of the problem, the oxygenated understanding of Democracy and its other legitimate protagonists, under penalty of emptying important instances of deliberation and daily political decision. The methodology used in this work was the hypothetical deductive. KEY-WORDS: Judicial Activism; Democracy; Political Representation
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Sonia, Shaju, Bhavana Rajan Menon, Varghese Nelson, and R. Sunder Dr. "Literature Survey on Secured Balloting System." Journal of Advance Research in Mobile Computing 2, no. 1 (2020): 1–7. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3826072.
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<em>Nowadays, illegal practices of voting happens, mainly the illiterate people are being cheated. Thus, affecting the democracy of the nation. We need to ensure that the rights of each and every voter have to be ensured by providing a tight security and an efficient way of voting method. To overcome this scenario, we proposed the secured balloting system. This system is implemented by verifying the voter details through three screening levels which includes face recognition, fingerprint scanning, iris scanning. Thus, helps in avoiding the scenario of illegal voting and helps in producing robust results.</em>
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Smith, Graham, and Corinne Wales. "Citizens' Juries and Deliberative Democracy." Political Studies 48, no. 1 (2000): 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00250.
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In the face of widespread dissatisfaction with contemporary democratic practice, there has been a growing interest in theories of deliberative democracy. However theorists have often failed to sufficiently address the question of institutional design. This paper argues that recent experiments with citizens' juries should be of interest to deliberative democrats. The practice of citizens' juries is considered in light of three deliberative democratic criteria: inclusivity, deliberation and citizenship. It is argued that citizens' juries offer important insights into how democratic deliberation could be institutionalized in contemporary political decision-making processes.
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Ahedo, Gurrutxaga Igor, Gaston Andere Ormazabal, and BIDAURRAZAGA Izaro GOROSTIDI. "Democracy and agonism in the face of the climate crisis: in search of irruptive collaborative governance." IJAR International Journal of Action Research 20, no. 2 (2024): 135–48. https://doi.org/10.3224/ijar.v20i2.04.
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The challenges of the new millennium make it essential to establish synergiesbetween the instituting and institutional spaces that are trying to further democracy. From thisstandpoint, it is necessary to analyse the improvement of democracy made by the irruptivecontributions of social movements. This article presents and exemplifies a new model ofgovernance, that of irruptive governance, which aspires to enable protestors and institutionalspaces to feed into each other in fuller democracy. Based on a specific example, it shows thatenvironmental movements in the French Basque Country are managing to determine, overseeand improve municipal strategies aimed at mitigating the climate crisis. It concludes bysuggesting that the collaboration of universities promoting participatory action researchstrategies can bring about synergies between irruptive and institutional actors, supporting thesearch for a choreography that allows agonism and democracy to work in harmony.
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Eyring, Janet L. "Democracy and Adult ESL Education during COVID." Academic Questions 36, no. 1 (2023): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.51845/36.1.6.
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Ahedo Gurrutxaga, Igor, Andere Ormazabal Gastón, and Izaro Gorostidi Bidaurrazaga. "Democracy and agonism in the face of the climate crisis: in search of irruptive collaborative governancen." IJAR – International Journal of Action Research 20, no. 2 (2024): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/ijar.v20i2.04.
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The challenges of the new millennium make it essential to establish synergies between the instituting and institutional spaces that are trying to further democracy. From this standpoint, it is necessary to analyse the improvement of democracy made by the irruptive contributions of social movements. This article presents and exemplifies a new model of governance, that of irruptive governance, which aspires to enable protestors and institutional spaces to feed into each other in fuller democracy. Based on a specific example, it shows that environmental movements in the French Basque Country are managing to determine, oversee and improve municipal strategies aimed at mitigating the climate crisis. It concludes by suggesting that the collaboration of universities promoting participatory action research strategies can bring about synergies between irruptive and institutional actors, supporting the search for a choreography that allows agonism and democracy to work in harmony.
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Salée, Daniel. "The New Face of Quebec Nationalism: Reconsidering the Nationalism/Democracy Nexus." American Review of Canadian Studies 52, no. 2 (2022): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722011.2022.2067733.
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Mutsvairo, Bruce, and Helge Rønning. "The Janus face of social media and democracy? Reflections on Africa." Media, Culture & Society 42, no. 3 (2020): 317–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443719899615.
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The purpose of this issue of Media Culture and Society is to discuss the possible role of social media in the struggle for democracy, against authoritarianism, and over hidden power structures. The articles included in this volume are meant to offer empirical interventions to beliefs, some of them unproven, on whether the emergence of new media technologies has driven Africa towards democratic change. Papers in this Special Issue cover a wide variety of African countries delving deep into comparative studies of participatory citizens’ media on the continent. This introduction is an attempt to offer an explanation on African democratisation and authoritarianism before conceptualising the role of social media in political processes with the backing of current case study dispatches in Africa, demonstrating the dilemmas of digital disparities in promoting or denting democratisation in Africa.
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Silva, Verónica. "Constructing a State in the Face of Regional Power." Latin American Perspectives 43, no. 1 (2015): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x15618394.
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The city of Guayaquil is a territory in which economic actors play a central role in the configuration of subnational power. This has generated a kind of pseudo- or half-finished democracy in which, although elections are held, there is only one actor, the Madera de Guerrero Social Christian Party, representing the local economic elite that has held power since 1992. Following the theory of Edward Gibson, this situation can be viewed as sort of subnational authoritarianism: the parochialization of power, the nationalization of influence, and control of institutional and noninstitutional links have allowed this subnational power to achieve local control and influence in the national arena during various periods. La ciudad de Guayaquil representa un territorio donde los actores económicos juegan un papel central en la configuración del poder subnacional, haciendo de los espacios de representación política su mecanismo legitimador y su fuente de negociación local y nacional. Para algunos investigadores del caso, esto ha generado una suerte de seudodemocracia o democracia a medias en la que, si bien se celebran elecciones, a la vez encontramos un solo actor en escena, el Partido Social Cristiano Madera de Guerrero, representante de la élite económica local en el poder desde 1992. Siguiendo la teoría de Edward Gibson bien se podría hablar de una suerte de autoritarismo subnacional: la parroquialización del poder, la nacionalización de sus influencias y el control de los vínculos institucionales y no institucionales han hecho de este poder subnacional una fuerza que ha logrado un control local y una influencia en la arena nacional durante varios períodos.
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Markowitz, Jonathan N., and Christopher J. Fariss. "Power, proximity, and democracy." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 1 (2017): 78–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317727328.
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Why do only some powerful states choose to develop power projection capabilities? To answer this question, we test the proposition that states choose to develop power projection capabilities when they face a competitive geopolitical environment. This proposition is derived from our theory, which is used to construct a new measure of the level of geopolitical competition that every state in the system faces. This measure incorporates each state’s relative geographic position to every other state in the international system, the relative amount of economic power of those other states, and the degree to which their interests are compatible. We then apply this unique country-year measure to test the proposition that competitive environments are associated with the development of power projection capabilities, as measured by the tonnage of naval ships maintained by each country in each year. We demonstrate that our measure helps explain the degree to which states choose to invest in power projection capabilities. This provides an explanation for why the world has been economically multipolar, but military unipolar, for the past quarter century, and why this might change in the future, as rising powers with incompatible interests are increasing their investment in power projection capabilities.
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Farid, Muhammad. "The Digital Public Sphere And The Face Of Indonesian Political Education." AL-WIJDÃN Journal of Islamic Education Studies 8, no. 3 (2023): 417–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.58788/alwijdn.v8i3.2658.
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The reporting of digital mass media vulgarly always sides with the interests. Is it siding directly, or is it in framing? Television shows and newspaper reports have become the public's 'breakfast'. The media increasingly determines the cognitive menu of people's everyday thoughts which are convincingly lulled that that is the most authentic. This article discusses the role of social media as a digital public space for Indonesian people's cognition. Using library research and critical and comparative analysis, this study aims to capture the primary ideas about media and political education in Indonesia within the theoretical framework of Jurgen Habermas' Public Sphere. This paper concludes that digital media plays a significant role in shaping the way of thinking of the public which tends to be co-opted to political power and capital owners. This way of thinking then forms a mass culture that is prone to authoritarianism. The findings of this research also serve as a warning to stakeholders who must be more vigilant in anticipating the globalization of digital media which can change the face of political education and the future of our democracy. Keywords: Social Media, Digital Public Space, Politics, Democracy
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Kahn, Michael, and William Blankley. "The Changing Face of South Africa's National System of Innovation, 1991–2001." Industry and Higher Education 19, no. 2 (2005): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/0000000053729815.
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The article examines changes in the South African national system of innovation (NSI) since the onset of democracy in 1994. In particular, the recently completed 2001/02 Survey of Research and Experimental Development (R&D) is used to quantify the shifts in R&D activity for the major business, government and higher education players. The major flows of R&D expenditure are found to be within rather than between firms. Interaction between higher education and firms is encouraged by agency funding and is increasing from a relatively low base. The NSI itself has remained stable over the transition to democracy, with small shifts in research emphasis and no apparent major loss of capacity. There are, however, warning signs that the lack of availability of high-level skills may limit its further growth. There is evidence that the NSI has the potential to respond to the designated thrusts of the national R&D strategy.
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WAGRANDL, ULRICH. "Transnational militant democracy." Global Constitutionalism 7, no. 2 (2018): 143–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381718000084.
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Abstract:Ordinarily, militant democracy is about restricting the rights of those who threaten to overthrow the very democracy that guarantees these rights. Hence, militant democracy permits the defence of democracy by disarming its opponents. Turkey’s recent constitutional reform, which arguably is a move away from liberal democracy, forces militant democracy to face up to its transnational application. Can we use militant democracy’s tools to defend not our own, but another democracy? Maybe we can and even should. This article examines the two transnational manifestations of militant democracy. The first is ‘transnational democracy gone militant’, epitomised by the European Union (EU)’s power to enforce liberal democratic standards in its Member States. The second is ‘militant democracy gone transnational’. This manifestation permits treating people rallying in the EU to attack democracy abroad in the same manner in which we are permitted to treat opponents of ‘our own’ democracy. As long as we are dealing with members of the Council of Europe (CoE), the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) gives us the instruments we need. Generally, militant democracy is a militant liberal democracy, which is not neutral towards itself, but is also an opponent of every system that is antithetical to it.
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Wicke, Jennifer. "Guest Column—Epilogue: Celebrity's Face Book." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 126, no. 4 (2011): 1131–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2011.126.4.1131.
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Celebrity relies on a gaze, a collective or public regard that, in gazing, confers value. Celebrity also demands a face to celebrate—faciality is a sine qua non of “celebrification.” The historian Peter Brown demonstrates in The Cult of the Saints that late antiquity introduced the overriding importance of saints' images, bodies, relics, or tomb sites in a Christian worship that emphasized the mediation of saints between heaven and earth and in place of angels; celebrity had its origins in the woodcut portraits and wayside shrines that proliferated as well as in the professionally wrought iconic images of the saints. Against David Hume's judgment of this phenomenon as “vulgar” and a remnant of pagan folk religion, he argues that the rise of the cult of the saints was as influenced by elites, including Augustine, as by supposedly lesser folk, and that the latter, especially women and the poor, were thus able to participate in a democratizing of culture profoundly indebted to graveside practices that promoted personal relationships, even friendships, with the dead saints and the circulation of their faces in imagery and their body parts as relics (17). Moreover, far from introducing vulgarity into Christian rituals, Brown shows how the cult was imbued with the culture of classical antiquity and with values associated with Athenian democracy and the philosophy of nous, a non-rational intelligence linking us to the divine (48). That we deploy the term celebrity icon for such figures as Oprah or Angelina Jolie only underscores the vestiges of public religious ritual that remain embedded in celebrity practices and the nimbus of the sacred that haloes even seemingly debased celebrity discourses.
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Curran, Tom, and Ravi Singh. "E-democracy as the Future Face of Democracy: A Case Study of the 2011 Irish Elections." European View 10, no. 1 (2011): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12290-011-0154-6.
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Bryan, Frank. "The New England Town Meeting: Democracy in Action. By Joseph F. Zimmerman. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1999. 248p. $59.95." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (2001): 489–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401512022.
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With the exception of Jane Mansbridge's important and groundbreaking analysis of "Shelby," Vermont (Beyond Ad- versary Democracy, 1980), published scientific investigation of face-to-face democracy in the New England town meeting is almost nonexistent. Thus, Zimmerman's volume is not part of a genealogy of scholarship on what I call "real" democracy, to distinguish it from the direct democracy of referenda and initiatives with which it is often confused. For many years his interest has been what he terms (accurately) "law-making by assembled citizens." Given the general misuse of the term town meeting by politicians (which began with Carter and was perfected by Clinton), intent on cloaking a variety of self-serving public relations ploys in the robes of "pure" democracy, Zimmerman provides at the very least a much needed reality check for political scientists. In fact, in the popular American lexicon (and even in the understandings of many political scientists) town meeting has taken on a totally new meaning, as exemplified in Andrew Fergurson's essay ("Ye Olde Town Meeting Gimmick," Time, March 2, 1998).
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YEW, Chiew Ping. "Hong Kong's Governance Challenges in a New Age of Pro-Democracy Movement." East Asian Policy 07, no. 01 (2015): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000070.
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The Umbrella Movement, which spelled an end to the Hong Kong democrats' gradual, reformist approach, is a turning point in the city's pro-democracy movement. Young Hong Kongers, already inclined to see themselves as Hong Kong people and not Chinese citizens, through this wave of protests have further estranged themselves from mainland China. Caught between an increasingly interventionist Beijing and a more defiant society, the Hong Kong administration shall face tougher times ahead.
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Gawehns, Florian. "„A more perfect Union“: Zu möglichen Demokratiereformen in den Vereinigten Staaten." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 52, no. 2 (2021): 408–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2021-2-408.
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American democracy is facing a series of grave challenges. The post Trump era begins with a public debate over democracy reforms as possible remedies. What are the prospects for these institutional changes? The reforms discussed here - a new Voting Rights Act and the admission of new states to the Union among other things - face strong Republican resistance. Reforming Senate rules is therefore a key challenge for the Democratic Party in this Congress. It is, however, doubtful whether Democrats have the necessary votes to enact an extensive reform agenda, despite President Biden’s openness for reform. State-level reforms on voting rights, electoral systems, and gerrymandering are considerably more likely.
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Ziemlewska, Katarzyna. "„Wybór twarzy” − spotkanie Federica Felliniego i Diane Arbus w świetle semantycznych wizji ludzkich fizjonomii." Załącznik Kulturoznawczy, no. 9 (2022): 477–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zk.2022.9.24.
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This research focuses on two famous artists born in the 20s of the 20th century who have been rarely brought together in comparison. It’s quite astonishing, as – putting aside the discrepancy of their respective biographies – the landscapes made of human faces in their oeuvre have much in common both aesthetically and semantically. As Fellini said in one of his interviews, “I look for my movies in all of the faces that are surrounding me”. The eponymous “selection of faces” was the most important part of the movie castings for the director from Rimini. He was eager to behold all of his upcoming films “in the appearing faces”. Proceeding from face semiology, the etymology of an Ancient Greek πρόσωπον meaning concurrently a “person” and a “mask”, and the problem of mimesis, this paper attempts to analyze the affinity of human physiognomies seen in the movies of Frederico Fellini and in the photographic portraits taken by Diane Arbus. The key to understanding their relatedness seems to be an explicit objection against “democracy of faces”, a withdrawal from staging the human visage to make it more expressive and unconstrained, and the conviction that “a face is not in the camera,” but it resides in the creator’s mind initially.
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Doran, Marie-Christine. "The Hidden Face of Violence in Latin America: Assessing the Criminalization of Protest in Comparative Perspective." Latin American Perspectives 44, no. 5 (2017): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x17719258.
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The criminalization of social movements and protest remains underanalyzed as a problem intrinsic to democracy. Comparison of two seemingly different Latin American countries with regard to the degree of violence, Chile and Mexico, suggests that, far from being caused by the dysfunction of the legal system or other institutional factors, criminalization is a specific form of retrenching on well-established civil and political rights, rendering them synonymous with criminal behavior that must be sanctioned legally, and tolerates abusive behavior by state agents toward human rights defenders, who are viewed as enemies. As such, it is key to an understanding of the current violence in Latin America. Fieldwork and interviews of human rights defenders in the two countries suggest that criminalization of collective action is a systemic state response to the intense multifaceted mobilization in favor of democracy and new generations of rights that Latin America has been experiencing “from below” during the past decade. La criminalización de los movimientos y protestas sociales sigue siendo un problema intrínseco a la democracia pero es poco analizado como tal. Una comparación del grado de violencia en dos países latinoamericanos, Chile y México, sugiere que, lejos de ser el producto del sistema legal u otros factores institucionales, la criminalización es una forma específica de reducir derechos civiles y políticos bien establecidos y convertirlos en sinónimo de comportamiento criminal que debe ser sancionado legalmente. Dicho proceso tolera el comportamiento abusivo por parte de agentes del estado hacia defensores de los derechos humanos, quienes aparecen como enemigos. Esto es crucial para entender la actual violencia en América Latina. La criminalización de la acción colectiva es una respuesta estatal sistémica a una intensa y multifacética movilización de grupos de base a favor de la democracia y nuevos derechos en esta última década.
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Karaia, Tamar. "THE OBSTACLES AND BARRIERS WOMEN FACE IN GEORGIAN REALITY." Gulustan-Black Sea Scientific Journal of Academic Research 49, no. 06 (2019): 04–06. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/gbssjar04.
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The following article reviews women’s problems in Georgia and the attitude of society toward the subject. Due to the fact, that country tries to develop into a European state with worthy European values, there still is a huge problem in gender issues. Thus, it is clear that Gender politics is one of the main and essential indicators for the country’s democratic development. Many non-government organizations and other social bodies are working on the problem; they have gradually introduced gender equality into the political discourse and placed it on the list of required reforms. However, along with many other emerging social problems and political tensions, this issue has not yet paid any closer attention. It is crucial to realize that without gender equality we cannot succeed as a democratic-developed country - because there is no democracy without gender equality.
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Gutmann, Amy, and Dennis Thompson. "Why Deliberative Democracy is Different." Social Philosophy and Policy 17, no. 1 (2000): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500002570.
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In modern pluralist societies, political disagreement often reflects moral disagreement, as citizens with conflicting perspectives on fundamental values debate the laws that govern their public life. Any satisfactory theory of democracy must provide a way of dealing with this moral disagreement. A fundamental problem confronting all democratic theorists is to find a morally justifiable way of making binding collective decisions in the face of continuing moral conflict.
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Mathew, Jaby. "Cosmopolitan Humility and Local Self-Governance." Comparative Political Theory 1, no. 2 (2021): 279–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669773-bja10025.
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Abstract Do local or grassroots level face-to-face self-governing communities have a place in theories of institutional cosmopolitanism? I pose this question in response to Luis Cabrera’s (2020) use of B. R. Ambedkar’s ideas to defend an instrumentally oriented democratic institutional cosmopolitanism that counters the arrogance objections raised against cosmopolitanism. Cabrera interprets Ambedkar as an exponent of political humility and having an instrumentalist approach to democracy. My response expands on a connection Cabrera briefly discusses – between humility and humiliation – and makes two observations. First, Ambedkar makes a distinction between institutions of democracy and democracy as a form of society. The latter is an end-in-itself synonymous with the practice of political humility. Second, Gandhi’s vision of self-governing village republics, which Ambedkar rejects, with universal franchise and guaranteed representation for marginalized groups that Ambedkar advocated at the national level could have been spaces for practicing political humility locally.