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Journal articles on the topic 'Factional Conflict'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 5 June 2025

Last updated: 1 August 2025

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1

Cunningham, Kathleen Gallagher, Kristin M. Bakke, and Lee J. M. Seymour. "Shirts Today, Skins Tomorrow." Journal of Conflict Resolution 56, no. 1 (2012): 67–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002711429697.

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While theoretical models of conflict often treat actors as unitary, most self-determination groups are fragmented into a number of competing internal factions. This article presents a framework for understanding the “dual contests” that self-determination groups engage in—the first with their host state and the second between co-ethnic factions within groups. Using a new data set of the number of factions within a sample of self-determination groups from 1960 to 2008, the authors find that competition between co-ethnic factions is a key determinant of their conflict behavior. More competing fa

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Conger, Kimberly H., Rosalyn Cooperman, Gregory Shufeldt, et al. "Group Commitment Among U.S. Party Factions: A Perspective From Democratic and Republican National Convention Delegates." American Politics Research 47, no. 6 (2019): 1376–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x19850081.

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Parties need to win elections, but they also heed the policy preferences of activists to provide the incentive to mobilize. Moving beyond the debate as to whether parties as a whole are policy or office driven, we examine groups within parties and identify different factions that place differential emphasis on office-seeking versus policy-demanding. Using data from the 2012 Convention Delegate Study of Democratic and Republican Party national delegates, we identify distinct factional groups within each party. We map these factions within each party, finding policy-driven and office-driven fact

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3

Mantell, Edmund H. "Factional Conflict Through the Generations." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 50, no. 4 (1991): 407–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1536-7150.1991.tb03336.x.

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4

Walder, Andrew G. "Factional Conflict at Beijing University, 1966–1968." China Quarterly 188 (December 2006): 1023–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741006000531.

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For two years after the summer of 1966, Beijing University was racked by factional conflict and escalating violence. Despite the intensity of the struggle the factions did not express didfferences in political doctrine or orientation towards the status quo. Nie Yuanzi, the veteran Party cadre who advanced rapidly in the municipal hierarchy after denouncing both the old Beida Party Committee and the work team, fiercely defended her growing power against opponents led by several former allies. Compromise proved impossible as mutual accusations intensified, and interventions by national politicia

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5

SAKAIYA, SHIRO, and KENTARO MAEDA. "Explaining the Breakdown of Dominant Party Systems: Party Splits and the Mechanisms of Factional Bargaining." Japanese Journal of Political Science 15, no. 3 (2014): 397–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109914000164.

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AbstractThis paper presents an explanation for the breakdown of dominant party systems. In contrast to previous works that examine how ruling parties lose their dominant position as a result of interparty competition, this paper focuses on how they are undermined from within by factional conflict. Through an overview of dominant party systems in the postwar world, we show that most of the ruling parties suffered from major splits that significantly reduced their electoral strengths before their final electoral defeat. In order to explain why large groups of politicians decide to leave dominant

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Robben, Antonius C. G. M. "How to Scale Factional Divisions in Conflict Situations." Conflict and Society 1, no. 1 (2015): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2015.010107.

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In conducting fieldwork among perpetrators of state violence, it is a major methodological problem to gain access to competing factions within the research population. Ethnographers often succeed in finding access to at least one faction but this successful rapport might then immediately close off other factions that mistrust the ethnographer’s politics, intentions, or alleged sympathies. The ethnographic challenge is to find intermediaries or switchboard operators, as they are called in this article, who have established informal channels of communication between hostile factions. Switchboard

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7

Akmar, Zaiyatul. "KONFLIK INTERNAL PARTAI KEADILAN SEJAHTERA (PKS) TAHUN 2016: STUDI KASUS KONFLIK FAHRI HAMZAH DENGAN PIMPINAN DEWAN PENGURUS PUSAT (DPP) PKS." Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 10, no. 1 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.10.1.2019.1-27.

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The internal PKS main conflict occurred in 2016 involving party cadres as well as members of the DPR RI in the 2014-2019 period, namely Fahri Hamzah with PKS Leaders. The conflict between Fahri Hamzah and the PKS Leader is not an individualistic conflict but also a factional one. Conflicts that occur due to dismissal carried out by PKS Leaders to Fahri Hamzah is driven by the fact that the PKS leaders do not comply with the party leadership and violate the party's AD / ART( basic rules). The results of this study are the conflicts that occurred between Fahri Hamzah and PKS Leaders not only con

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Vasilenko, Yurij. "Spanish “Moderados” in the Middle of the 19th Century: Factional Contradictions and Struggle." ISTORIYA 14, no. 9 (131) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028238-0.

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The article analyzes inter-factional contradictions and struggles in the Spanish party “Moderados” in the middle of the 19th century. The author proposes to structure this party as consisting of two wings: liberal-conservative (left flank) and traditionalist (right flank); and if the first is defined by him as the mainstream of the party, then the second is its periphery which is not always recognized in the historiography of the issue. The liberal-conservative wing is also divided into three factions which, although never institutionalized, nevertheless have their own “frontman” and a certain

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9

Veltrop, Dennis, Niels Hermes, Theo J. B. M. Postma, and Jakob de Haan. "A Tale of Two Factions: Factional Faultlines and Conflict Management in Pension Fund Boards." Academy of Management Proceedings 2012, no. 1 (2012): 14445. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2012.14445abstract.

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10

Carpenter, Ami C. "Beyond drug wars: Transforming factional conflict in Mexico." Conflict Resolution Quarterly 27, no. 4 (2010): 401–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/crq.20004.

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11

Guoqiang, Dong, and Andrew G. Walder. "Local Politics in the Chinese Cultural Revolution: Nanjing Under Military Control." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 2 (2011): 425–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811000039.

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China's protracted regional conflicts of 1967 and 1968 have long been understood as struggles between conservative and radical forces whose opposed interests were so deeply rooted in existing patterns of power and privilege that they defied the imposition of military control. This study of Nanjing, a key provincial capital that experienced prolonged factional conflict, yields a new explanation: the conflicts were prolonged precisely because they could not be characterized as pitting “conservatives” against “radicals”, making it difficult for central officials, local military forces, or Mao Zed

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Desan, Mathieu Hikaru. "The Invention of Neo-Socialism: The Dynamics of Schism and Doctrinal Distinction in the French Socialist Party." Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, no. 3 (2019): 680–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000173.

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AbstractWhat is the relationship between schism and political identity? Existing scholarship has tended to focus on the determinants of schism while treating the ideational basis on which schisms are made as largely fixed. In this paper, I develop a new interpretation of the 1933 “neo-socialist schism” within the French Socialist Party to highlight how new political identities can be constituted in and through the process of schism itself. The 1933 schism is often understood as the convergence of a doctrinal revision called “neo-socialism” and a separate tactical challenge to the party's parli

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Syed, Anwar H. "Factional Conflict in the Punjab Muslim League, 1947-1955." Polity 22, no. 1 (1989): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3234846.

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14

Braekevelt, Jonas, Frederik Buylaert, Jan Dumolyn, and Jelle Haemers. "The politics of factional conflict in late medieval Flanders." Historical Research 85, no. 227 (2011): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2011.00578.x.

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15

Van Der Kamp, Maarten, Brian Vincent Tjemkes, Valerie Duplat, and Karen Jehn. "Leading across factional faultlines and conflict spirals in IJV management." Academy of Management Proceedings 2021, no. 1 (2021): 13157. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2021.13157abstract.

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16

Duling, Dennis C. ""Egalitarian" Ideology, Leadership, and Factional Conflict within the Matthean Group." Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 27, no. 4 (1997): 124–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014610799702700402.

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17

Eggen, Jo. "What did he actually say? About translation as politics and interpretation in factual literature." Filozofija i drustvo 18, no. 2 (2007): 173–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0702173e.

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Twenty years ago, Slobodan Milosevic uttered a sentence which was afterwards repeated in the literature about the Yugoslav tragedy innummerable times. The sentence "Niko ne sme da vas bije" was directed to the Serb demonstrators in Kosovo. In this text, the author analyzes the ways this sentence was translated in factional literature (non-fiction literature: essays, newspaper article, history, biographies etc.) and shows that different versions, apart from being different lexically and semantically, influence the political interpretation and understanding of the Yugoslav conflict. This text po

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18

Cohen, Marty, David Karol, Hans Noel, and John Zaller. "Party Versus Faction in the Reformed Presidential Nominating System." PS: Political Science & Politics 49, no. 04 (2016): 701–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096516001682.

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ABSTRACTPolitical scientists have devoted vastly more attention to general presidential elections than to party nominations for president. This emphasis might be reasonable if parties could be counted on to nominate generic representatives of their traditions. But it is clear that they cannot. Since the party reforms of the 1970s, regulars like Bill Clinton, Bob Dole, and Al Gore have sometimes won fairly easy nominations, but outsider candidates like Jimmy Carter and Howard Dean have made strong runs or even won. 2016 has produced extremes of both types: ultimate regular Hillary Clinton on th

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Mendiola, Daniel. "The Founding and Fracturing of the Mosquito Confederation: Zambos, Tawiras, and New Archival Evidence, 1711–1791." Hispanic American Historical Review 99, no. 4 (2019): 619–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-7787153.

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Abstract The purpose of this article is to assess the political, diplomatic, and ethnic dynamics of the Mosquito Kingdom, an Afro-indigenous alliance based along Central America's Caribbean coast, during the eighteenth century. Drawing from new archival sources—most notably those of the National Archives of Costa Rica—this essay first examines the political organization of the Mosquitos, demonstrating that early leaders consolidated their authority by unifying different factions into a powerful confederation with expansionist tendencies. This essay then presents new evidence against the hypoth

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20

Boatright, Robert, and Zachary Albert. "Factional Conflict and Independent Expenditures in the 2018 Democratic House Primaries." Congress & the Presidency 48, no. 1 (2021): 50–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343469.2020.1748142.

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21

Yan, Fei. "Political Dynamics of Mass Factionalism: Rethinking Factional Conflict in Guangzhou, 1967." China: An International Journal 16, no. 4 (2018): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/chn.2018.0036.

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22

Roberts, Hugh. "The international gallery and the extravasation of factional conflict in Algeria." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 12, no. 1 (1998): 209–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557579808400226.

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23

Guoqiang, Dong, and Andrew G. Walder. "Nanjing's Failed “January Revolution” of 1967: The Inner Politics of a Provincial Power Seizure." China Quarterly 203 (September 2010): 675–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741010000652.

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AbstractScholarship on factional warfare during the first two years of the Cultural Revolution has long portrayed a struggle between “conservative” factions that sought to preserve the status quo and “radical” factions that sought to transform it. Recent accounts, however, claim that the axis of political conflict was fundamentally transformed after the fall of civilian governments in early 1967, violating the central tenet of this interpretation. A close examination of Nanjing's abortive power seizure of January 1967 addresses this issue in some depth. The power seizure in fact was a crucial

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24

Cooper, Ian. "Zuma, Malema and the provinces: factional conflict within the African National Congress." Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa 87, no. 1 (2015): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/trn.2015.0009.

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25

Golden, Miriam A., and Eric C. C. Chang. "Competitive Corruption: Factional Conflict and Political Malfeasance in Postwar Italian Christian Democracy." World Politics 53, no. 4 (2001): 588–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2001.0015.

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This article studies the relationship between cartels of politicians and systemic political corruption in a democratic setting. Some electoral systems, including open-list systems of proportional representation, encourage intraparty competition for office. The authors analyze the relationship between intraparty conflict in postwar Italy's dominant political party, the Christian Democrats, and charges of malfeasance against Christian Democratic members of the Chamber ofDeputies in the years between thefirstpostwar parliamentary elections of 1948 and the end of the XI legislature in 1994, when t

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Levine, John M. "Factional conflict in groups: How majorities and minorities relate to one another." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 20, no. 5 (2017): 644–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430217702726.

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Disagreement between numerically larger (majority) and smaller (minority) factions in groups is both common and consequential. For these reasons, there is a long tradition of social psychological interest in the causes and consequences of such disagreement. Early work focused on minority members’ movement toward the majority (majority influence) and majority members’ (negative) perceptions and evaluations of those who refused to move. Later work focused on similarities and differences between majority influence and its mirror opposite, minority influence, and on majority members’ (sometimes re

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27

NA, Jonghyun. "The Development of Kingly-Study in the Late Joseon Dynasty and King Jeongjo’s Theory on Hwanggeuk(皇極)". Tae Dong Institute of classic research 51 (31 грудня 2023): 317–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31408/tdicr.2023.51.317.

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This study examines the significance of Jeongjo's theory on Hwangguk in the development of kingly-study in the late Joseon dynasty. After the Middle Joseon period, as the factional politics was realized, kingly-study developed in the direction of requiring the king to study for sainthood at the initiative of his retainers, and the ideology of co-governance by king and retainer(君臣共治) was emphasized. During the factional politics, the existence of Sallin(山林) that could counter the political authority of the king based on their academic authority was emphasized, based on the theological theory of

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Walder, Andrew G. "Beijing Red Guard Factionalism: Social Interpretations Reconsidered." Journal of Asian Studies 61, no. 2 (2002): 437–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2700297.

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A generation of research on red guard politics has traced the origins of its debilitating factionalism to social and political divisions that were well established among students on the eve of the Cultural Revolution. These social interpretations impute political motives to student activists according to their positions in the pre-Cultural Revolution status quo. However, a closer examination of events in Beijing during the summer and early autumn of 1966—where the Red Guards and their factional divisions first emerged—suggests a different interpretation. Factions emerged when student activists

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Kolås, Åshild. "Naga militancy and violent politics in the shadow of ceasefire." Journal of Peace Research 48, no. 6 (2011): 781–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343311417972.

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Ceasefires are often seen as a simple measure to end violence and allow more substantive negotiations to begin. Contemporary conflict resolution models thus posit the ceasefire as a basic step in the peacebuilding trajectory. Offering an in-depth analysis of Naga militancy in Northeast India, this article argues that ceasefires should rather be understood as a part of the dynamics of conflict. Northeast India is a site of protracted conflict involving multiple contestants, where Naga militant organizations play a key role. A string of ceasefires since 1997 between the Indian government and the

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Li, Jiatao, and Donald C. Hambrick. "Factional Groups: A New Vantage on Demographic Faultlines, Conflict, and Disintegration in Work Teams." Academy of Management Journal 48, no. 5 (2005): 794–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/amj.2005.18803923.

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DR., BALAL ALI. "HAMAS IN POWER." International Journal of Interdisciplinary Research and Innovations 10, no. 3 (2022): 14–23. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6790225.

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<strong>Abstract:</strong> In August 2005, Israel’s disengagement from Gaza Strip took place, Hamas credited itself that due to its policies and actions Israel was forced to leave Gaza Strip. Hamas’ overwhelming electoral victory in the January 2006 elections shocked the entire world. Hamas won 74 seats out of 132. After a long negotiation, a National Unity Government was formed on 17<sup>th</sup> March 2007 headed by Ismail Haniyeh as Prime Minister accompanied by a Fatah Vice-Prime Minister. The National Unity Government could not last long. Power -sharing proved to be more diffi

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Gade, Emily Kalah, Mohammed M. Hafez, and Michael Gabbay. "Fratricide in rebel movements: A network analysis of Syrian militant infighting." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 3 (2019): 321–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318806940.

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Violent conflict among rebels is a common feature of civil wars and insurgencies. Yet, not all rebel groups are equally prone to such infighting. While previous research has focused on the systemic causes of violent conflict within rebel movements, this article explores the factors that affect the risk of conflict between pairs of rebel groups. We generate hypotheses concerning how differences in power, ideology, and state sponsors between rebel groups impact their propensity to clash and test them using data from the Syrian civil war. The data, drawn from hundreds of infighting claims made by

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M. Kandemiri, Coletta, Nelson Mlambo, and Juliet S. Pasi. "Literary reconstructions of the 1904-1908 Herero Nama conflict in Namibia." Journal of African Languages and Literary Studies 1, no. 3 (2020): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2633-2116/2020/v1n3a1.

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At the beginning of the 20th century (1904-1908), a genocide took place where Herero and Nama people of the then German South West Africa (present day Namibia) were nearly completely decimated by German soldiers. Through the selected factional novels, Parts Unknown (2018) by Zirk Van Den Burg, The Lie of the Land (2017) David Jasper Utley, The Weeping Graves of Our Ancestors (2017) by Rukee Tjingaete, The Scattering (2016) by Lauri Kubuitsile, and Mama Namibia (2013) by Mari Serebrov, this article explores the literary reconstruction of this Herero Nama conflict of 1904 to 1908 with German as

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Hartman, Charles. "Divided by a Common Language: Factional Conflict in Late Northern Song China (review)." Journal of Song-Yuan Studies 40, no. 1 (2011): 141–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sys.2011.0007.

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Hon, Tze-ki. "Divided by a Common Language: Factional Conflict in Late Northern Song China (review)." China Review International 17, no. 4 (2010): 446–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2010.0107.

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SKJÖNSBERG, MAX. "ADAM FERGUSON ON PARTISANSHIP, PARTY CONFLICT, AND POPULAR PARTICIPATION." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 1 (2017): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000099.

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Adam Ferguson has usually been portrayed as an advocate of conflict, political parties, and factional strife. This article demonstrates that this is a rather unbalanced reading. A careful investigation of Ferguson's works and correspondence in context reveals a man deeply troubled by both turbulence and party politics. He consistently expressed fears of what he saw as the tumultuous populace, and the willingness of party leaders to rise on the shoulders of the mob. This could ultimately lead to military despotism, something he dreaded. While Ferguson's theory of antagonistic sociability was or

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Sofronov, Konstantin. "The Genesis of the Ideological Conflict in the Nazi Movement in the Mid-1920s and Political Views of Strasser Brothers." ISTORIYA 15, no. 12-2 (146) (2024): 0. https://doi.org/10.18254/s207987840033836-8.

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The National Socialist movement was a dynamic political process in which the ideological and structural configuration underwent significant changes. The existence of an alternative platform in the person of the Strasser brothers became possible after 1924, due to the weakening of Adolf Hitler’s managerial positions. The extremely vaguely formulated program of the movement left room for maneuver, which led to heated discussions and the formation of factional groups. Using the social base of the north and west of Germany led to the formation of a new ideological agenda that took into account the

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McAllister, Ian. "Australia: 11 July—Consolidating the Hawke Ascendancy." Government and Opposition 22, no. 4 (1987): 435–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00066.x.

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ON 11 JULY 1987 THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY (ALP) WAS returned, with an increased majority, to an unprecedented third term in federal government. The election result was doubly remarkable. First, the ALP has traditionally been unable to gain more than two terms in office. Schisms and factional conflict have generally ruined Labor's chances of a third period in office, as in 1949, when Ben Chifley failed to gain a third term, and in 1975, when the same fate befell Gough Whitlam, following a constitutional crisis. Secondly, the party retained office during a period of economic crisis unprecedente

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Bolajoko Aliyu, Saeedat. "The Oral Artist and Oppositional Politics in Wole Soyinka’s Death and the King’s Horseman and Denja Abdullahi’s Mairogo." Ahyu: A Journal of Language and Literature 2 (December 4, 2021): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.56666/ahyu.v2i.70.

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In the context of modern societies, criticism of political leadership is located within the framework of formalized, democratized organizations, movements, and rights groups. These are modern paradigms within which dissenting factions of society express contradictory perspectives of the policies, actions or inactions of the leadership. This article examines the role of the social critic which oral artists played in traditional African societies in two selected literary works: Wole Soyinka’s Death and the King’s Horseman (1975) (a play) and Denja Abdullahi’s Mairogo (2009) (a dramatic poem). It

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40

Sudants, Boris M. "Intra-Party Discussion on the Fourth Draft IV Program of the CPSU in 1991. Based on the materials of the meeting of the Permanent Ideological Commission and the Commission on Science, Education and Culture of July 12, 1991." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2024): 126–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2024-1-126-139.

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The study analyses the intra-party discussion on the fourth draft programme of the CPSU in 1991. The following methods were used to study the problem: narrative and historical-typological. The source base of the article was the "Transcript of the joint meeting of the ideological commission and the commission on science, education and culture of 12 July 1991" from the fund "The Commission of the CPSU Central Committee (1989-1991)" of the Russian state archive of modern history. By the early 1990s, the CPSU had lost its former unity as it entered a period of destructive factional fighting. M. S.

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Hills, Alice. "Security as a Selective Project." Studies in Social Justice 3, no. 1 (2009): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v3i1.1025.

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Security is a selective project that is typically understood, produced and expressed in terms of differentiation and exclusion; it is rarely for all. This is notably so in post-conflict cities, where the principal political weapons are coercion and intimidation, and territoriality is a significant facet of security’s physical dimension and exclusionary tendencies. Cities such as Baghdad and Basra are divided into ethnic or sectarian areas, and security’s referent object is an identity or group. Friction exists between the multiple perspectives and interests concerned, and it is probably not po

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Joseph, Gilbert M., and Allen Wells. "Summer of Discontent: Economic Rivalry among Elite Factions during the Late Porfiriato in Yucatán." Journal of Latin American Studies 18, no. 2 (1986): 255–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00012025.

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The past decade has witnessed a rich harvest of regional studies of the Mexican Porfiriato. There are two predominant currents in the recent literature. One group of scholars has focused attention on the political sphere, examining the process whereby the Porfirian central state increased its power at the expense of the regional peripheries. Invariably, the federal cause was advanced by Don Porfirio's ability to manipulate local factional struggles, playing off contending parentescos or élite family networks. Another group of historians has explored the external dimension of the Porfirian regi

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Barnett, Michael. "Building a Republican Peace: Stabilizing States after War." International Security 30, no. 4 (2006): 87–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2006.30.4.87.

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Although peacebuilders do not operate from a common template, liberal values so define their activities that their efforts can be called “liberal peacebuilding.” Many postconflict operations aspire to create a state that contains the rule of law, markets, and democracy. Growing evidence suggests, however, that liberal peacebuilding is re-creating the conditions of conflict; states emerging from war do not have the necessary institutions or civic culture to absorb the pressures associated with political and market competition. In recognition of these problems and dangers, there is an emerging c

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MARTIN, NICOLAS. "Corruption and Factionalism in Contemporary Punjab: An ethnographic account from rural Malwa." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 3 (2018): 942–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1700004x.

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AbstractOver the length of its current tenure, Punjab's Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) has sought to become more a socially inclusive party, more responsive to popular demands, and even to improve service delivery and eradicate corruption. However, despite these lofty goals, it has also presided over what people refer to as ‘goonda raj’—a rule of thugs—and has managed to alienate large sections of the population and, in the process, fuelled the rise of the anti-corruption Aam Admi Party in the state. In this article, based on ethnographic fieldwork in rural Malwa, I attempt to shed light on the roo

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Cau, Francesca. "Reconciliation and Civil War in Plutarch’s Life of Pompey ." Trends in Classics 16, no. 2 (2024): 292–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2024-0015.

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Abstract Reconciliation is a central theme in Plutarch’s political reflections, prominently discussed in his treatise Praecepta gerendae reipublicae. In this work, Plutarch criticizes the competitive nature of the aristocrats of his own time, which often led to factional conflicts (στάσεις) necessitating Roman intervention. Thus, he advocates for reconciliation as a proactive strategy to prevent warfare and maintain state harmony (ὁμόνοια). These considerations are crucial for interpreting certain passages in the Life of Pompey, where Plutarch reflects in depth on the dynamics that led to the

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Taylor, Raymond M. "Warriors, Tributaries, Blood Money and Political Transformation in Nineteenth-Century Mauritania." Journal of African History 36, no. 3 (1995): 419–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034484.

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The middle of the nineteenth century witnessed the demise of a System of political power that had existed in the southern Mauritanian region of Brakna since the eighteenth century. Until the 1840s, tolls levied on the Senegal River gum trade had sustained the hegemony in southern Brakna of the Awlad al-Siyyid, an Arabic-speaking warrior group. Unlike more mobile warriors of the Saharan interior who depended for their livelihood on tribute extracted from nomadic pastoralists, the Awlad al-Siyyid had specialized in the control over a small area near the Senegal River, and over seasonal trading p

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Sproule, Joseph. "Livonian Mercenary Warfare and Fiscal Responses to the Military Crisis of 1558–1561." Central European History 54, no. 2 (2021): 251–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921000042.

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AbstractIvan the Terrible's 1558 invasion of Livonia plunged the eastern Baltic into military crisis. The ensuing conflict has most often been examined in terms of competition between the burgeoning powers that, by 1561, had occupied and partitioned the territories of the Livonian Confederation. The present study instead explores the fiscal and military responses of the Livonians themselves. An institutional approach to the dissolution of Old Livonia is eschewed in favor of one that foregrounds shifting networks of regional power holders endeavoring to defend their interests against a messy ba

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Bob-Milliar, George M. "Party factions and power blocs in Ghana: a case study of power politics in the National Democratic Congress." Journal of Modern African Studies 50, no. 4 (2012): 573–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x12000481.

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ABSTRACTCompetition for the executive leadership of a political party and the distribution of state patronage in Ghana is influenced by factional alignments and group interests. In December 2008 the National Democratic Congress (NDC) regained political power, and within months rifts appeared over the allocation of ministerial portfolios. The intra-party murmurings became public when two factions supported rival candidacies for the party's presidential nomination. The pro-Rawlings faction supported the candidacy of Nana Konadu Agyemang-Rawlings, and the anti-Rawlings bloc backed President John

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Dittmer, Lowell. "Chinese Factional Politics Under Jiang Zemin." Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 1 (2003): 97–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001132.

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Factionalism is a dimension of informal politics that is hardly unique to China, but it has become well entrenched there for several reasons. We know from available survey data that Chinese political culture is relatively low in trust, and the faction provides a particularly useful refuge from the tiger world of politics, organized as it is around that culturally sanctioned dimension of trust known as guanxi (connections) (Shi 2001 and 1997; Pye 1981). From an individual perspective, although this has been changing more swiftly in society at large via marketization, the institutional landscape

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Ogundiran, Akinwumi O. "Factional Competition, Sociopolitical Development, and Settlement Cycling in Ìlàrè District (ca. 1200-1900): Oral Traditions of Historical Experience in a Yorùbà Community." History in Africa 28 (2001): 203–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172215.

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This paper is an assessment of the local historical model of sociopolitical development and settlement history in Ìlàrè community, southwest Nigeria. Ìlàrè was at the nucleus of an early sociopolitical formation in Ìjèsàland. The formation, known as Éka Òsun, held sway over the area of northern Ìjèsàland between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries. The study forms part of the ongoing archeological and historical investigations on the settlement history and regional interactions in central Yorùbàland.The episodes of settlement cycling are the hallmarks around which the historical experiences

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