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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Failed state'
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1
Sicksch, Lynsey Charlotte. "Auguries of Innocence: Failing Failed States." Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104467.
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Thesis advisor: Gerald EasterThesis advisor: Timothy Crawford
Currently there are millions of people trapped within the confines of a failed state, where each day they are met with extreme risk in order to acquire the basic human needs. While these situations are easily classified as humanitarian emergencies, more often than not, the billions of dollars sent in aid harms the very communities they are charged to help. Through the case study of the world's most failed state, Somalia, this thesis defines and deconstructs state failure, explains life on-the-ground in Somalia, while suggesting solutions for the future
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
2
Přikryl, Pavel. "Failed states - případová studie Jemen." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-73566.
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The submitted diploma thesis deals with failed states and tries to find out whether the Republic of Yemen can be classified as a failed state. First of all, the diploma thesis defines the term state and its functions, and then focuses on the terminology of weak statehood that has come into existence in the international politics. The thesis concentrates on the Failed States Index and analyzes its social, political and economic indicators. The theory is later applied on the case of Republic of Yemen.
3
Čepilová, Barbora. "Failed States in International Relations." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-18244.
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The aim of the work Failed States in International Relations is the examination of this phenomenon regarding the terminological discrepancy, causes of the state fragility, security and social aspects and the various attitudes from the side of the international communities. A special part is dealing with so called "successfully failed states" where despite the obvious non-functioning the state is able to survive due to the revenues from the natural resources. The ?ndings are represented on the case study of the Democratic Republic of the Congo - a country with huge potential but miserable performance by now.
4
Saouma, Sophie M. "Lebanon and Hizbullah: Investigating the Failed State Model." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/504.
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This thesis investigates the failed state label on Lebanon. The thesis explores how Lebanon falls under the paradigm and how Lebanon contradicts, at times, the failed state model with the inclusion of Hizbullah.
5
Roupcová, Martina. "Zhroucené státy v mezinárodních vztazích na příkladu Afghánistánu." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-18305.
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This work contains 4 main parts. Firstly, it is focused on application of the concept of failed states and the theoretical point of view. Second part offers 4 theoretical principals concerning with the problem o failed states. In the third part it brings an analysis of the situation in Afghanistan by using Failed state Index. The last part offers case study about Czech mission in Afghanistan.
6
Frost, Andrew John. "Failed State/s: An exegesis supporting the exhibition "Austerity Discotheque"." Thesis, Griffith University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/382673.
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This Masters project is the development of an exhibition of works of art taking the related themes of austerity and failure to explore the rise of global capitalism and extremist politics and the role of the artist as an agent for witness or resistance. The works draw from recent experience living in Berlin and Brisbane.Thesis (Masters)
Master of Visual Arts (MVA)
Queensland College of Art
Arts, Education and Law
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Fitzpatrick, Lacey. "African Failed States and the Personal Rule Paradigm." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1167.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
8
Holmgren, Johan. "Terrorism : And its connection to failed states." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-8090.
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Through the increase in globalization over the last twenty years the world has become ’smaller’. The many positive aspects of the phenomenon sometimes make us overlook the negative aspects of globalization. Just as economic markets and communication has moved beyond national borders one of the most negative aspects of society has also become global, namely terrorism. As terrorism has moved on to the global spectrum so has the prevention of terrorism. National governments that are trying to combat terrorism have begun to realize that problems that other nations are facing in another continent could eventually affect their national security. Other nation states that are experiencing state failure may become a national security risk. The aim of this thesis is to examine if global terrorist organizations take advantage of the many problems that a nation faces when it is subject to state failure. It has not been to examine the phenomenon of global terrorism itself or why certain nation states fail. It has rather been to see if there is a connection between the two and if so, how do global terrorist organizations take advantage of these opportunities?
The most famous, or infamous, global terrorist organization al Qaeda has on many occasions used the fact that a state is experiencing failure to their advantage. Many of the more common problems that a failed state will face (loss of territorial control, disastrous domestic economy, and bad leadership) have been exploited by al Qaeda who have been able to build an effective infrastructure, build training cams and religious schools, and gain public support in two of the most troubled nations in the world; Afghanistan and Sudan.
The conclusion that can be drawn from this examination of the connection between global terrorism and failed states is that terrorist organizations have on several occasions taken advantage of the problems associated with state failure in order to become stronger and build a working infrastructure. It is, however, important to note that terrorism is very rarely the reason fore state failure. Furthermore, the fact that a sate is experiencing state failure does not automatically mean that it will be a breathing ground for global terrorism.
9
Chapaux, Vincent. "Dominer par les idées: étude de la notion de Failed State." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209954.
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Depuis la fin de la guerre froide, la notion de Failed State est utilisée dans les relations internationales pour décrire des États rencontrant des difficultés à exercer un monopole de la violence légitime sur leur territoire. La thèse se pose la question de savoir dans quelle mesure cette notion a pu jouer un rôle dans les rapports de domination en cours dans les relations internationales. L’étude montre que la notion a été créée par un communauté épistémique et des entrepreneurs de sens avant tout américains et proposait en effet un système de représentation selon lequel le salut des Failed State reposerait avant tout sur la mise en place de politiques très intrusives de la part des États les plus puissants de la planète. L’étude poursuit en montrant que ce système de représentation, créé à grands frais par un ensemble d’acteurs académiques, médiatiques et philanthropiques, n’a toutefois pas toujours réussi à justifier la mise en place des politiques intrusives souhaitées. A travers de nombreuses études de cas (Afghanistan, Haïti, Irak, Somalie, Palestine, Liban, Libéria, Soudan, Zimbabwe, Bolivie, Pakistan, Colombie, Burundi, Sierra Leone, Guinée-Bissau et République centrafricaine), le travail démontre que la notion de Failed State n’a pas toujours eu l’efficacité souhaitée et a au contraire été détournée, parfois avec succès, pour résister aux politiques perçues comme intrusives par des acteurs prétendument dominés. L’étude conclut que si il est théoriquement possible de dominer par les idées, il est aussi possible de résister aux idées par les idées.//
Since the end of the Cold War, the notion of Failed State is used in international relations in order to describe States that have difficulties to exercise a monopoly of legitimate violence on their territory. The thesis raises the question of how this concept influenced the relations of domination in the international relations. The study shows that the concept of Failed State was created by an epistemic community and a group of entrepreneurs primarily based in the United States. The notion promoted a system of representation based on the idea that the salvation of the Failed States rested on their acceptance of very intrusive policies leaded by the most powerful States of the world. The study also shows that this representation system, created at great expense, has not always been able to justify the intrusive policies it was designed to legitimize. Through numerous case studies (Afghanistan, Haiti, Iraq, Somalia, Palestine, Lebanon, Liberia, Sudan, Zimbabwe, Bolivia, Pakistan, Colombia, Burundi, Sierra Leone, Guinea-Bissau and Central African Republic), it is shown that notion of Failed State has not always reached the efficiency desired by its creators and has instead been used, sometimes successfully, to resist policies perceived as intrusive by the allegedly “dominated” actors. The study concludes that while it is theoretically possible to rule with ideas, it is also possible to resist ideas with ideas.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
10
Elmi, Mohamed Abokor. "ICT, the Somali diaspora and the stabilization of a failed state." Doctoral thesis, Faculty of Commerce, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/31503.
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For almost three decades, Somalia has defied definition and expectation precisely because the country has lacked an effective, centralized state apparatus. As a result, the term 'failed state’ is often applied to Somalia in popular discourse and by scholars. For a state to formally function as such, a few conditions must be met including the state’s ability to unquestionably legitimatize its authority over its territory, its residents pledging allegiance to that state, and explicit recognition by other states. Despite the perceived chaos and violence associated with the country, there is evidence of structures that allow for markets to function and social services to be delivered. The Somali diaspora is one factor in supporting Somalia’s economic and social system, as remittances pay for children’s education, social services and provide investment funds for businesses. Moreover, Somalia has been able to foster a vibrant Information Communications Technologies (ICTs) sector, comparable to that of its more stable and wealthier East African neighbours. Therefore, the objective of this Information Systems thesis is to examine how Information Communication Technologies are utilized within communities that are considered failed (or failing) and lack defined, and legitimate state apparatus. The guiding research question for this thesis is: What role does Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) and the diaspora play in the creation of a `stable` Somalia? To address the research question, in addition to providing Somalia’s historical context, three interrelated empirical studies were designed. The first study utilizes both qualitative and quantitative content analysis approaches to extend our understanding of how Somalia is defined in Western media. This included determining when the failed state term became synonymous with Somalia. The study, additionally, applies the principles of Critical Discourse Analysis to explore how Somalia and Somalis are perceived and portrayed in Western news sources. The study confirmed that Western media narratives about the country are negative in tone, violent in the description and have reinforced negative stereotypes regarding Somalia and its people. The second study explores the existing social structures in Somalia, utilizing Anthony Giddens’s Structuration Theory. More specifically, the study examines the banking and credit system used by Somalis, how the education and justice systems are delivered along with other necessary social services accessed by residents within the country. Through in-country key Mohamed Elmi PhD. Thesis iv informant interviews from various sectors and industries, the study aimed to discover how visible and invisible institutions that are central to the delivery of social and economic services in Somalia are mediated by ICTs. This study found evidence of functioning social structures, despite the failed state label applied to Somalia. The third study aimed, through surveys and key informant interviews, to better understand the role played by the diaspora in Somalia’s economic and social system. This study explores the institution behind the Hawala system and how it is enabled by technology. By examining how the remittance system works and the methods Somalis employ including recent innovations such as mobile banking, this study also establishes the role of Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) in the Somali money transfer sector. In the concluding chapter, the contributions to both the Information Systems field and our collective understanding of Somalia are discussed. Drawing on the evidence from the three studies, this chapter makes four main claims. The first claim of this study is that ICTs act as a binding agent of social structures within Somalia as defined by a social theory framework. I am thus demonstrating why Somali social institutions function in the absence of a robust administrative state. The second claim argues that the diaspora are essential agents in stabilizing Somali social and economic institutions by offering financial aid, investments and knowledge transfer. The third claim suggests that the perceptions of Somalia and its people have been negatively influenced by Western news media. Finally, I argue that definitions of a failed state are narrow, Western-centric and do not necessarily apply to Somalia.
11
Vasi, Lillian. "Post-Partition Limbo States: Failed State Formation and Conflicts in Northern Ireland and Jammu-and-Kashmir." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1242067824.
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Liptak, Christopher. "Caught between Nation and State: An Analysis of Post-Cold War Military Intervention in Failed States." W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626125.
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Kim, Yejoo. "Why corporatism failed : comparing South Africa and South Korea." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/95881.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this study the aim is to examine what the impact of the imbalance in the power dynamics between the state, business and labour is on corporatist institutions in South Africa and South Korea. In both countries, the corporatist institutions have failed to bring the actors together and to resolve the various issues as these institutions were expected to do. When looking at the establishment of corporatist institutions in the two countries it is clear that the state had to incorporate the interests of labour in their decision-making process due to the increasing power of labour during the democratisation process. However, the current situation proves that the corporatist institutions in South Africa and South Korea have faced various problems. Therefore why the corporatist institutions in the two countries have not functioned properly is explored in this study. It was found that labour has been placed at a disadvantage compared to the state and business. The influence of labour as an agenda setter and a representative of labour has diminished. On the other hand the state and business, which used to form a coalition under the authoritarian governments, have started gaining power along with globalisation. The adoption of neo-liberal economic policies, has resulted in the fragmentation of labour, generating unemployment and irregular jobs. The imbalance of power between the actors has negatively affected the corporatist institutions. Under the circumstances, the corporatist institutions did not ensure that the voice of labour was heard and heeded. Instead of using corporatism, labour in South Africa tends to use the tripartite alliance in order to advance its interests. Labour in South Korea is likely to use mass action, and this tendency prevails in South Africa as well. Also, the corporatist institutions have been criticised due to their lack of accountability and institutional problems; this has negatively affected their credibility. The corporatist institutions have become little more than names. In the cases of South Africa and South Korea, corporatism seems to have been adopted as a mere crisis response when the two countries faced political economic crises and it is seen as another control mechanism created by states experiencing democratisation. Furthermore, the imbalance in the relationship between actors negatively affected the corporatist institutions and in the end they collapsed.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie word die impak van die magsbalans tussen die staat, sakesektor en georganiseerde arbeid op korporatisme in Suid-Afrika en Suid-Korea ondersoek. In beide gevalle het die korporatiewe instellings nie daarin geslaag om die nodige konsensus tussen die drie sleutel akteurs te bewerkstellig nie. As gevolg van demokratiseringsprosesse in beide state, en die toenemende invloed van arbeid, was die staat verplig om die belange van arbeid in besluitnemingsprosesse in ag te neem. Die korporatiewe instellings in Suid-Afrika, nl. NEDLAC en die KTC in Suid-Korea staar egter verskeie probleme in die gesig, Waarom die korporatiewe instellings nie behoorlik gefunksioneer het nie, word in die studie onder die loep geneem. Arbeid het in ‘n onderdanige posisie jeens die staat en die sake sektor te staan gekom aangesien die invloed van georganiseerde arbeid as ‘n agenda skepper en verteenwoordiger van arbeid afgeneem het. Aan die ander kant het die aanvanklike koalisie tussen die staat en die sakesektor gedurende die outoritere periodes - voor demokratisering - weer eens verstewig as gevolg van die invloed van globalisering. Namate neo-liberale ekonomiese beleide nagevolg is, het die vakbond beweging al meer gedisintegreer, werkloosheid het toegeneem en gelei tot werksgeleenthede wat al meer tydelik en ongereguleer is. Die ongelyke magsbalans tussen die rolspelers het die korporatistiese instellings negatief beinvloed. Onder die omstandighede, kon die korporatistiese instellings nie daarin slaag om aan die stem van arbeid gehoor te gee soos wat gehoop is nie. In plaas daarvan om dus van die korporatistiese instellings gebruik te maak, het arbeid in Suid-Afrika eerder van die vakbond beweging se rol in die regerende alliansie gebruik gemaak om beleid te probeer beinvloed. Arbeid in Suid-Korea, soos in Suid-Afrika, is ook meer geneig om van massa aksie gebruik te maak. Daarbenewens is die korporatiewe instellings daarvan beskuldig dat hulle nie deursigtig is nie en gebuk gaan onder institutionele gebreke, wat die geloofwaardigheid van die instellings ondermyn het. In die Suid-Afrikaanse en Suid-Koreaanse gevalle blyk dit dat korporatisme bloot as ‘n soort ‘krisis reaksie’ tot ekonomiese en politieke probleme ontwikkel het – in samehang met demokratisering - en nie as diepgaande beieldsprosesse in eie reg nie. Die gebrek aan ‘n magsbalans tussen die drie rolspelers het daartoe gelei dat die korporatiewe instellings in beide gevalle effektief tot niet gekom het.
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Sune, Engin. "Defining The Different: A Critical Analysis Of The Rentier, Failed And Rogue State Theories." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614468/index.pdf.
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This thesis focuses on three state theories that aim to define the structures of the Third World states by the West. The terms of the &lsquorentier&rsquo
, &lsquo
failed&rsquo
and &lsquo
rogue&rsquo
states are critically examined in an attempt to understand how they define the difference, how they negate the different, and how they legitimize certain policies towards the different. By concentrating on the liberal theorizing that analyzes the state on the basis of the claimed civil society-state divide, and from an orientalist perspective, this study aims to demonstrate that these state theories refuse the possibility of transformation of those states by their own internal dynamics. It is argued that with the help of such discourses, rather than being simple theoretical constructs these state theories have become functional means to legitimize certain historical practices.
15
Visser, Reidar. "The failed gulf state : competing visions for the future of Basra, 1921-1929." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270571.
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Jawad, Yasmine Moh'd Ridha. "The provision of women's social welfare needs in Jordan : why the state has failed." Thesis, Durham University, 2011. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/673/.
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This thesis answers the question as to how, and to what extent, women’s social welfare needs are provided for in Jordan. Using a liberal feminist approach to social welfare policy, and acknowledging the role played by the specific historical and political experiences of states in the developing world, the thesis examines the provision of Jordanian women’s social welfare needs by the state in the public arena, by the family in the private arena and by Civil Society Organisations which negotiate the space between the two arenas. The thesis demonstrates that the state has systematically failed to translate constitutional commitments to women as equitable citizens deserving of equitable social welfare provisions into reality. Its symbiotic relationship with traditional social forces has ensured that patriarchal social norms and practices have infused public social policy and created internal contradictions in the legal institutions and processes of implementation. These same patriarchal norms and practices continue to prevail within Jordanian family and tribal life, creating a situation in which women exchange the provision of their basic social needs by the family in return for subordinating themselves to a second-class status of dependency and vulnerability. Civil Society Organisations are similarly constrained by the patriarchal influences within the state, and have developed strategies which acknowledge that women’s social welfare provision in the long term is dependent on democratisation processes which build direct relations between the state and its citizens, unmediated by vested tribal interests and protected by the rule of law. The thesis concludes that liberal feminist understandings of women’s social welfare provisions as being located within the state-citizenship dichotomy enable us to identify the particular issues arising for developing states in meeting women’s needs.
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Sahinkuye, Mathias. "Human rights and the rule of law in Rwanda : reconstruction of a failed state." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51792.
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Thesis (LLD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Human rights denials have more characterised Rwandan history than their promotion and protection. When the Rwandan State emerged from Tutsi domination and colonialism, many Rwandans hoped that the era of liberty had at least dawned. But the reality has been a total disappointment and replicas of earlier abuses have emerged, despite the ratification by Rwanda of most international human rights instruments. This dissertation is premised on the assumption that Rwanda has failed as a democratic constitutional State, and the whole socio-economic-political system has gone wrong. Chapter one argues that disequilibrium was built into the Rwandan system before colonisation and evangelisation. There was a 'consensus' that Tutsis were a superior minority race, able to govern and dominate, well organised and accepted by their Hutu subjects. The colonists and the Catholic Church exploited this injustice for their indirect rule. In a world evolving towards the international human rights system, this had a very precarious foundation in Rwanda. Indeed, poor management of changes due to evangelisation, education and market economy led to the denial of human dignity. It exacerbated division in favour of Hutus rather than reinforcing national unity. Chapter two considers the Hutu regime as a failure of a democratic constitutional State in the postcolonial era, despite the promise to serve the interests of all Rwandans through democracy and respect for human rights. In a one-party State, a handful of Hutus have monopolised power and resources. The institutional infrastructure for the management of the State and protection of human rights was set up to safeguard the interests of the ruling group only and oppress the rest of the population. The Hutu government, particularly, took revenge on Tutsis that they killed, forced into exile and denied access to public affairs. Hutu opponents, real or imaginary, and people from other regions than that of the President were also denied such access. Separation of powers was purposely just a theory, whence a non-independent judiciary, interference of the executive in the functioning of other branches of government and abuse of legislative power became the reality. In order to perpetuate the ruling group's hegemony, civil society was hindered, while states of emergency were used to deny the right to life, liberty and the security of the person. Many other rights were also denied regardless of whether the denial was a legacy of the past or just a result of the undemocratic nature of the State and the underdevelopment of the country. The Hutu regime's failure to promote national unity resulted in a genocide which took the lives of many Tutsis and Hutus. Whereas the current Tutsi government presented itself as committed to democracy and human rights, Chapter three argues that it was a mutatis mutandis replica of the Hutu rule. Indeed, the State system and resources have been captured by a group of Tutsis while other Tutsis have been left without hope and Hutus have become second-class citizens, whence justice and national unity are in jeopardy. By avoiding to tackle the fundamental issue of nation-statehood, the United Nations have failed to maintain peace and security. The failure to condemn Ugandan aggression against Rwanda, the forced repatriation of refugees, and the non-prosecution of Tutsis involved in crimes against humanity have proved the demise of international law and the maintenance of the culture of impunity in Rwanda. The author nonetheless argues that respect for human rights and establishment of the rule of law are still possible through a process of reconciliation and reconstruction.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die geskiedenis van Rwanda word meer deur die miskenning van menseregte as erkenning en beskerming daarvan gekenmerk. Toe die Rwandese Staat onder Tutsi oorheersing en kolonialisme uit verrys, het baie Rwandese gehoop dat die tydperk van vryheid ten minste aangebreek het, maar die werklikheid was algeheel teleurstellend en weergawes van vroeëre misbruike het weer tevore getree, ten spyte daarvan dat Rwanda die meeste internasionale werktuie vir menseregte bekragtig het. Hierdie verhandeling berus op die aanname dat Rwanda as 'n demokratiese grondwetlike staat misluk het en dat die sosio-ekonomies-politieke stelsel geheel-en-al verkeerd geloop het. Hoofstuk een argumenteer dat 'n wanbalans voor die kolonisasie en evangelisasie van die land reeds in die Rwandese stelsel ingebou is. Daar was 'konsensus' waarvolgens Tutsis beskou is as 'n superieure minderheidsras wat in staat was om te regeer en te oorheers, wat goed georganiseer was en deur hul Hutu onderdane aanvaar is. Die koloniste en die Katolieke Kerk het hierdie onreg ten voordeel van hul indirekte heerskappy uitgebuit. In 'n wêreld wat op pad was na 'n internasionale menseregtestelsel was die grondslag wat hiervoor in Rwanda gelê is uiters onseker. Swak bestuur van veranderinge wat deur evangelisasie, opvoeding en 'n mark-ekonomie teweeggebring is, het in werklikheid tot miskenning van menseregte gelei. Dit het skeiding tot voordeel van die Hutus vererger, eerder as om nasionale eenheid te versterk. Hoofstuk twee kyk na die Hutu regime as 'n mislukte demokratiese konstitusionele staat in die postkoloniale era, ten spyte van die belofte om die belange van alle Rwandese deur demokrasie en eerbied vir menseregte te dien. In die eenpartystaat het 'n handjievol Hutus die mag en hulpbronne gemonopoliseer. Die institusionele infrastruktuur vir die bestuur van die Staat is opgestel om die belange van die heersersgroep te beveilig en die res van die bevolking te onderdruk. Die Hutu regering het hul veralop Tutsis gewreek deur hulle te vermoor, tot ballingskap te dryf en hul toegang tot openbare sake te weier. Hutu teenstanders, werklik of vermeend, en mense vanaf ander streke as die waarvan die President afkomstig was, is ook van sodanige toegang weerhou. Die verspreiding van mag was doelbewus niks meer as teoreties nie, vandaar die nie-onafhanklikheid van die regbank, inmenging by die funksionering van ander vertakkings van die regering deur die uitvoerende gesag en die misbruik van die wetgewende gesag. In die poging om die regerende groep se hegemonie te bestendig, is die burgerlike samelewing belemmer en is daar van noodtoestande gebruik gemaak om die reg tot lewe, vryheid en die veiligheid van die persoon aan te tas. Baie ander regte is ook geweier, ongeag of die weiering daarvan as gevolg van die nalatenskap van die verlede of die ondemokratiese aard van die Staat en die onderontwikkeldheid van die land moontlik was. Die feit dat die Hutu regering ten opsigte van die bevordering van nasionale eenheid misluk het, het gelei na In menseslagting wat die lewens van vele Tutsis en Hutus geëis het. Terwyl die huidige Tutsi regering homself as verbonde tot demokrasie en menseregte voordoen, argumenteer Hoofstuk drie dat die regering bloot 'n mutatis mutandi weergawe van die Hutu regering is. In werklikheid is die staatsisteem en die hulpbronne deur 'n groep Tutsis gebuit, die res van die Tutsis is sonder hoop gelaat en die Hutus is tot tweederangse burgers gemaak, wat vrede en sekuriteit in gevaar stel. Met die ontwyking van die grondliggende kwessie van nasieskap, het die Verenigde Volke ten opsigte van die handhawing van vrede en sekuriteit gefaal. Die onvermoë om Uganda se aggressie teenoor Rwanda te verdoem, die gedwonge repatriasie van vlugtelinge en die gebrek aan vervolging van Tutsis wat skuldig is aan misdade teen die mensheid het die afstanddoening van internasionale wetgewing en die ondersteuning van die kultuur van straffeloosheid in Rwanda bewys. Desnieteenstaande argumenteer die skrywer dat respek vir menseregte en die instelling van regsoewereiniteit nog steeds deur middel van 'n proses van versoening en heropbouing in Rwanda moontlik gemaak kan word.
18
Green, Tetaime Sherie. "Resiliency of Students Who Failed the State of Texas Assessments of Academic Readiness Exam." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6569.
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The purpose of this study was to investigate former high school students' resilience following the administration of the State of Texas Assessments of Academic Readiness (STAAR) exam based on the comparison of male and female students who passed the STAAR exam the first time and those who failed it at least 2 times. This study fills a gap in the literature by offering additional data and increased knowledge about the relationship of resiliency to school performance. A total of 133 adults aged 18-29 years who had been enrolled in 3 high schools in a large metropolitan area in Texas were referred by the Texas Education Agency to complete the Resilience Scale online survey. A cross-sectional survey based on Resiliency Scale scores was used to quantify the degree of individual resilience, considered as a positive personality characteristic that enhances individual adaptations. The data were analyzed using 2-way (2 X 2) ANOVA with 3 dependent variables (Resiliency Scale [overall resiliency, personal competency, and acceptance of life and self]), and STAAR passing grouping and gender (male or female) serving as the independent variables. Results indicated that there were no differences between males and females or between students who passed the STAAR the first time and those who failed the STAAR at least 2 times on the dependent variables of reliance, competency, and acceptance of life and self. Positive social change may result from encouraging the teaching of other coping skills and interventions for those who experience failure on high-stakes tests.
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Magnúsdóttir, Rósa Raleigh Donald J. "Keeping up appearances how the soviet state failed to control popular attitudes toward the United States of America, 1945-1959 /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,395.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History." Discipline: History; Department/School: History.
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Gulseven, Yahya. "Failed State Discourse As An Instrument Of The Us Foreign Policy In The Post Cold War Era." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606726/index.pdf.
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This thesis focuses on the use of the term &lsquofailed state&rsquo
as a category in the US foreign policy discourse in the post Cold War era. The concept of &lsquo
failed state&rsquo
is critically examined in terms of its methodological and ontological flaws. It is suggested that the primary methodological flaw of the failed state discourse is its atomistic and essentialist approach which describes &lsquo
state failure&rsquo
as an internal problem which needs external solutions. By rejecting the internal/external dichotomy, the dialectical method is offered as an alternative to examine the use of the term in the US foreign policy discourse in the post Cold War era. It is argued here that failed state discourse is used as a means in the justification of an international order based on &lsquo
preemptive strikes&rsquo
and unilateral economic, political and military interventions. Building upon this ideological function of failed state discourse, the current discusssions on state failure is related to contemporary debates on imperialism.
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Arabi, Ahmad. "Libanon - från ”Mellanösterns Paris” till en ”Failed State” : en studie av den konsociala maktdelningen i Libanon och dess konsekvenser." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-173130.
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Lebanon is seen as a failed state by the international community and this study aims to look at the causes that have made Lebanon dysfunctional. The study uses Andrej Lijpharts consociational power sharing model and the international relations theory realism to analyse the internal and external causes that have made Lebanon a failed state. The study is based on interviews from the three major sects in Lebanon and a text analysis. The study shows that Lebanon is suffering from a corrupt elite that uses the state institutions to benefit their own families. The elite uses clientelism by manipulating consociational power sharing to make the ethnoreligious groups dependant on the elite’s own success. Different regional and international powers use Lebanon in their struggle for power and dominance over the Middle East. The external actors support different ethnic and religious groups by financing and arming them. That in turn deepens the divide between the sectarian groups and hinders the political progress.
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Zanderholm, Malin. "Another Failed State in the Gulf of Aden : Applying scenario-planning methodology on piracy in the Gulf of Aden." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-4769.
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The Gulf of Aden holds one of the strategic chokepoint along the important Eurasian maritime trade route. On both sides of the Gulf of Aden lie countries in need of political stability. In the south lies Somalia, one of the worlds longest failed states and hosts of pirates violently disrupting maritime trade in the region. On its northern shores lies Yemen, one of the poorest countries in the world and home to the terrorist movement Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. This thesis aims to look deeper into what effect on piracy another failed state in the region would have and to illustrate that the thesis describes a scenario where Yemen has followed Somalia’s footsteps and developed into a failed state. Applying Lindgren and Bandhold’s method of scenario planning and through a quantitative analysis, recent trends affecting piracy development were identified. Through a scenario cross four different scenarios were developed to illustrate the effects a failed state Yemen would have on piracy leading to which new challenges the EU might be faced with in the region. The overall conclusions are that a failed state Yemen would have a negative effect on the efforts in mitigating piracy and pirates, driven by opportunity and profit, would benefit from further instability in the region. The thesis supports previous research regarding the connection between maritime piracy in the Gulf of Aden and failed states and illustrate the multifaceted challenges the EU could face as a consequence of the new development of piracy.Erasmus
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Engelhardt, Marie von. "Dealing with fragile states." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Juristische Fakultät, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17426.
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Das politische Phänomen ‚fragiler Staaten’ betrifft die Grundfesten des Völkerrechts, und hat dennoch wenig Beachtung in der Rechtswissenschaft gefunden. Staaten, die formal rechtlich anerkannt sind, aber faktisch kaum in der Lage sind, grundlegende staatliche Funktionen auszuüben, beeinträchtigen Funktion und Effektivität der Völkerrechtsordnung. Die Völkerrechtsordnung hängt entscheidend von der Existenz einer effektiven Regierung ab, die zumindest in der Lage ist, Rechte und Pflichten auszuüben und an den internationalen Beziehungen teilzunehmen. In der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit beispielsweise ist die Existenz eines Staates mit rechtlich anerkannter und faktisch handlungsfähiger Regierung eine Grundvoraussetzung für den Transfer finanzieller Ressourcen. Diese Arbeit zeigt mit Blick auf Recht und Praxis der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, dass ‚fragile Staaten’ zwar kein rechtliches Phänomen sind, aber der Umgang von Internationalen Organisationen mit den Herausforderungen fragiler Staatlichkeit durchaus von rechtlicher Relevanz ist. Sie untersucht die formellen und informellen Regeln, die Entwicklungsorganisationen wie die Weltbank für den Umgang mit Staaten mit kaum handlungsfähiger Regierung erlassen haben. Das Resultat ist eine kritische Analyse des sozial konstruierten Phänomens und seiner folgenreichen Übersetzung in rechtliche Regularien.The political phenomenon of ‘fragile states’ concerns international law’s very foundations, and has yet received little attention from legal scholarship. States that have the legal status of states, but are in fact unable to fulfill even the most basic functions, pose a fundamental problem to the functioning and effectiveness of the international legal order. It crucially depends on the existence of governments with the minimum level of capacity necessary to exercise rights and obligations, and to partake in international cooperation. In development cooperation, for instance, the existence of a state with an authorized and competent government is a basic condition for the transfer of financial assistance. This study looks at the law and practice of development cooperation to show that ‘fragile states’ are a phenomenon beyond law, but how international organizations have addressed the challenges of engaging with fragile states may well be of legal significance. It analyzes the formal and informal rules that development organizations – the World Bank, and a range of regional organizations – have adopted to address the lack or severe limitation of government effectiveness in certain countries. The result is a critical analysis of the discourse on fragile states, and how it has shaped the rule-making activities of international organizations.
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White, David. "Labor Movement and State Fragility: The Case of the Yemen Arab Republic from Oil Boom to Gulf War." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1838.
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This thesis deals indirectly with the current crisis in Yemen by focusing on a period in the Yemen Arab Republic’s (YAR) history from the increased price of oil in 1973 to the outbreak of the Gulf war in 1990. I present the YAR during this period as a case study in labor exportation through which the state was made more vulnerable and was left unable to cope with the collapse of its remittance system. Labor emigration and remittance receipt prior to the Gulf war, in addition to fueling bureaucratic corruption in the YAR, enabled destructive change within the agricultural sector, inflation, national import dependency, and unsustainable urbanization – these structural weaknesses were temporarily masked by Yemen’s labor exportation and by a sustained flow of remittance funding. In 1990 expatriate worker remittances collapsed abruptly as a source of capital, with over a million Yemenis suddenly repatriated. The cases of Mexican and Filipino national labor emigration illuminate the absence of diversity in Yemenis’ immigration destination and the absence of any central orchestration on behalf of the state, in addition to the inability of remittance money to remain within local communities. The period of labor exportation left Yemen with structural fragilities that continue to be the core conditions gripping what today resembles a failed state. Currently Yemen is home to a complex network of actors in violent competition for central authority – yet any government that comes to exist in Yemen must ultimately consider the YAR’s experience with labor exportation from the early 1970s through 1990 as a basis from which to fully understand the underlying weaknesses of the state.
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Coetzee, Wouter Hugo. "The New War in Darfur : ethnic mobilization within the disintegrating state." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1537.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In the context of the present conflict in Darfur, and in the years preceding it, the distinction between so-called African and Arab tribes has come to the forefront, and the tribal identity of individuals has increased in significance. These distinctions were never as clear cut and definite as they are today. The ‘Arab’ and ‘African’ distinction that was always more of a passive characteristic in the past has now become the reason for standing on different sides of the political divide. What then are the main factors which contributed to this new violent distinction between Arab and African? How is it possible for people and communities who have a positive history of cooperation and tolerance to suddenly plunge into a situation of such cruelty and hate towards one another. The thesis uses the New War framework to look at the current situation in Darfur. The most definitive version of this new framework is presented by scholars such as Mary Kaldor (2006), Martin van Creveld (1991) and Helfried Münkler (2005). The thesis then shows how the war in Darfur, exactly in line with the new war argument, has political goals with the political mobilization occurring on the basis of identity. Kaldor (2006) argues that the political goals in the new wars are about the claim to power based on seemingly traditional identities, such as Arab or African. Defining identity politics as “movements which mobilize around ethnic, racial or religious identity for the purpose of claiming state power” (Kaldor, 2006: 80), it becomes apparent that Darfur has become subject to this these kind of new war politics. The study therefore questions the popular argument that ethnic conflict arises out of an “ancient hatred” or “tribal warfare”. Chapters three and four illustrates how this new distinction between Arab and African should rather be seen as the cumulative effects of marginalization, competing economic interests and, more recently, from the political polarization which has engulfed the region. Most of the factors leading to the current Arab/African antagonism were traced to contemporary phenomena. The study also looks at factors such as loss of physical coercion on behalf of the state, loss of popular legitimacy and effective leadership, underdevelopment, poverty, inequality, and privatization of force. The study then concludes that politics of identity should more often be seen as a result of individuals, groups or politician reacting to the effects of these conditions then as the result of ethnic hatred.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die konteks van die huidige konflik in Darfur, en die jare wat dit voorafgaan, het die verskille tussen sogenaamde ‘Afrikaan’ en ‘Arabier’ stamme na vore gekom. So ook het die stamverband van individue kenmerkend toegeneem. Hierdie onderskeid was nooit so noukeurig afgebaken en bepalend soos wat dit vandag is nie. Die ‘Afrikaan’ en ‘Arabier’ onderskeid wat in die verlede meer van ’n passiewe kenmerk was, het ontaard in die rede waarom beide kante hulself vandag in ’n politieke skeiding bevind. Wat dan is die hoof faktore wat bydra tot hierdie nuwe gewelddadige onderskeid tussen ‘Afrikane’ en ‘Arabiere’? Hoe is dit moontlik vir mense en gemeenskappe met ’n positiewe geskiedenis van samewerking en verdraagsaamheid om skielik ’n toestand van soveel onmenslikheid en haat teenoor mekaar te ervaar? Die tesis maak gebruik van die Nuwe oorlog denkrigting in ’n poging om die huidige oorlog in Darfur te beskryf. Die mees bepalende weergawe van hierdie denkrigting word voorsien deur akademici soos Mary Kaldor (2006), Martin Creveld (1991) en Helfried Münkler (2005). Die tesis fokus op hoe die oorlog in Darfur (in lyn met die Nuwe Oorlog denkrigting) politieke doelwitte aan die dag lê, met die gepaardgaande politieke mobilisering wat geskied op grond van identiteit. Kaldor (2006) argumenteer dat die politieke doelwitte in die nuwe oorloë berus op die aanspraak tot mag op grond van skynbare tradisionele identiteite of stamwese, soos ‘Afrikaan’ en ‘Arabier’. As ’n mens identiteitspolitiek definieër as ’n beweging wat mobiliseer rondom etnisiteit, ras of geloof, met die doel om aanspraak te maak op staatsmag, dan blyk dit of die konflik in Darfur wel onderhewig is aan hierdie nuwe vorm van Nuwe Oorlog politiek. Die studie bevraagteken dus ook die gewilde aanname dat etniese oorloë ontstaan uit ‘stamoorloë’ of ‘antieke vyandskap’. Hoofstuk drie en vier verduidelik hoekom hierdie nuwe onderskeiding tussen ‘Afrikaan’ en ‘Arabier’ eerder beskou moet word as die kumulatiewe effek van marginalisasie, kompeterende ekonomiese belange en die politieke polarisasie wat die streek in twee skeur. Meeste van die faktore wat gelei het tot die etniese polarisasie van die streek word hier beskou as kontemporêre verskynsels. Die studie kyk ook na faktore soos: die verlies van populêre legitimiteit en effektiewe leierskap, onderontwikkeling, armoede, ongelykheid en die privatisering van mag. Die studie sluit af met die gedagte dat identiteitspolitiek in Darfur beskou moet word as die uitkoms van individue, groepe of politieke leiers wat reageer op die bogenoemde omstandighede, eerder as die resultaat van ‘antieke vyandskap’ of aggresiewe ‘stamoorloë’.
26
Pinon-Farah, Marco A. "The Mexican Hydra: How Calderón's Pursuit of Peace Led to the Bloodiest War in Mexican History? Will the Mexican People Inherit a Failed State in 2012?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/200.
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THE MEXICAN HYDRA: HOW CALDERÓN’S PURSUIT OF PEACE LED TO THE BLOODIEST WAR IN MEXICAN HISTORY. WILL THE MEXICAN PEOPLE INHERIT A FAILED STATE IN 2012?
Abstract
Marco Antonio Pinon-Farah
The drug-war in Mexico (2006-present) has accelerated at a chilling rate, claiming the lives of 35,000 Mexican people. Since President Felipe Calderón assumed office, Mexico has been battling an internal beast unlike any it has known, the Mexican Hydra. Like the mythical creature, the Mexican cartels have proven capable of not only combating the government forces, but also of regenerating and strengthening themselves in the face of increasing government scrutiny and the loss of several prominent Mexican cartel leaders. Feuding between individual cartels and the Mexican government continue to maintain a significant portion of the country, particularly the states of Chihuahua and Sinaloa, in a paralytic state of fear.
Struggling to maintain the safety of all people in Mexico, the military must also contend with the reality that it is often outgunned by the increasingly powerful drug-trafficking organizations (DTOs). Given the historical accusations of corruption in Mexican judicial, military, and police authorities, this branch of the government is constantly fighting for the trust and support of the Mexican people in order to fulfill its duties and obligations. The moral guide of Mexican society since Spanish conquest, the Catholic Church, has been notably missing from the debate until recent years in which it has chosen to speak up more frequently on behalf of those who have suffered human rights violations. In recent months, the Church and the State have been working towards a partnership to publicly condemn the violence and fear that has become all too common in Mexico. This state of chaos has been further examined by the musical phenomenon, “el narcocorrido,” (drug song). Derived from the “corrido,” one of Mexico’s most valued methods of cultural expression and storytelling, this new take on the genre provides a controversial view and analysis of the Mexican drug-trafficker. Much like the American gangsta-rap genre, the narcocorrido glamorizes the lives of individuals who are considered criminals by society. With police being criticized and the government accused of corruption and abuse, the narcocorrido is a manifestation of the sentiments of many Mexican people past and present. This cultural force allows for a greater understanding of the complexity of the drug-war in Mexico, in that it is not simply a struggle between the people and the drug industry, but rather it exposes the nature of the war for what it truly is, a battle between one Mexican presidential administration and the drug trafficking industry.
President Calderón’s strategy has been successful in eliminating various important Mexican DTO leaders, however it also has been responsible for a rise in violence between the cartels and government. His strategy has left thousands dead and set a precedent for future Mexican presidents in that they are now all committed to this war, for a withdrawal from the conflict would be catastrophic for the Mexican state. Calderón is already struggling to maintain his government’s legitimacy, and it is becoming increasingly true that his state verges on failure due to its inability to guarantee and protect the rights afforded to its citizens by the Mexican Constitution.
27
Engström, Angelica. "Är Sverige en stat? : Diskursanalytisk undersökning av debatten om no-go zoner i svenska utanförskapsområden." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-184627.
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Studien undersöker hur olika politiska aktörer uttrycker sig om den svenska statens förmåga att upprätthålla ett våldsmonopol och vad detta kan få för implikationer för Sverige. Studien vilar på Max Webers definition av staten som ett mänskligt samhälle som framgångsrikt hävdar monopolet på det legitima användandet av fysiskt våld inom ett givet territorium. Med denna definition som grund genomförs en diskursanalys av den svenska statens brister i debatten kring ”no-go zoner” i svenska utanförskapsområden. Mer specifikt analyserar uppsatsen ett nationellt och internationellt urval politiska aktörer som i den politiska debatten antingen legitimerar eller de-legitimerar den svenska staten i Webers mening. Utifrån konstruktivistiska antaganden om att statens existens är socialt konstruerad och diskursivt formerad visar resultaten att aktörernas sätt att uttrycka sig i debatten kring svenska utanförskapsområden ger grogrund för ett ifrågasättande av statens existens
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Vrábel, Peter. "Kampaň vedená voči výskytu krvavých diamantov." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-114136.
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The goal of this master thesis is a complex description of blood diamonds issues and assessment of existing efforts, specific steps and presented ideas, conceptions and strategies on the ground of Kimberley Process, as well as suggestions of possible solutions and future steps of organizations like Global Witness, Partnership Africa Canada, Human Rights Watch and other interested groups fighting against occurence of illicit diamonds. The thesis is divided into 4 chapters. The first chapter describes characteristics and significance of diamonds. The second chapter focuses on organizations agitating against blood diamonds in the world. The third chapter is subsequently designated for definition and features of the term of failed state, which is often highly connected with the blood diamonds issue. The fourth chapter analyses concrete conflicts or illegal activities in Angola, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Côte d'Ivoire, Republic of Congo and Zimbabwe.
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Gonçalves, Sara João e. Silva de Azevedo. "O Estado Falhado enquanto Espaço de Edificação do Crime Organizado Transnacional – o Caso da Guiné-Bissau." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/3820.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em EstratégiaA Nova Ordem Mundial é caracterizada pelo novo conceito de Segurança e de Defesa, pela Globalização e a Revolução Tecnológica, pelo aparecimento de novos actores internacionais não convencionais e pela emergência de novas ameaças transnacionais. Entre as quais se destacam, segundo a Estratégia Europeia de Segurança (EES): o Terrorismo, a Proliferação de ADM (Armas de Destruição em Massa), Conflitos Regionais, Estados Falhados e Crime Organizado. O Estado Falhado é uma ameaça transnacional que advém da proliferação de Estados que possuem estruturas estatais e económicas débeis, que não detêm o monopólio do uso da força, não sendo capazes de administrar as reformas necessárias e garantir a integridade territorial. Por seu turno, o Crime Organizado emergiu como uma das grandes ameaças à Segurança internacional provocando uma erosão dos órgãos de Soberania e de Segurança, mitigando o Estado de Direito e a ordem política interna e ameaçando o Bem-Estar social e de Direitos Humanos. Estas duas ameaças quando conjugadas protagonizam uma grande ameaça à Segurança e estabilidade internacionais, na medida em que estes Estados emergem como um espaço de edificação para as actividades do Crime Organizado como tráfico humano, de armas e drogas e crimes financeiros - onde existe um vazio de Poder legítimo garante de Segurança, integridade e independência, os grupos criminosos utilizam estes Estados como base de operação, logística, planeamento e depósito para as suas actividades ilícitas. Como caso de estudo será utilizado o exemplo da Guiné-Bissau, que parece apresenta causas e características de um Estado Falhado e, simultaneamente é um dos principais entrepostos na rota de narcotráfico entre a América Latina e a Europa. Uma solução viável para o combate destas duas ameaças transnacionais implica uma cooperação multilateral a dois níveis: o fortalecimento dos Estados fracos e o combate internacional ao Crime Organizado, através da Convenção das NU.
The New World Order is characterised by the new concept of Security and of Defense, Globalisation and the Technological Revolution, by the emergence of new international non-conventional actors and by new transnational threats. With special reference to, according to the European Security Strategy (ESS): Terrorism, Proliferation of WMD (Weapons of Mass Destruction), Regional Conflicts, Failed States and Organised Crime. Failed States are a transnational threat that derives from the proliferation of States that have weak state and economic structures, has lost the monopoly on the use of force and isn’t able to administer the necessary political and economic reforms and to ensure the territorial integrity. In turn, Organised Crime has emerged as one of the greatest threats to international Security, causing the erosion of the Sovereignty organs and Security, mitigating the Rule of Law and the internal political order as well as threatening the Welfare state and Human Rights. These two threats when combined represent one of the greatest threats to international Security and stability, insofar as these States emerge as a building space for the activities of Organised Crime, as the trafficking of humans, arms and drugs and financial crimes - Where there’s a vacuum of legitimate power that ensures Security, integrity and independence, crime organisations use this States as a base for operations, logistics, planning and warehouse for their illicit activities. As a case-study it will be analysed the example of Guinea-Bissau which appears to presents causes and characteristics of a Failed States and, simultaneously, is one of main transshipment point in the drug trafficking routes between South America and Europe. A viable solution to combat these two transnational threats requires a multilateral cooperation at two levels: strengthening weak States and the international fight against Organised Crime, through the UN Convention
30
Eslahchi, Morteza. "Failed Integration, Alienation and the Rise of Homegrown Violent Islamist Extremism in Sweden : An institutional framework for analyzing Sweden’s terrorism prevention policy and practice." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-189519.
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In this thesis, I try to analyze how Sweden prevents violent Islamist extremism. First, by using alienation and network theories I explain how various socio-economic factors create an alienating environment in which individuals who have inappropriate social network can move towards violent Islamist extremism. Second, by analyzing the policy and practice of preventive work with a focus on activities of the National Coordinator Against Violent Extremism I try to identify achievements and shortcomings in this area, and eventually suggest how preventive work in Sweden can be improved.
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Riddle, Marsha. "A closer look below the bar : skills and patterns that characterize the reading of students who failed to demonstrate proficiency on the fourth grade reading section of the 1998 Washington State Assessment of Student Learning (WASL) /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/7696.
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Geiß, Robin [Verfasser]. "»Failed States«. : Die normative Erfassung gescheiterter Staaten. / Robin Geiß." Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1238345581/34.
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Monteiro, Leandro Nogueira. "O conceito de estados fracassados nas relações internacionais: origens, definições e implicações teóricas." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2007. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/17450.
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The concepts of state weakness and failure as used nowadays in academic debates and in political discourse have been evolving since the 1980 s. These concepts were based on the ideas proposed by Robert H. Jackson in his 1982 article with Carl Rosberg Why Africa s Weak States Persist and in his 1990 book Quasi-states. Nevertheless, it was after the end of the Cold War that conjuncture contributed to structure the concept of failed state , and to turn it into regular language in both academic and political entourages. These factors were namely the influence of liberal paradigms in the immediate post-Cold War times, and the consequent debates on sovereignty, intervention and human rights, as well as the aftermaths of the events of September 11th, 2001, with the securitisation of the failed state idea. This paper seeks, firstly, to exhibit a brief history of the use of the failed state concept in the post-Cold War era. Secondly, it seeks to present the conceptualisation of state failure such as used by the literature, throwing some light over those conceptual cores that provide unity to the diverse definitions of state failure. Thirdly, it seeks to present some implications of the development of the Failed state concept to the broader theoretical field of International Relations, especially regarding Liberalism, Realism and Post-Positivism
As concepções de fraqueza e de fracasso estatais, nos moldes das acepções utilizadas atualmente no debate acadêmico e no discurso político, vêm-se desenvolvendo desde a década de 1980, fundadas mais especificamente nas idéias apresentadas por Robert H. Jackson em seu Why Africa s Weak States Persist: the Empirical and the Juridical in Statehood , de 1982 (em parceria com Carl Rosberg), e seu Quasi States: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third World , de 1990. Não obstante, foi no pós-Guerra Fria que importantes fatores conjunturais contribuíram para a estruturação do conceito de Estado fracassado e para a popularização de seu uso, em ambos ambientes acadêmico e político. Entre esses fatores destacam-se, nomeadamente, a influência dos paradigmas liberais no imediato pós-Guerra Fria e os conseqüentes debates sobre soberania, intervenção e direitos humanos, que forneceram uma base intelectual consistente; e os eventos do 11 de setembro de 2001 e seus desdobramentos, que reforçaram a securitização do termo. Este trabalho procura, em primeiro lugar, traçar um breve histórico da utilização do conceito de Estado fracassado no pós-Guerra Fria. Em segundo lugar, busca apresentar a conceituação do fracasso estatal tal como desenvolvido pela literatura, iluminando aqueles eixos conceituais que provém unidade às diferentes definições de fracasso estatal. Em terceiro lugar, pretende apresentar algumas das implicações do desenvolvimento desse conceito sobre o corpo teórico da disciplina de Relações Internacionais, com ênfase no Liberalismo, no Realismo e no Pós- -Positivismo
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Schröder, Hinrich. "Die völkerrechtliche Verantwortlichkeit im Zusammenhang mit failed und failing States /." Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=015477608&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Burke, William Paul. "The North Carolina Loyalists: Faulty Linchpin of a Failed Strategy." W&M ScholarWorks, 1988. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539624400.
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Brown, Edmund Arthur. "Secession from failed states : ethical and practical issues with current approaches." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/41076.
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The thesis examines two threats to sovereignty: secession and state failure. It focuses on how the secession from failed states is approached, with particular concern for recognition and the associated ethical and practical issues. Many issues surrounding secession from failed states originated in the decolonisation era. However, the phenomenon began to become more prominent following the end of the Cold War, in part due to the fall of regimes supported by the superpowers. It is important to engage with these phenomena and their interrelationships as they have implications for sovereignty and state recognition, and in turn for the international system of states. Secession borne through state failure usually involves civil war perpetuated by a lack of central government control. This requires an approach from the international community that will settle grievances and ensure legitimate governance (whether in a unified or secessionist state, or both the secessionist and parent state) without leaving groups vulnerable or setting a precedent of secession that could undermine the international states system. The thesis examines attitudes within the international community towards secession and the concepts behind it and the ethical and practical issues involved, it then analyses the nature of state failure and its relationship with secession. It then examines two case studies of secession from failed states: South Sudan, and Somaliland. Generally, maintaining territorial integrity is favoured over allowing self-determination through recognising secession, except in situations where it is expedient, or a government is undermining its people’s rights (including that of self-determination). In cases of failed states, people’s security and basic human rights are neglected or subject to active persecution. The current anti-secessionist paradigm may therefore need to be altered in the context of state failure, since a failed state has less of a claim to sovereignty due to the absence of a legitimate government.
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Ulfström, Heléne. "Legal Technical Assistance in Failed States : Successful methods of law and development?" Thesis, Örebro University, Department of Behavioural, Social and Legal Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-4860.
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Degila, Delidji Eric. "Conflictualité régionale en Afrique subsaharienne post-bipolaire. Le cas de l'Afrique de l'Ouest de 1989 à 2010." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30060.
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Alors que la fin de la bipolarité s’est accompagnée du déclin de la guerre au niveau mondial, l’Afrique subsaharienne connaît depuis le début des années 1990, une résurgence de la violence armée dont la forme la plus courante est la guerre civile. L’Afrique Occidentale est l’une des régions les plus touchées par cette multiplication de conflits armés infraétatiques dont les trois plus importants ont été les guerres civiles libérienne, sierra-léonaise et ivoirienne. Cette conflictualité a donné lieu à l’émergence d’acteurs non étatiques qui, dans un contexte de mondialisation accrue, ont adopté le warlordism comme mode opératoire. Ces guerres internes, parfois qualifiées de « nouvelles guerres », sont à la fois le produit de la crise de l’Etat, de profondes inégalités horizontales, et de l’instrumentalisation des différences identitaires par certaines élites. Elles se sont développées au-delà du cadre national, avec l’implication de différents acteurs transnationaux, et ont favorisé l’émergence d’un véritable « système de guerre » ouest-africain. Elles sont également l’expression d’une remise en cause du modèle étatique westphalien. La conflictualité régionale qui est apparue en Afrique Occidentale post-Guerre froide invite donc à accorder davantage d’attention aux communautés de destin imbriquées qui de plus en plus, occupent une place centrale dans les dynamiques qui façonnent l’Afrique au sud du SaharaWhereas the end of bipolarity occurred along with the decline of war at the world level, Sub-Saharan Africa has experienced a surge of armed violence since the early 1990s, in the most common form of civil wars. West Africa is one of the areas mostly affected by the proliferation of intra-state armed conflicts, including three major civil wars in Liberia, Sierra Leone and the Ivory Coast. Such conflicts, sometimes called « new wars », have led to the emergence of non-state actors who act as warlords, in a context of spreading globalisation. These domestic wars are the result of state crisis, deep horizontal inequalities, and political instrumentalisation by some elites of identity-based differences. Through the involvement of various transnational actors, these armed conflicts have extended beyond the national framework and built an actual West-African « system of war ». They also challenge the Westphalian state-model. Post-Cold war regional conflicts in West Africa hence suggest an increased focus on overlapping communities of fate, which play a key-role in the dynamics shaping Sub-Saharan Africa
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Galeana, Abarca Andres. "Ungoverned spaces in Mexico: autodefensas, failed states, and the war on drugs in Michoacán." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/44566.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThe spiral of violence generated by the drug war in Mexico over the past decade has raised security concerns, not only in Mexico, but also in the international community. The rise of vigilante groups in Michoacán (operating at least in theory) against organized crime and violence related to drug trafficking has recently and dramatically drawn attention to the relative weakness of government institutions in some parts of Mexico. This has in turn led some commentators to continue to describe Mexico as a potential failed state. However, the term failed state overlooks the specific location and character of both organized crime and violence in those parts of Mexico where it has become a problem. It is argued here that an understanding of the vigilante groups in Michoacán in relation to the historical, social, political, cultural, and economic particularities of Michoacán can best be achieves by setting aside the notion of a failed state and using the idea of ungoverned spaces. Taking ungoverned spaces as its point of departure, this thesis argues that the high level of violence in the ungoverned spaces in Michoacán has resulted in a parallel system of governance in much of the state; however, this is not the same as a failed state. This thesis takes a fresh look at drug trafficking and violence related to drug trafficking that moves beyond broad notions of failed states and focuses on the specifics of ungoverned spaces in parts of Mexico and elsewhere that drug-trafficking and violence in particular have generated considerable concern.
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Waheed, Ahmed Waqas. "Sovereignty, failed states and US foreign aid : a detailed assessment of the Pakistani perspective." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8971.
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This thesis explores the international politics of Pakistan’s conditional sovereignty through a comparative analysis of Pakistan-US relations during the Cold War (1979-88) and the War on Terror (2001-08). The thesis seeks to understand whether the end of the Cold War restructured, reshaped and reconfigured US attitudes towards Pakistan when caught up in a new geo-political conflict, namely the War on Terror. The thesis is constructed around three main arguments focusing on Pakistan’s sovereignty, US foreign assistance to Pakistan and Pakistan’s state failure. Firstly, the thesis demonstrates that US conditions on Pakistan’s sovereignty fluctuate according to whether or not the US is strategically interested in Pakistan. In both cases, different sets of conditions are applied to Pakistan’s sovereignty. The thesis also details Pakistan’s response to these conditions on its sovereignty. Secondly, the thesis argues that given the importance of the normative value of state failure in the post-9/11 US policy and its absence in the War on Terror as a condition on Pakistan’s sovereignty, it is expected that Pakistan’s state failure status will come to dominate the conditions on Pakistan’s sovereignty when the US is not strategically interested. Thirdly, the conditions on Pakistan’s sovereignty are a means to secure Pakistan’s compliance to US demands, by either withholding foreign assistance or disbursing it. In that case then, given the centrality of human rights and state failure in post-9/11 international relations, the thesis demonstrates that US statebuilding efforts remain pivoted on US political interests rather than human rights and development. The qualitative research includes elite interviews, unclassified documents and builds on existing literature, while the quantitative portion involves statistical data.
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Kamara, Abdul Rahman. "From model conflict resolution to post-war reconstruction in failed states: The case of Sierra Leone." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4459.
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The purpose of this study is to understand the causes of the Sierra Leonean conflict and to analyse the reconstruction programmes that followed it. Post-war reconstruction programmes must not be limited to the re-joining of families or reintegration of communities. It must also go a long way in providing an improved situation for all those affected by the war. Notably, where post-war reconstruction programmes fail to focus on the original causes of the conflict, it may result in reinforcement of the original social structures and prejudices and in continued marginalisation of certain groups. Using post-conflict Sierra Leone as a case study, the study attempts to examine the notion that ¿post-war reconstruction programmes tend to reinforce earlier social structures and prejudices rather than create opportunities for the previously marginalised¿. The work focuses on the role of the Department for International Development (DfID)-funded Community Reintegration Programme (CRP). Considering the Sierra Leone post-war scenarios, the causes and political resolution of the conflict and the situation in 2001 when the conflict officially came to an end, the thesis reviews the philosophy, planning, policies, practices and activities of donor agencies in general and CRP in particular before assessing impact on the process of rebuilding communities in Sierra Leone.
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Lotrionte, Catherine B. "The missing piece why intelligence reform failed after 9/11 /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest), 2008. http://0-gateway.proquest.com.library.lausys.georgetown.edu/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3315459.
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Keller, James Cliff. "Fixing the whole-of-government approach in failed states-a model for security force assistance." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FKeller.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Simons, Anna ; Second Reader: Sepp, Kalev. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: failed states, under-governed spaces, Security Force Assistance, sovereignty, Africa, Special Operations Command--Africa, oil-spot, counterinsurgency, Special Operations Forces, whole-of-government, Building Partner Capacity. Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-72). Also available in print.
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Maendeleo, Rutakaza Rachel. "L'action internationale dans le maintien, le rétablissement et la consolidation de la paix en République démocratique du Congo de 1998 à 2008." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO30001.
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Si l’explosion du système Est-Ouest marque la fin de l’idée de confrontation globale en tant que modèle de la guerre depuis la fin du second conflit mondial, on doit plus fondamentalement s’interroger sur les changements intervenus depuis les années 90 en ce qui concerne le statut de la guerre elle-même et sur le rôle des opérations de paix dans les relations internationales. Les crises politiques découlant de conflits internes sont des sources de déstabilisation et de fragilisation des institutions locales qui subissent le tumulte et affaiblissent la capacité des acteurs à sortir d’une telle situation politique. La nécessité de renforcer les capacités locales pendant cette période charnière afin d’éviter les crises récurrentes se traduit par la présence de la Communauté internationale qui déploie une multitude de stratégies. Il existe en effet, dans la grammaire des Nations Unies, un continuum de modes de gestion des crises qui va des formes les plus réservées de la persuasion à certaines modalités de diplomatie coercitive, impliquant un usage limité de la violence. Lorsqu’on examine les opérations de paix en RDC, un ensemble dynamique de tensions et de liaisons, oscillant entre ordre et désordre dans ses expressions institutionnelles, le constat qui se dégage est que la question de la paix exige une analyse qui prenne en compte plusieurs facteurs. D’où le recours à une approche interdisciplinaire, mobilisant des courants critiques au sein des relations internationales tout en alliant la sociologie des relations internationales. Notre approche interdisciplinaire qui est au centre de cette thèse peut aussi être d’un grand intérêt dans le renforcement de l’approche polémologique, elle-même fort utile pour appréhender les modalités de gouvernance par les groupes politico-militaires. Notre étude s’attache à évaluer la pertinence et la cohérence des pratiques et conduites des acteurs internationaux pour mieux dégager les contours axiologiques et idéologiques de la gestion des crises itérativesIf the explosion of the East/West system marks the end of the idea of global confrontation as model of the war since the end of the second world conflict, we more fundamentally have to wonder about the changes which took place since the 90s as regards the status of the very war and about the role of the peace operations in the international relations. The political crises ensuing from internal conflicts are sources of destabilization and weakening of the local institutions which undergo the tumult and weaken the capacity of the actors to go out of such a political situation. The necessity of strengthening the local capacities during this pivotal period to avoid the recurring crises is translated by the presence of the international community which spreads a multitude of strategies. There is indeed in the grammar of United Nations a continuum in the modes of crises’ management which goes the most reserved forms of the persuasion to certain modalities of coercive diplomacy, implying a use limited by the violence. When we examine the peace operations in RDC, dynamic set tensions and connections, oscillating between order and disorder in its institutional expressions, the report which gets free is that the question of the peace requires an analysis which takes into account several factors. Hence the use of an interdisciplinary approach, involving both critical currents in international relations (critical constructivism) while combining the sociology of international relations. Our study attempts to estimate the relevance and the coherence of the practices and the conducts of the international actors in a better way axiological and ideological outlines of the management of the iterative crises
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Mvé, Ella Léandre. "La responsabilité de protéger et l’internationalisation des systèmes politiques." Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LORR0331.
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Sous l’angle du droit international, la responsabilité de protéger est traditionnellement analysée dans le but de déterminer sa portée normative. L’attrait de la doctrine internationaliste pour la question de la normativité du principe et l’indifférence habituelle du droit international vis-à-vis du système politique des États ont fini par confiner les développements sous les prismes parfois trop réducteurs du droit international et des relations internationales. Cette recherche entend proposer une perspective différente en prenant le contre-pied de cette approche classique. Elle aborde la problématique de la responsabilité de protéger non plus seulement sous l’angle des intervenants tiers à l’État défaillant, mais également, et surtout sous celui de cet État lui-même et de sa population. Il s’agit donc de revisiter la façon d’appréhender la responsabilité de protéger afin de montrer que le droit international n’est plus indifférent face aux systèmes politiques des États — a fortiori en crise. En interrogeant le lien entre la responsabilité de protéger et le système politique de l’État, l’analyse aboutit irrémédiablement à la conclusion selon laquelle la responsabilité de protéger est « enchassée » dans de normes qui ne sont pas exclusivement juridiques et qu’il convient dorénavant d’analyser en réseau. L’étude propose donc désormais de la qualifier de norme de congruence dès lors qu’elle conduit à apprécier la valeur juridique d’une règle de droit en tenant compte des différentes influences contenues dans celle-ciFrom the perspective of international law, the responsibility to protect is traditionally analyzed in order to determine its normative scope. The attractiveness of the internationalist doctrine for the question of the normativity of the principle and the habitual indifference of international law to the political system of States ended up confining developments to the sometimes overly simplistic prisms of international law and international relations.This research intends to propose a different perspective by taking a contrary view of this classic approach. It addresses the issue of the responsibility to protect not only the point of view of third parties to the failed state, but also, and above all, the State itself and its population. It is therefore a question of revisiting the approach of apprehending the responsibility to protect in order to show that international law is no longer indifferent to the political systems of the States - let alone in crisis.In questioning the link between the responsibility to protect and the state's political system, the analysis leads irreparably to the conclusion that the responsibility to protect is “enshrined” in norms that are not exclusively legal and that currently analyze in the network. The study therefore proposes to define it as an norme de congruence since it leads to the assessment of the legal value of a rule of law taking into account the different influences contained in it
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Jenkins, Jennifer Lei. "Failed mothers and fallen houses: Gothic domesticity in nineteenth-century American fiction." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186122.
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This study examines the relation between gender and genre in four novels that chart the development of American domestic life from the Colonial to the Gilded Age. In these novels, the presence in the house of women--mothers, daughters, sisters, servants, slaves--often threatens the fathers' dynastic ambitions and subverts the formal intentions of the narrative. These women represent familiar but strange forces of the uncanny which lurk beneath the apparently placid surface of domestic narrative. In "house" novels by Hawthorne, Stowe, Alcott, and James, interactions of the uncanny feminine with dynastic concerns threaten not only the novel's social message of destiny and dynasty, but the traditional form of the novel itself. In The House of the Seven Gables, Hawthorne constructs a narrative in which patrician fathers and domestic daughters struggle for control of the House and its story. Slavery disrupts domestic life in Uncle Tom's Cabin, inverting and thereby perverting traditional notions of home and family and producing monstrous mothers and failed households. Alcott details the abuses and dangers of reified gender roles in family life, while depicting a young woman's attempt to reconstruct domesticity as a female community in Work. Finally, James displaces domestic concerns entirely from The Other House, portraying instead the violent nature of feminine desire unrestrained by tradition, community, or family. Story and telling work at cross-purposes in these novels, creating a tension between Romantic structures and realistic narrative strategies. These authors depart from the tropes of their times, using gothic devices to reveal monstrous mothers, uncanny children, and failed or fallen houses within the apparently conservative domestic novel. Such gothic devices transcend literary historians' distinctions of romance and sentimental fiction as respectively male and female stories and reveal the fundamentally subversive nature of domestic fiction. For these writers, the uncanny presence of the feminine produces a counternarrative of gender, class, and race, redefines the cultural boundaries of home and family, and exposes the fictive nature of social constructions of gender and domesticity.
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Almakari, Michelle. "Réactivation Hydro-Mécanique d’une Faille Rate & State ˸ Glissement, Sismicité et Évolution de Perméabilité." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PSLEM065.
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Cette thèse est dédiée à l’étude de la réactivation de faille par injection de fluide, à l’aide d’un modèle hydro-mécanique de faille rate and state. Bien que les principaux mécanismes à l’origine de la réactivation de faille soient bien connus, différents aspects ne sont pas encore complètement explorés. Dans la première partie de cette thèse, on étudie le rôle du protocole d’injection (pression maximale et taux de pression d’injection), ainsi que le rôle des paramètres de frottement sur le taux de sismicité et la distribution de magnitude, pour des failles2-D hétérogènes. On souligne d’abord une corrélation temporelle entre le taux de sismicité et le taux de pression de pore gouvernant la faille. On montre ensuite une dépendance du taux de sismicité ainsi que de la distribution des magnitudes sur les paramètres d’injection. Une compensation entre ces deux existe pour de grandes valeurs du taux de pression d’injection. Ce comportement ne peut pas être abordé par le taux de sismicité proposé par Dietrich (1994). En outre, on montre que les failles ayant un comportement de frottement plus stable présente un taux de sismicité et un moment sismique plus faibles. Dans la dernière partie de cette étude, la variation de la diffusivité hydraulique au cours de l’injection de fluide avec l’accumulation du déplacement et la réduction de la contrainte normale effective sur la faille est abordée. On utilise des expériences d’injection (échelle du laboratoire) sur un échantillon d’andésite, où la pression de pore est mesurée à deux endroits sur la faille. En appliquant des méthodes d’inversion, on estime le meilleur modèle de diffusivité et les incertitudes associés, pouvant expliquer les données expérimentales. Avec ces résultats, on peut étendre notre modèle hydro-mécanique, afin de pouvoir calculer la pression de pore, la diffusivité hydraulique et le déplacement accumulé sur la failleThis PhD thesis is dedicated to the study of injection induced fault reactivation using a coupled hydro-mechanical rate and state modelof a fault. Even though the principal mechanisms behind induced fault reactivation are well known, different aspects are not yet fully explored, nor understood. In the first part of this thesis, we explore successively the role of the injection protocol (in particular, injection maximum pressure and injection pressure rate), and the fault frictional parameters on the rate of induced events and their magnitude content, for different heterogeneous 2-D fault configurations. We first point out a temporal correlation between the seismicity rate and the pore pressure rate governing the fault. We then show a dependence of the rate and magnitude content of the seismic events on the injection parameters, as well as the existence of an important trade-off between them, which could not be addressed using the Dietrich(1994)’s seismicity rate model. Concerning the frictional parameters, we show that for the faults tested in this study, the ones having a more stable frictional behavior exhibit a lower induced seismicity rate and seismic moment released. In the last part of this study, the variation of the hydraulic diffusivity during fluid injection with shear slip and effective stress reduction is addressed. For this, we use laboratory injection experiments on an Andesite rock sample, during which the pore pressure was measured at two locations along the fault plane. In an inversion framework, we estimate the best model and the associated uncertainties of an effective diffusivity history that could explain the experimental data. Using this information, we could extend our hydro-mechanical model, which would allow the computation of pore pressure, diffusivity and slip changes along the experimental fault
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Lourençato, Antonio Aparecido. "Sobre a neutralidade do Estado: Do laissez-Faire ao Welfare State." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2005. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/9178.
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Previous issue date: 2005-10-18Este trabalho de cunho teórico visa desenvolver uma discussão sobre a neutralidade do Estado no que tange às ações que poderiam contribuir com uma sociedade igualitária nos moldes do pensamento marxista. Este estudo pretende analisar a evolução histórica das teorias sobre qual seria o comportamento ideal do Estado frente às formas de produção, acumulação e apropriação de riquezas, a partir do laissez-faire defendido pelas correntes de pensamento de economistas clássicos, cuja base teórica é permeada a partir de Adam Smith. Dá-se ênfase à crítica marxista aos preceitos do livre mercado à falácia do Estado neutro quer sob o ponto de vista dos benefícios que a natural competitividade proporcionaria aos indivíduos no sentido da acumulação individual, quer sob a ótica da evolução da riqueza das nações. Pressupostos keynesianos e kaleckianos quanto ao intervencionismo do Estado para a regulação e ampliação da demanda agregada na direção do pleno emprego também estão inseridos neste trabalho. Aspectos comuns e conflitantes de suas teorias merecem uma sucinta análise. A perspectiva do retorno ao liberalismo a partir do pensamento de Hayek complementou a análise. A polarização social com a revolta do proletariado insere no sistema capitalista o Welfare State criando nas classes proletárias um sentido de proteção do aparelho estatal. Ao final, o escopo teórico deste trabalho evidencia que as ações de Estado não são neutras. Essas ações de alguma forma premiam uma classe em detrimento das demais. O poder oligárquico, representado no aparelho estatal determina a ideologia dominante e a medida dos benefícios. Esse quadro independe de regimes políticos.
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Trautman, Konrad J. "Strategic Negligence: Why the United States Failed to Provide Military Support to the Syrian Resistance in 2011-2014." Scholar Commons, 2018. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7234.
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The US military’s culture, structure, and process for providing advice to the president and his national security decision-making team are flawed due to the marginalization of unconventional warfare (UW) expertise -- UW is the military’s doctrinal term for support to resistance activities and movements. This marginalization results in inadequate consideration for applying UW as a strategic option for the nation.
Through a qualitative methods case study analysis utilizing macro- and micro-level process-tracing with a conceptual framework based on Niklas Luhmann’s Systems Theory, the author shows that viable and acceptable resistance elements existed in Syria in March 2011 to June 2014 and that the conventional US military failed to recognize this development, adequately analyze its implications, and craft a strategic UW option for the national security decision-makers to consider.
This finding is significant in that it exposes a deficiency in the US military’s culture, structure and process that results in an incomplete and insufficient menu of military options for the president. If these cultural, structural, and procedural flaws are left unaddressed, the US is likely to repeat this strategic error in the future.
The author identifies specific recommendations for national security practitioners; however, the overarching theme is the need to change the institutional culture and the old structures of the conventional military to be able to provide the president a more complete, comprehensive, and creative menu of options to consider when assessing and responding to violent political crises short of conventional war.
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Ronan, Jim. "A resolution without resolve how the War Powers Resolution has failed to limit the powers of the presidency /." Click here for download, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1495953611&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3260&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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