Books on the topic 'Failed DCR'

<b>Die Grundrechte des Unionsrechts</b> sind zentraler Bestandteil des Unionsrechts. Die Grundrechte-Charta beherrscht die Rechtsprechung der Gerichte, die Unionsrecht anwenden, allen voran des Gerichtshofes der Europäischen Union, und die wissenschaftliche Diskussion. <b>Das Handbuch Europäischer Grundrechteschutz</b> behandelt alle Grundfragen europäischer <b>Grundrechtsdogmatik</b>, die wesentlichen <b>Garantiegehalte </b>der Grundrechte-Charta und den <b>Schutz der Grundrechte vor Gericht </b>vor dem Hintergrund der Verfassungsüberlieferungen der Mitgliedstaaten. <b>Die 2. Auflage</b> berücksichtigt die umfassende neue Rechtsprechung des EGMR und des EuGH, z.B. zum Anwendungsbereich der Charta, zur rechtlichen Anerkennung gleichgeschlechtlicher Lebensgemeinschaften oder zum Justizgewährungsanspruch und einem „fairen Verfahren“. <b>Besonderer Schwerpunkt</b> liegt auf den Bereichen Fundamentalgarantien, den einzelnen Freiheits- und Bürgerrechten sowie der Durchsetzung der Grundrechte insbesondere vor Gericht. Ausgeweitet bzw. <b>neu hinzu </b>kamen in diesem Zusammenhang die Kapitel: Versammlungs- und Vereinigungsfreiheit Kunst- und Wissenschaftsfreiheit Recht auf Bildung Asylrecht und Schutz gegen Abschiebung, Ausweisung und Auslieferung Politische Bürgerrechte Grundrechte-Agentur Die Autorinnen und Autoren Prof. Dr. Marten Breuer, Prof. Dr. Marc Bungenberg, Prof. Dr. Matthias Cornils Prof. Dr. Hans-Joachim Cremer, Prof. Dr. Dr. h.c. Thomas von Danwitz, Prof. Dr. Klaus F. Gärditz, Prof. Dr. Dr. Christoph Grabenwarter, Prof. Dr. Jörg Gundel, Prof. Dr. Michael Holoubek, BVR Prof. Dr. Peter M. Huber, Prof. Dr. Jan Henrik Klement, Prof. Dr. Christine Langenfeld, PD Dr. Roman Lehner, Prof. Dr. Martin Nettesheim, Prof. Dr. Katharina Pabel, Prof. Dr. Robert Rebhahn †, Apl. Prof. Dr. Dagmar Richter, Prof. Dr. Stefanie Schmahl, Dr. Felix Schörghofer, Prof. Dr. Frank Schorkopf, Prof. Dr. Pál Sonnevend, LL.M., Hon.-Prof. Dr. Gabriel N. Toggenburg, LL.M., Prof. Dr. Robert Uerpmann-Wittzack, Prof. Dr. Christian Waldhoff, Prof. Dr. Christian Walter und Prof. Dr. Mattias Wendel.

Today’s vision of world order is founded upon the concept of strong, well-functioning states, in contrast to the destabilizing potential of failed or fragile states. This worldview has dominated international interventions over the past thirty years as enormous resources have been devoted to developing and extending the governance capacity of weak or failing states, hoping to transform them into reliable nodes in the global order. But with very few exceptions, this project has not delivered on its promise: countries like Somalia, Afghanistan, South Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) remain mired in conflict despite decades of international interventions. This book addresses the question, Why has United Nations (UN) statebuilding so consistently failed to meet its objectives? It proposes an explanation based on the application of complexity theory to UN interventions in South Sudan and the DRC, where the UN has been tasked to implement massive stabilization and statebuilding missions. Far from being ‘ungoverned spaces’, these settings present complex, dynamical systems of governance with emergent properties that allow them to adapt and resist attempts to change them. UN interventions, based upon assumptions that gradual increases in institutional capacity will lead to improved governance, fail to reflect how change occurs in these systems and may in fact contribute to underlying patterns of exclusion and violence. Based on more than a decade of the author’s work in peacekeeping, this book offers a systemic mapping of how governance systems work, and indeed work against, UN interventions. Pursuing a complexity-driven approach instead helps to avoid unintentional consequences, identifies meaningful points of leverage, and opens the possibility of transforming societies from within.

Not only had the regime failed to seriously undermine public protest; it had also unwittingly transformed the University Church into a rallying point for public indignation. First the June 1968 unfurling of a banner demanding “reconstruction” of the University Church at the international Bach competition embodied a final act of protest before twenty years of profound cynicism and disengagement in place of the public enthusiasm of the first postwar years. Then after years of private resentment, memory of the crass injustice of 1968 helped to fuel the general disgust at urban decay and misrule, prompting the 1989 peaceful revolution in Leipzig that helped to topple the DDR regime.

This chapter examines Johann Heinrich Gottlieb von Justi’s treatise entitled ‘Vergleichungen der Europäischenmit den Asiatischen und anderen vermeintlich Barbarischen Regierungen’. Justi was one of the greatest German political writers of the eighteenth century. His treatise compared the system of government as known in Europe with that prevailing in Asia, and the expression ‘Vermeintlich Barbarische Regierungen’ reflects Justi’s critical attitude towards a climate of opinion in certain European circles which looked upon Asian civilization as an inferior one. While Justi failed to employ a systematic method in the comparative exposition of European and Asian government, his views on the development of European–Asian relations are of considerable interest to the historian of the law of nations.

In The Doctor Who Would Be King Guillaume Lachenal tells the extraordinary story of Dr. Jean Joseph David, a French colonial army doctor who governed an entire region of French Cameroon during World War II. Dr. David—whom locals called “emperor”—dreamed of establishing a medical utopia. Through unchecked power, he imagined realizing the colonialist fantasy of emancipating colonized subjects from misery, ignorance, and sickness. Drawing on archives, oral histories, and ethnographic fieldwork, Lachenal traces Dr. David’s earlier attempts at a similar project on a Polynesian island and the ongoing legacies of his failed experiment in Cameroon. Lachenal does not merely recount a Conradian tale of imperial hubris, he brings the past into the present, exploring the memories and remains of Dr. David’s rule to reveal a global history of violence, desire, and failure in which hope for the future gets lost in the tragic comedy of power.

Anliegen des im ersten Halbjahr 2019 gegründeten Instituts für faire Schadensregulierung ist es, auszuloten, was es im Detail bedeutet, dass der Schädiger bzw. die hinter ihm stehende Haftpflichtversicherung die im Gesetz vorgesehene Einbuße des Anspruchstellers auszugleichen hat. Die erste Fortbildungsveranstaltung in Berlin (7. und 8.11.2019) setzt sich zum Ziel, alle an der Regulierung von Personenschäden Beteiligten auf den neuesten Stand zu bringen und die Überzeugungskraft der gegenläufigen Argumente zu hinterfragen. Behandelt werden dabei aktuelle Themen wie der zulässige Einsatz darauf spezialisierter Dienstleister durch die Haftpflichtversicherer zur Auswertung von Belegforderungen und Datenerhebungen sowie die Beweislast im Haftpflichtprozess. Zu vier Kerngebieten erfolgt ein Überblick über die Rechtsprechung des letzten halben Jahres.

Joseph II’s failed scheme to swap the Austrian Low Countries for Bavaria provoked the formation of a league of states opposed to this reconfiguration of Europe. In order to repair the damage done to his reputation in the German-speaking world, he reinstated the recently disbanded Singspiel, so that it could compete with the Italian troupe. A lighthearted contest in the Orangerie at Schönbrunn inaugurated two years of intense operatic rivalry. Thanks to Dittersdorf’s hit success Der Apotheker, which overshadowed the impact of Figaro, the German party established an early ascendancy, but the Italians struck back with an opera featuring Spanish fashion. Martín y Soler’s Una cosa rara was greeted with storms of applause at its premiere on the name day of the fiancée of Archduke Franz, second in line to the Habsburg Monarchy.

This chapter examines Muller's aftermath in legal history through the landmark case of Adkins v. Children's Hospital (1923). In Oregon, an employer (Children's Hospital) sought an injunction against the DC Minimum Wage Board to restrain it from imposing the minimum wage of $16.50 per week for women workers in hotels, hospitals, restaurants, clubs, and apartment houses. The District of Columbia Supreme Court upheld the law in June 1920, as did the DC Court of Appeals in June 1921. However, at the second hearing in November 1922, the DC Court of Appeals upset the law. In 1923, when Adkins v. Children's Hospital reached the Supreme Court, defenders of the minimum wage faced a less receptive roster of justices than they had in 1917; recent appointments made in wartime and soon after had produced a more conservative court. As such, the Supreme Court failed to sustain the District of Columbia minimum wage law by a 5–3 decision.

This chapter compares the view that ergative case is an inherent case assigned by v to an NP that it theta-marks (the ICT) to the view that ergative case is a dependent case assigned to a higher NP when there is a lower NP in the same local domain (the DCT). First we present instances in which a nonagent receives ergative case when there is another NP nearby, in applicative constructions in Shipibo, Kalaallisut (West Greenlandic), and Chukchi. Conversely, we present instances in which an agent fails to receive ergative, either because the second NP has been rendered invisible, or because the clause is subsumed within a larger case domain (ECM, causatives). Both data sets support the DCT over the ICT. Finally, we argue that no known language displays a straightforwardly active case pattern—a fact that can be explained by the DCT but not the ICT.

This chapter focuses on Richard Durham's days after his departure from the United Packinghouse Workers of America (UPWA). Forced to resign from the UPWA after his failed power play, Durham felt betrayed. He decided to write a novel based on his UPWA experiences. While he worked on his novel, Durham returned to freelancing. He found a national audience for Destination Freedom, reworked his “The Heart of George Cotton” and “Denmark Vesey” scripts for the CBS Radio Workshop, born in 1936 as The Columbia Workshop. He also got an offer from the Chicago-based Nation of Islam (NOI) to serve as editor of its newspaper, Muhammad Speaks, at a time when civil rights protests were intensifying as blatant racial discrimination and inequality continued to disenfranchise African Americans. The tensions reached a boiling point in April 1968, when Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated, sparking riots in various cities.

Public law allocates responsibility. It regulates – and sometimes fails to regulate – the responsibility of individuals towards society, the responsibility of the State towards its population, other States and the environment, and the responsibility of the present generation towards the following ones. The contributions to the conference volume analyze the concept of responsibility from various perspectives and present the legal means of structuring responsibility in a wide range of subject areas. Special emphasis is placed on current issues such as the allocation of responsibility in the environmental field and the responsibility of legal scholars. With contributions by Mag. Dr. Ranjana Andrea Achleitner; Dr. Svenja Behrendt; Anna Berry; Isa Bilgen; Daniel Busche; Stella Dörenbach; Max Erdmann, M.A.; Prisca Feihle; Dr. Corina Heri, LL.M.; Benedikt Huggins; Dipl.-Jur. Madlen Karg, LL.B. (Mannheim); Dr. Romy Klimke; Lars C. Kroemer; Kaie Lemken; Antonia Paulus; Benedict Pietsch, M.A., M.Iur.; Dr. Michael von Landenberg-Roberg, LL.M. (Cambridge) and Noah Zimmermann.

There has been a breakdown in American public life that no election can fix. Americans cannot even converse about politics. All the usual explanations for our condition have failed to make things better. Bruce Ledewitz shows that America is living with the consequences of the Death of God, which Friedrich Nietzsche knew would be momentous and irreversible. God was this culture’s story of the meaning of our lives. Even atheists had substitutes for God, like inevitable progress. Now we have no story and do not even think about the nature of reality. That is why we are angry and despairing. America’s future requires that we begin a new story by each of us asking a question posed by theologian Bernard Lonergan: Is the universe on our side? When we commit to live honestly and fully by our answer to that question, even if our immediate answer is no, America will begin to heal. Beyond that, pondering the question of the universe will allow us to see that there is more to the universe than blind forces and dead matter. Guided by the naturalism of Alfred North Whitehead’s process philosophy, and the historical faith of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., we can learn to trust that the universe bends toward justice and our welfare. That conclusion will complete our healing and restore faith in American public life. We can live without God, but not without thinking about holiness in the universe.

While most observers and scholars of inequality focus on how the federal government has created, or at minimum failed to respond to, inequality, in this book Franko and Witko argue that this nearly exclusive emphasis on Washington, DC, is misplaced. The authors explain that this federal inaction in the face of emerging economic problems is the norm in American history because of the structure of American government and the ability of organized interests to prevent policy change in Washington. The states led the fight against new economic problems during the Progressive Era and Great Depression, and the authors argue that the states are once again leading the fight against growing inequality, a trend they call the “new economic populism.” In contrast to federal institutions and practices that encourage inactivity, because of the variation in state economic problems, public attitudes, government ideology, and political institutions, it is likely that at least some states will confront growing economic problems. Using a variety of unique data and evidence, the authors demonstrate that the public is cognizant of rising inequality and that this growing awareness is associated with more egalitarian political and policy changes, including greater government liberalism, higher minimum wages, and more progressive tax systems. In contrast to the prevailing pessimism regarding income inequality, the authors argue that if history is a guide, these incipient state actions to reduce inequality are likely to spread to other states and even the federal government in the coming decades.

In Citizenship and Human Rights, Dr Christian H Kälin examines the origins of modern human rights and citizenship from Ancient Greek, Roman and Christian philosophy, to Kant and all the way to postmodern thinkers. Highly readable and at the same time profound, the monograph analyses how the concepts of human rights developed from mainly Western philosophy and culture into claiming universal applicability, yet being opposed to the exclusive rights and nature of state-based citizenship. Showing how and why the universalism of the modern human rights system fails, both on a fundamental and practical level, he develops a new theory of postmodern Global Human Rights as a set of rights that could achieve true support from all states and thus gain real meaning for citizens everywhere.

Designed with the distinctive, user-friendly presentation Dr Stahl's audience know and love, this new stream of Stahl books capitalize on Dr Stahl's greatest strength - the ability to address complex issues in an understandable way and with direct relevance to the everyday experience of clinicians. The book describes a wide-ranging and representative selection of clinical scenarios, making use of icons, questions/answers and tips. It follows these cases through the complete clinical encounter, from start to resolution, acknowledging all the complications, issues, decisions, twists and turns along the way. The book is about living through the treatments that work, the treatments that fail, and the mistakes made along the journey. This is psychiatry in real life – these are the patients from your waiting room – this book will reassure, inform and guide better clinical decision making.

Read, read, read, read, my unlearned reader! read…’. Sterne’s great comic novel is the fictional autobiography of Tristram Shandy, a hero who fails even to get born in the first two volumes. It contains some of the best-known and best-loved characters in English literature, including Uncle Toby, Corporal Trim, Parson Yorick, Dr Slop and the Widow Wadman. Beginning with Tristram’s conception, the novel recounts his progress in ‘this scurvy and disasterous world of ours’, including his misnaming during baptism and his accidental circumcision by a falling sash-window at the age of five; unsurprisingly, Tristram declares that he has been ‘the continual sport of what the world calls Fortune’. Tristram Shandy also offers the narrator’s ‘opinions’, at once facetious and highly serious, on books and learning in an age of rapidly expanding print culture, and on the changing understanding of the roles of writers and readers alike. This revised edition retains the first edition text incorporating Sterne’s later changes, and adds two original Hogarth illustrations and a wealth of contextualizing information.

An internationally known physician presents here the most comprehensive medical information regarding normal sexual functioning and the various sexual problems that affect men, most dramatically erectile dysfunction. An up-to-date guide for the layman, Dr. Hanash's perspective provides readers with scientific information to help solve sexual problems for men, improve their sexual performance, and enhance their lovemaking capabilities with innovative and stimulating methods. Providing a feeling of one-to-one conversation with an authority on this subject, this unique book explains the latest and most advanced information regarding the causes, diagnosis, and various treatment options for male sexual dysfunctions. Chapters also include explanations of the emotional effects of erectile dysfunction on afflicted men as well as their partners, which can include depression, low self esteem, anger, and disgrace. Dr. Hanash, who has treated men and women across the United States and around the world dealing with sexual dysfunction, explains this book was born of his own troubling recognition that widespread myths, misinformation, and taboos regarding sex often make sufferers deny any problem, and fail or refuse to discuss it with a partner, or even a physician. Offering wise and straight talk about dysfunctions and the most effective, safest treatments available to overcome them, Hanash's goal is to help both sexual partners discover their best means to optimal satisfaction and pleasure that is both sensual and sexual.

Dr. Williams contends that over the last 20 years a change has occurred in organizations that has created a syndrome of dysfunctions that are neither good for businesses nor for the people who work in them. Williams sees businesses as living entities, and argues that how they act and react will have an impact on their employees, and often a devastating impact. In much the same way as businesses make decisions, people make choices, and seldom are these decisions and choices congruent. Unless disparate self-interests and goals can be reconciled—unless a partnership can be restored between people and their organizations—not only will employees be damaged, but the success of their organization, upon which they depend for their livelihoods, will be jeopardized. How this dangerous situation came about, what it means, and how it can be remedied is the subjet of Dr. Williams' book. Research-based and always in touch with the realities of commerce, Dr. Williams will make business people aware that organizations and their people must become reunited, and then show them how it can be done. Dr. Williams makes clear he is not simply speculating or theorizing. His goal is to make management aware of the dysfunctions that are damaging their organizations, and how these are reflected in the behaviors of their employees. When he calls for a focus on humanity, spirit, and context, Dr. Williams is actually offering a workable, real-world strategy to breathe new life into organizations of all kinds—a strategy he calls The Trinity Process. Its purpose: to help management restore the essential partnership between organizational entities and the people who make them succeed or fail. In Part One he shows what it means to be part of any organization and, with anecdotes and cases from his own research, helps readers grasp the dynamics of their own organizations. In Part Two he proposes new or reframed paradigms that provide an underpinning for the reestablishment of equality between organizations and their employees. Then, in Part Three he presents The Trinity Process itself. The result is a remarkably lucid, readable, engrossing exploration of organizational life today, important reading for decision makers in all types of organizations, public as well as private, and for academics concerned with how organizations behave.

This book offers an in indictment of the nation's drug enforcement approach focusing on the short-sighted policies that often deny patients suffering from chronic pain the medications they need. Pain Control and Drug Policy: A Time for Changefocuses on America's national crisis in pain management caused by the widening divergence between the enormous contributions of opioids ("narcotics") to pain management in the clinical setting and the mistaken belief that they are dangerous, highly addictive drugs. After dissecting the strategy and tactics of the War on Drugs from medical, historical, legal, socioeconomic, and geopolitical perspectives, Guy Faguet MD indicts the 40-year-long War on Drugs for having failed to stem the supply of illicit drugs in America despite expenditures of half a trillion dollars, despite violating the basic human right to pain relief of tens of millions of American chronic pain sufferers, and despite fomenting organized crime, government corruption, racial injustice, and social disruption in both the United States and the producer countries. He concludes with a clarion call for the abandonment of the War on Drugs, disbanding the Drug Enforcement Administration, and encouraging Congress to repeal the Controlled Substances Act. As a clinical and research oncologist responsible for the chronic pain management of thousands of cancer patients over the course of his 30-year career, Dr. Faguet knows that the most effective and safest way to manage most cases of chronic pain is with opioids. All modern pain-management textbooks advocate "titration to effect" in cases where opioids help: that is, gradually increasing the dosage until either the pain is acceptably controlled or the side effects begin to outweigh the pain-relief benefits. Yet the vast majority of doctors don't practice what the medical textbooks teach and instead prescribe opioids very reluctantly and conservatively. As a result, only half of all chronic pain sufferers-and fewer than half of all cancer patients-get adequate pain relief from their doctors. Why do physicians radically undertreat pain that is susceptible to opioid analgesics? They fear that if they prescribe Schedule II opioids in accordance with the professional standards of pain management set by such medical bodies as the American Pain Society, they will be investigated by the DEA, stigmatized, prosecuted as criminals, stripped of their licenses, and sent to jail. Visit Guy B. Faguet, MD's website here: www.faguet.net.

Many strategic change efforts fail. And virtually all of them are harder than they need to be. Why is this? And what can we do to make change more likely to stick? Dr. Elsbeth Johnson, a former equity analyst and London Business School Professor now teaching at MIT, has spent a decade researching how to deliver strategic change in practice. Based on asking managers what they needed from leaders, rather than just asking leaders what they did, her resultingStep Up, Step Backapproach challenges some of our most fundamental beliefs about how to lead change – and indeed, about what we even consider to be 'leadership'. TheStep Up, Step Backapproach suggests leaders need to step up and do more than they typically do in the early stages of the change – in specific ways and at specific times; and then step back and do less than they typically do in the later stages of the change – again, in specific ways, at specific times. The result is not only change that sticks, but empowered, motivated managers who can get on with delivering change, without needing ongoing input or cover from leaders. Using real-world examples of how to apply the science in practice,Step Up, Step Backgives you a roadmap for how to deliver strategic change in your organization.

The world is at a pivotal crossroad in energy choices. There is a strong sense that our use of energy must be more sustainable. Moreover, many also broadly agree that a way must be found to rely increasingly on lower carbon energy sources. However, no single or clear solution exists on the means to carry out such a shift at either a national or international level. Traditional energy planning (when done) has revolved around limited cost projections that often fail to take longer term evidence and interactions of a wider set of factors into account. The good news is that evidence does exist on such change in case studies of different nations shifting toward low-carbon energy approaches. In fact, such shifts can occur quite quickly at times, alongside industrial and societal advance, innovation, and policy learning. These types of insights will be important for informing energy debates and decision-making going forward. Low Carbon Energy Transitions: Turning Points in National Policy and Innovation takes an in-depth look at four energy transitions that have occurred since the global oil crisis of 1973: Brazilian biofuels, Danish wind power, French nuclear power, and Icelandic geothermal energy. With these cases, Dr. Araújo argues that significant nationwide shifts to low-carbon energy can occur in under fifteen years, and that technological complexity is not necessarily a major impediment to such shifts. Dr. Araújo draws on more than five years of research, and interviews with over 120 different scientists, government workers, academics, and members of civil society in completing this study. Low Carbon Energy Transitions is written for for professionals in energy, the environment and policy as well as for students and citizens who are interested in critical decisions about energy sustainability. Technology briefings are provided for each of the major technologies in this book, so that scientific and non-scientific readers can engage in more even discussions about the choices that are involved.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.