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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Fair elections

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Academic literature on the topic 'Fair elections'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 20 June 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "Fair elections"

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A.M. Shayo, Daniel. "Supervision of Local Government Elections in Tanzania: The Plight for Independent Electoral Organs." Eastern Africa Law Review 47, no. 1 (2020): 170–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/ealr.v47i1.6.

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Local government elections provide an opportunity for people to choose their immediate leaders at the grass-root level. They are means to ensure democracy at such levels. Prompted by events and results of the 2019 local government elections, this study examines the efficiency of the existing laws and regulations on local government elections in ensuring free and fair elections. The results point out to lack of independence and neutrality of election supervisory bodies at the said levels. The study recommends review of the whole election system at grassroot level in order to ensure free and fair elections. Key Terms: Local Government Elections, Election Supervision, Independence of Election Supervisors

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Kaburu, Mercy Kathambi. "Free, fair and credible? An assessment of Kenya 2017 Election." Journal of African Elections 21, no. 1 (2022): 44–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2022/v21i1a3.

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Periodic, free, fair, and credible elections are one of the undisputed principles of liberal democracy. Kenya embraced multiparty democracy at independence in 1963 and has since used periodic elections as a means of selecting leaders to office. Focusing on Kenya’s national election held on 8 August 2017, this paper evaluates the fundamental requirements for a free, fair, and credible election. To this end, the paper assesses Kenya’s electoral legal framework and its application during the 2017 national elections. In addition, the paper uses primary data by Afrobarometer to explore public opinion on the performance of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), political parties, and the media towards free, fair, and credible elections. This study finds that despite some institutional challenges, Kenya’s 2017 national elections were conducted under a comprehensive electoral legal framework and met the threshold of free, fair, and credible as affirmed by the citizenry through Afrobarometer’s public opinion survey. The positive assessment of universally accepted electoral practice indicators by most of the people affirms that, notable challenges notwithstanding, Kenya’s 2017 national elections were free, fair, and credible, thus endorsing the legitimacy and authority of elected leaders. This argument is cognisant of the election outcome as a fundamental factor in shaping public perception of freeness and fairness in the electoral process.

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Makulilo, Alexander Boniface. "‘Watching the watcher’: an evaluation of local election observers in Tanzania." Journal of Modern African Studies 49, no. 2 (2011): 241–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x11000036.

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ABSTRACTThe unfolding of the Third Wave of democracy cast a mounting weight on election observation in transition countries, partly due to the inability of regimes in power to conduct free and fair elections. However, observation is not always neutral. Sometimes observers distance themselves from the data they collect, leading to controversial certification of elections. In this case stakeholders may view them as partial, hence downsizing their credibility and trust. Yet observers' reports have rarely been reviewed. This article evaluates three reports by the leading election observer in Tanzania, the Tanzania Election Monitoring Committee (TEMCO) for the 1995, 2000 and 2005 general elections. It notes that despite the prevalence of the same factors that TEMCO considered as irregularities in the 1995 and 2000 general elections when it certified those elections as ‘free but not fair’, it issued a ‘clean, free and fair’ verdict on the 2005 general elections. This conclusion, at variance from the data, reveals problems in assuring observer neutrality.

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Yuli Purnama, Taufiq, Sigit Sapto Nugroho, and Sarbini. "Elections Integrity: Realizing Ultimate Concern and Electoral Justice." Journal of Transcendental Law 5, no. 2 (2023): 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.23917/jtl.v5i2.2386.

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Democracy as a government by the people in which the supreme power is vested in the people and exercised directly by them or their elected representatives under a system of free elections. In general, democracy is often interpreted as a government by the people, for the people and of the people. The supreme power in a democratic system is in the hands of the people. Elections as a manifestation of a democratic state of law that provides space for competitive and periodic (sequential) elite circulation. Elections with integrity are determined by 3 prerequisites, namely (1) the integrity of the election organizers, (2) the integrity of the contestation (stages), and (3) the integrity of the election results. The implementation of elections with integrity is a will based on a noble concern (ultimate concern) for the achievement of quality and integrity elections as a manifestation of a democratic legal state. In addition to realizing a fair election (electoral justice) which encourages the holding of elections based on the principles of direct, free general, secret, honest and fair / luber jurdil (free and fair election), legal certainty (predictable procedure), election results according to voter choice (electoral integrity).

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Ashfiya, Dzikry Gaosul. "Desain Ulang Konsep Penegakan Hukum Pemilu di Indonesia dalam Kerangka Pemilu Demokratis dan Berkeadilan." Jurnal Kajian Konstitusi 1, no. 1 (2021): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jkk.v1i1.23792.

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The enforcement process of electoral law needs to be simplified by proposing the single authority granted to a special election court. This is because the segmentation of electoral law enforcement into several law enforcement agencies has not been able to guarantee legal certainty and enforce election justice. This article aims to revisit the various problems in segmenting election law enforcement and their implications for the quality of election administration in Indonesia. It offers an ideal concept of electoral law enforcement within the framework of democratic and fair elections. This article shows that election law problems and the concept of law enforcement which have been segmented into several categories with various settlement mechanisms and law enforcement agencies often only cause overlapping authorities and decisions between judicial institutions and still allow for a legal vacuum so that it has negative implications for the quality of elections in Indonesia. Consequently, it is necessary to revamp the concept of electoral law enforcement by simplifying and redesigning its law enforcement agencies, one of which is to strengthen the idea of a special election court body. This is seen as the ideal concept of law enforcement for elections in Indonesia within the framework of democratic and fair elections. Keywords: Elections, Election Law Enforcement, Democratic and Fair Elections.

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Bowler, Shaun, Thomas Brunell, Todd Donovan, and Paul Gronke. "Election administration and perceptions of fair elections." Electoral Studies 38 (June 2015): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2015.01.004.

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Stewart, Charles. "Trust in Elections." Daedalus 151, no. 4 (2022): 234–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01953.

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Abstract The sometimes violent movement to reject the outcome of the 2020 U.S. presidential election draws our attention to the topic of trust in the institution of American election administration. An examination of this topic must make an important distinction between trust in elections (a psychological construct) and the trustworthiness of election results (a legal construct). The history of election administration in the United States is full of examples of efforts to increase the trustworthiness of elections to ensure that results are based on fair and competent administration. The resilience of these efforts was on display following the 2020 election, as formal institutions rejected claims that the election was fraudulent. Still, the past two decades have seen a decline in trust in American elections that has primarily been driven by a slow but steady decline in trust among Republicans. Surprisingly, the increased polarization in trust most recently has been due more to Democrats suddenly becoming more trusting. Election officials must continue to try to overcome attacks on trust in the system, but it is unclear how long they can sustain the legal system guaranteeing free and fair elections without broad-based public trust in how we administer elections.

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Badmus, Bidemi Gafar. "Post-Electoral Violence and National Development in Nigeria." Àgídìgbo: ABUAD Journal of the Humanities 2, no. 2 (2014): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.53982/agidigbo.2014.0202.03-j.

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Election is generally accepted in all climes of the world as the hallmark of democracy. Political scientists and development theorists link free, fair and credible elections to democratic governance, peace and development. In brief, they argue that free, fair and credible elections provide the basis for the emergence of democratic, accountable and legitimate governments with the capacity to initiate and implement clearly articulated development programmes. Again, they claim that free, fair and credible elections empower the electorate to hold the government accountable and to demand strong credentials and feasible development agenda from prospective government officials. In other words, free, fair and credible elections bestow on governments the legitimate authority to, on one hand, initiate and implement policies; while on the other hand, they empower the citizens to hold governments accountable for their actions and/or inactions. Credible elections are, therefore, sine qua non for democratic governance, political stability and national development

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Siachiwena, Hangala, and Chris Saunders. "Elections, Legitimacy, and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Africa Lessons from Zambia, Zimbabwe and Malawi." Journal of African Elections 20, no. 1 (2021): 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i1a4.

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Regular elections are now the norm across most of sub-Saharan Africa, but repeated elections have not guaranteed the consolidation of democracy. Election legitimacy is crucial for democratisation. When losing political actors and their supporters are not satisfied with the electoral process, there is potential for growing political tensions. Fraudulent or controversial elections fail to confer legitimacy on the winners, and undermine the integrity of elections and democracy. Drawing on Afrobarometer data and media accounts, this paper focuses on the most recent elections held in three southern African countries: Zambia, Zimbabwe and Malawi. We show that when citizens believe that elections were not free and fair, there is a decline in their satisfaction with democracy and the trust they have in institutions such as electoral commissions and courts of law. The absence of political reforms to address disputed election outcomes increases the likelihood that future elections will not be contested fairly. This sets countries on a path of democratic decline rather than consolidation.

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Marwa, Ryoba. "The Competence of the Electoral Commission to Conduct Free and Fair Elections in Tanzania: A Legal Analysis." Journal of Politics and Law 15, no. 3 (2022): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v15n3p54.

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The credibility of election being termed as free and fair election cannot be examined without examining the competence and independence of the Electoral Commission with mandates of conducting the elections. In Tanzania, Electoral Commission of Tanzania vested with mandates of conducting elections is constitutionally and statutorily described to be an independent body with the mandates of carrying out its functions without adhering to directives from any person. Nonetheless, the analysis in this study reveals that the Electoral Commission of Tanzania&rsquo;s set-up is unlikely to run elections and produce a government that reflects the will of Tanzanian voters. This is so because the said Electoral Commission is not independent of the ruling party, in particular the influence of the incumbent President. The incumbent President&#39;s legal mandates in interfering with the Commission&#39;s functioning give the ruling party an advantage over other political parties during elections. The incumbent President is more likely to dictate election results than the Electoral Commission. These create an unfair playground for other participating parties during elections. It is also revealed that the courts in Tanzania lack jurisdiction to deal with petitions against presidential results once declared by the Electoral Commission. As such, the independence and impartiality of the Electoral Commission to run free and fair elections remain a serious legal concern for the supporters of the effective functioning of democracy. Lastly, this paper concludes that the Electoral Commission of Tanzania is not competent, impartial and independent to run credible, free and fair election in the country. Thus, this calls for serious legal reform to establish an electoral body capable of conducting free and fair elections in the country.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Fair elections"

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Chóe, Yŏn-hyŏk. "How to manage free and fair elections : a comparison of Korea, Sweden and the United Kingdom /." Göteborg : Univ, 1997. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/273046098.pdf.

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RUZHANTSOU, Aliaksandr. "The puzzle of repression and collective action frames: framing dynamics of Euromaidan and “For Fair Elections” movements." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/94778.

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Okello, Edward Odhiambo. "Guaranteeing the independence of election management bodies in Africa : a study of the electoral commissions of Kenya and South Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1227.

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"Election management bodies (EMBs) have thus been established throughout the world with the responsibility of administering elctions. However, merely creating a body to administer elections does not create public conficence and integrity in the electoral process. The establishment and operation of such a body must meet the key requirements of credible election administration. One such requirement is the need for the EMB to be independent of any party. The independence of the EMB is said, by and large, to attract the confidence of all the stakeholders in the electoral process and create integrity in the process. ... However, as one scholar has observed, the lack of autonomy of EMBs from the government in some African countries is one of the major challenges to the credibility of the electoral process on the continent. It is important to note at this point that the independence of EMBs, though not in itself a guarantee of free and fair elections, determines to a large extent the overall legitimacy and acceptability of an elected government by the electorate. Flowing from this discourse is the need for the independence of EMBs in Africa, both in theory and practice, in order to enhance democracy on the continent. ... Kenya and South Africa have established EMBs to manage elections in accordance with the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Organisation for African Unity/African Union (OAU/AU) Declaration of 2002. The Kenyan EMB has been in existence since 1991. Recently, the issue of its indpendence has become a central focus in a raging national debate on minimum constitutional reforms in Kenya. Similarly, the independence of the South African EMB, though believed to be sufficiently safeguarded, has also come to be questioned. These institutions play a crucial role in the democratisation processes in both countries, and one of the ways of achieving this goal, is by ensuring their independence from the political process. This study proposes to examine the independenct of the two EMBs and proposes ways of strengthening them with a view to enhancing the work of democracy in both countries. ... Chapter one introduces the study and the problem statement that has prompted the study. Chapter two analyses the concept of independence of EMBs. It also discusses the justification for their independence. A comparative analysis of the independence of EMBs of Kenya and South Africa is the subject of chapter three. Chapter four proposes to discuss the ways of further strengthening the indpendence of EMBs of Kenya and South Africa. The fifth and final chapter proffers conclusions and recommendations." -- Introduction.<br>Prepared under the supervision of Mr. Kingsley Kofi Kuntunkrunku Ampofo at the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana<br>Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006.<br>http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>LLM

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Berisha, Visar. "AI as a Threat to Democracy : Towards an Empirically Grounded Theory." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-340733.

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Artificial intelligence has in recent years taken center stage in the technological development. Major corporations, operating in a variety of economic sectors, are investing heavily in AI in order to stay competitive in the years and decades to come. What differentiates this technology from traditional computing is that it can carry out tasks previously limited to humans. As such it contains the possibility to revolutionize every aspect of our society. Until now, social science has not given the proper attention that this emerging technological phenomena deserves, a phenomena which, according to some, is increasing in strength exponentially. This paper aims to problematize AI in the light of democratic elections, both as an analytical tool and as a tool for manipulation. It also looks at three recent empirical cases where AI technology was used extensively. The results show that there in fact are reasons to worry. AI as an instrument can be used to covertly affect the public debate, to depress voter turnout, to polarize the population, and to hinder understanding of political issues.

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Merge, Steven. "Cable News Coverage of the 2012 Presidential Election." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13449.

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Saleemi, Asmara. "Electoral System Effects On Anti-muslim Sentiments In Western Europe." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2011. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc103386/.

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The purpose of this thesis is to answer the question, why is there a variation in anti-Muslim sentiments across Western Europe? There is existing literature on individual and country-level variable s to explain why prejudice exists, but this research examines the impact of political institutions on anti-Muslim sentiments. Based on new institutionalism theory, electoral systems can shape public attitudes by providing far-right parties a platform to put their concerns on the agenda, and these parties promote anti-Muslim popular sentiments. The results of this analysis support this argument in that the larger the average district magnitude in a country, the greater the anti-Muslim sentiments. The findings also show that an increase in far-right party vote-share also covaries with an increase in anti-Muslim sentiments.

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Juma, Nyabinda Richard. "An Inquiry into the Compatibility of the Demo-Conditionality with State Sovereignty in International law : With Special Focus on The European Union and the African, the Caribbean and the Pacific Countries Relations." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-136109.

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This study examines the issue of compatibility of demo-conditionality with state sovereignty in international law. From a practical perspective, it examines the state of the science with respect to the enforcement of demo-conditionality, in the context of the unique relationship between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. The practicality of any argument declaring certain norms to be compatible with state sovereignty rests on an assumption that it is possible to distinguish which norms are compatible from those which are not. The validity of such an assumption depends on whether a universal workable test with which to draw this distinction, and its accompanying requirements, has been or can be developed. Therefore, the starting point of this study is to investigate whether such a universal test exists, and if so, what its requirements are. The author reaches a legally appropriate conclusion as to which norms are compatible with the principle of state sovereignty and which not in the international legal system. Thereafter, an investigation is undertaken with regard to the legal premises invoked to justify the compatibility of the demo-conditionality with state sovereignty. To this end, two levels of analysis (also referred to here as two paths) are followed. The first level of investigation concerns the proposition for demo-conditionality’s being premised upon adherence to new treaty obligations governing the parties’ observance of democratic norms. In this context, the examination focuses on Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 as the relevant provision. Other single-issue human rights instruments are also examined to establish whether they compliment Article 25. The second level of investigation explores the possibility for demo-conditionality's compatibility being premised upon obligations of State parties, which arise from the various development co-operation instruments adopted over the years. Here, emphasis is placed upon the question of whether or not these instruments advocate the inclusion of demo-conditionality in development co-operation between donors and recipients of aid. This study ultimately reaches a legally appropriate conclusion, at both levels of analysis, concerning demo-conditionality's compatibility with the principle of state sovereignty. At this juncture, a recommendation is made as to which of the two paths is the legally safer one for the pursuit of the demo-conditionality in development co-operation. On the question of what constitutes a more successful international approach to the establishment of democratic governments in the South, this study has undertaken a comparative analysis, making suggestions with respect to two models: the "Enforcement Model", based upon coercive enforcement measures, and the "Managerial Model", based upon an approach of co-operative dialogue. Finally, the study examines the state of the science with respect to enforcement of demo-conditionality, with a focus on the special relationships between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. This is designed to provide a degree of insight into the practical aspects associated with the enforcement of demo-conditionality.

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Boda, Michael D. "Judging 'free & fair': international law as a norm for electoral practice." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491574.

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There has been much interest in assessing whether elections conform to an established standard of practice, especially in emerging democracies in the Balkans, the former Soviet Bloc, Africa, Asia, but more recently in established democracies such as the United States. Indeed, the conduct of many elections is routinely evaluated by observers from international and regional bodies and domestic and international non-governmental organisations.

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Cochrane, Marisa Mendez. "Free and Fair?: IEM and Internal Political Reform in Sub-Saharan Africa." Thesis, Boston College, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/499.

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Thesis advisor: David A. Deese<br>Throughout the last fifteen years, the phenomenon of International Election Monitoring (IEM) has become increasingly widespread. IEM works to enhance the credibility and transparency of elections; over time, as the outcome of one election (and the success of IEM) conditions the electoral context of future elections, IEM can encourage internal political reform. In a number of states, particularly in Latin America, monitoring efforts have succeeded in steadily improving domestic political conditions and facilitating democratic consolidation. Yet, IEM effectiveness is conditioned not only by the characteristics of the monitoring groups involved, but also by the domestic context of a state. Hence, the unique structural conditions in Sub-Saharan Africa present distinct challenges and opportunities for IEM. This thesis investigates the relationship between IEM and internal political reform in four Sub-Saharan African states. While IEM can encourage the progress of reform through a feedback mechanism, the extent of such reforms is greatly affected not only by domestic structural conditions, but by additional and often overlooked intervening variables<br>Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007<br>Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: International Studies<br>Discipline: College Honors Program

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Asperholm, Hedlund Laura. "Identifying and Understanding Anti-Immigration Disinformation : a case study of the 2018 Swedish national elections." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-8595.

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The purpose of this study is to understand to what extent and how anti-immigration disinformation was utilised in Swedish online news media before the 2018 Swedish national elections. Disinformation is intentionally misleading or false information that benefits the creator and aims to influence how people think, feel and act regarding a certain issue. The analytical framework used in this study was based on theory and previous research. Disinformation can adopt different strategies: constructive, disruptive or distractive. Research also suggests that disinformation can be categorized into different types: fabrication, manipulation, misappropriation, propaganda, satire and parody. This study analyzed 123 articles from different online news media from ten days before the election up until election day. Using qualitative content analysis this study showed that 20 percent of the articles contained anti-immigration disinformation. All of those articles were found in far-right online news media where almost 50 percent of the published articles during the examined time period contained disinformation. All different types were found, but misappropriation, fabrication and propaganda were most common. About half of the articles containing disinformation used a constructive strategy and about one third used a disruptive strategy. A bit more than one third of the articles had a combination of two or more types and strategies. The results indicate that disinformation can indeed constitute a problem, especially for those who seek information on far-right platforms. This study unveils a polarized debate on immigration with a lion's share of the disinformation coming from far-right online news media, while the mainstream media only publish very few critical articles on immigration. As research shows that a negative framing of immigration can affect attitudes, and by extension voting behaviour, further research to examine the effects of anti-immigration disinformation on voter behaviour and election results is needed. Especially in light of a diminished trust in democratic institutions, a growing demand for populism and increasing support for anti-immigration parties.

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Books on the topic "Fair elections"

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Marian, Sawer, ed. Elections: Full, free & fair. Federation Press, 2001.

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C, Steytler N., ed. Free and fair elections. Juta, 1994.

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1955-, Kallen Stuart A., ed. Are American elections fair? Greenhaven Press, 2006.

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Kenya, Electoral Commission of. Towards free and fair elections. Electoral Commission of Kenya, 1999.

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(Guyana), People's Progressive Party, ed. Towards free and fair elections! Printed by New Guyana Co. for People's Progressive Party, 1986.

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Bi-Partisan Commission on Free and Fair Elections in Nicaragua., ed. A Blueprint for free and fair elections in Nicaragua. The Foundation, 1989.

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International Commission of Jurists (1952- ). Kenya Section., ed. Kenya elections 1997: Free and fair? The Section, 1997.

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M, Brindle Jeffrey, and New Jersey Election Law Enforcement Commission., eds. 2007 fair and clean elections report. New Jersey Election Law Enforcement Commission, 2008.

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Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency., ed. Free, fair & credible elections in Pakistan. Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency, 2005.

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(Ukraine), International Renaissance Foundation, ed. Promotion of the fair and open election of 2004. International Renaissance Foundation, Public Relations Dept., 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "Fair elections"

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Wallis, W. D. "Fair Elections; Polls; Amendments." In The Mathematics of Elections and Voting. Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-09810-4_4.

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Jaspal, Zafar Nawaz. "The Fair and Free Elections in Pakistan." In US-Pakistan Relations. Routledge, 2025. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003532842-11.

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Kavanagh, Dennis. "The Timing of Elections: Fair Play or Fiddle?" In Politics and Personalities. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20961-3_15.

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Luís, Carla. "Free and Fair Elections to Electoral Integrity: Trends, Challenges, and Populism." In Encyclopedia of the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-95960-3_72.

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Luís, Carla. "Free and Fair Elections to Electoral Integrity: Trends, Challenges, and Populism." In Encyclopedia of the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71066-2_72-1.

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Sigillò, Ester. "When free and fair elections are not enough: Party fragmentation and unaccountability in Tunisia." In Routledge Handbook on Elections in the Middle East and North Africa. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185628-11.

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Ahuja, Amit, and Susan Ostermann. "The Election Commission of India: Guardian of Democracy." In Guardians of Public Value. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51701-4_2.

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AbstractThis chapter tells the story of how the Election Commission of India (ECI) became one of the most awe-inspiring electoral regulatory bodies in the world. One of the most widely celebrated and trusted public institutions in India, it has ensured the integrity—free and fair—of 17 national and more than 370 state elections since 1947, in what is not only the most populous but also one of the most potentially fractious democracies in the world. Ever under pressure from the executive branch and governing parties to bow to demands fed by their desire for electoral windfalls, the ECI managed to strengthen its autonomy through assertive leadership by a series of Chief Electoral Commissioners following the decline of the Congress Party’s political dominance. The rise of the Hindu Nationalist BJP as the new dominant force in Indian politics provides a crucial test for the endurance of the ECI’s role as India’s guardian of electoral integrity.

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Fan, Chun-I., Wei-Kuei Chen, and Yi-Shiung Yeh. "Blind Signatures with Double-Hashed Messages for Fair Electronic Elections and Ownership Claimable Digital Cash." In Enterprise Information Systems. Springer Netherlands, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-9518-6_21.

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Pakina, Ridho. "Increase Involvement Capacity Women’s Right to Vote and Be Chosen for Fair and Equal Elections." In Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research. Atlantis Press SARL, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/978-2-38476-024-4_70.

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Leidecker-Sandmann, Melanie. "Content Analysis in the Research Field of Election (Campaign) Coverage." In Standardisierte Inhaltsanalyse in der Kommunikationswissenschaft – Standardized Content Analysis in Communication Research. Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-36179-2_10.

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ZusammenfassungMedia are by far the voters’ most important source of information about elections and election campaigns. Therefore, it does not come as a surprise that the analysis of election (campaign) coverage is a long-standing tradition in communication science. Central questions in the analysis of media reporting on elections and campaigns address, for example, the amount and structure of coverage relating to topics, key actors and their evaluations.

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Conference papers on the topic "Fair elections"

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Mavrov, Ivan-Aleksandar, Kamesh Munagala, and Yiheng Shen. "Fair Multiwinner Elections with Allocation Constraints." In EC '23: 24th ACM Conference on Economics and Computation. ACM, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3580507.3597685.

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Podlazov, Andrey Viktorovich. "Electoral procedure fraud without voting results fraud: To the tenth anniversary of the 2013 Moscow mayoral election." In 6th International Conference “Futurity designing. Digital reality problems”. Keldysh Institute of Applied Mathematics, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20948/future-2023-13.

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Not only the voting results, but also the election procedure itself can be subject to fraud. I develop a method of compensating for the consequences of such fraud due to the use of administrative resources. I test this method on the data of regional elections with almost fair voting results.

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Lee, Barton E. "A Win for Society! Conquering Barriers to Fair Elections." In AIES '18: AAAI/ACM Conference on AI, Ethics, and Society. ACM, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3278721.3278787.

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Brill, Markus, Evangelos Markakis, Georgios Papasotiropoulos, and Jannik Peters. "Proportionality Guarantees in Elections with Interdependent Issues." In Thirty-Second International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-23}. International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2023/282.

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We consider a multi-issue election setting over a set of possibly interdependent issues with the goal of achieving proportional representation of the views of the electorate. To this end, we employ a proportionality criterion suggested recently in the literature, that guarantees fair representation for all groups of voters of sufficient size. For this criterion, there exist rules that perform well in the case where all the issues have a binary domain and are independent of each other. In particular, this has been shown for Proportional Approval Voting (PAV) and for the Method of Equal Shares (MES). In this paper, we go two steps further: we generalize these guarantees for issues with a non-binary domain, and, most importantly, we consider extensions to elections with dependencies among issues, where we identify restrictions that lead to analogous results. To achieve this, we define appropriate generalizations of PAV and MES to handle conditional ballots. In addition to proportionality considerations, we also examine the computational properties of the conditional version of MES. Our findings indicate that the conditional case poses additional challenges and differs significantly from the unconditional one, both in terms of proportionality guarantees and computational complexity.

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Martin, Hugo, and Patrice Perny. "BiOWA for Preference Aggregation with Bipolar Scales: Application to Fair Optimization in Combinatorial Domains." In Twenty-Eighth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-19}. International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2019/252.

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We study the biOWA model for preference aggregation and multicriteria decision making from bipolar rating scales. A biOWA is an ordered doubly weighted averaging extending standard ordered weighted averaging (OWA) and allowing a finer control of the importance attached to positive and negative evaluations in the aggregation. After establishing some useful properties of biOWA to generate balanced Pareto-optimal solutions, we address fair biOWA-optimization problems in combinatorial domains. We first consider the use of biOWA in multi-winner elections for aggregating graded approval and disapproval judgements. Then we consider the use of biOWA for solving robust path problems with costs expressing gains and losses. A linearization of biOWA is proposed, allowing both problems to be solved by MIP. A path-ranking algorithm for biOWA optimization is also proposed. Numerical tests are provided to show the practical efficiency of our models.

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SOROCEANU, Igor. "The majority vote and the proportional representation vote." In "Instruire prin cercetare pentru o societate prosperă", conferinţă ştiinţifico-practică internaţională. Ion Creangă Pedagogical State University, 2024. https://doi.org/10.46727/c.v2.16-17-05-2024.p283-287.

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The proportional representation ballot is a fundamental aspect of the electoral process, playing an essential role in shaping political representation and reflecting the diverse will of citizens. This engaging and timely topic explores the mechanisms and implications of proportional representation, providing an in-depth insight into how this process contributes to strengthening democratic values and ensuring fair representation in legislative bodies. By approaching the proportional representation ballot, we enter the sphere of legislative subtleties that govern elections in the Republic of Moldova. We will examine not only the practical ways in which citizens express their political preferences, but also the impact of this system on political diversity and pluralism. In an ever-evolving society, understanding this process becomes essential for all those interested in the dynamics of political life and maintaining an authentic representation of the voice of citizens.

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Gerni, Cevat, Özge Buzdağlı, Dilek Özdemir, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "Elections and The Real Exchange Rate Volatility In Turkey (1992-2014)." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01553.

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Sudden fluctuations that occur as results of politicians’ manipulation on the macroeconomic variables during the election period are called as Political Business Cycle. In recent years, exchange rate also has become an important subject of many studies in this framework. Before the elections, to gain the public’s votes, politicians firstly put pressure on the exchange rates to prevent currency depreciation, and then this can lead to manipulative fluctuations. In this respect, during the 1992:01-2014:12 periods in Turkey, the impact of the entire local and general elections on the real exchange rate volatility is examined using E-GARCH method. On the other hand, political variables such as independence of Central Bank, exchange rate regime, the number of representatives of the ruling party in the parliament and coalition are included to the model while the pre and after election period from the 1st to the 6th month as dummy variables. Based on the results of the analysis, it can be said that the elections and the political variables affect the real exchange rate and its volatility in Turkey. However, there is no significant evidence whether the politicians act opportunistic behavior to be reelected. Since the uncertainty during the election period cause outflow of the capital and deferral of the investment decisions of the investors until after the election, it may well be said that the politicians fail to influence the real exchange rate for their self-interests.

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Omoleke, M. "Electoral Process and Technology in Nigeria: Trends, issues, benefits and challenges." In 2019 African Institute for Science Policy and Innovation International Biennial Conference. Koozakar LLC, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.69798/23056646.

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This paper examined the influence of technology on the conduct of election in Nigeria with a view to identifying the trends, issues, benefits and challenges of these technologies. Both primary and secondary sources of data were used. The Primary source of data was participant observation while secondary sources included the use of text books, journals and materials from the internet. The study revealed that the conduct of elections dated back to the colonial era while digitalization of the Electoral process started in 2002. Furthermore, the study discovered that technologies introduced so far in the conduct of elections have been confronted with a lot of infrastructural problems, and socio-economic and political challenges. The benefits of these technologies include but are not limited to reduction in the cost of election, elimination of laborious counting and sorting of votes, last minute changes of information on computer and a host of others. Issues of concern include security of the voting machine, procurement of relevant equipment and test running of the technology. The study concluded that despite all these issues and challenges, it is worthwhile to introduce new technologies in the conduct of elections in the country.

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Ćorić, Vesna, and Aleksandra Rabrenović. "HOW TO ENSURE FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS IN THE EU AND BEYOND: A NEED FOR RULE OF LAW, DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS PRINCIPLES TO STAND TOGETHER." In International Scientific Conference “EU at the Crossroads – Ways to Preserve Democracy and Rule of Law“. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/32311.

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Jagabathula, S., V. Doshi, and D. Shah. "Fair Scheduling through Packet Election." In 27th IEEE International Conference on Computer Communications (INFOCOM 2008). IEEE, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/infocom.2007.69.

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Reports on the topic "Fair elections"

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Kolpinskaya, Ekaterina, and Oliver Bennett. Elections and their reform. Parliamentary Office of Science and Technology, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.58248/hs66.

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British elections are thought to be fair and have integrity. However, some stakeholders indicate there are ways in which the electoral system and administration of elections could be improved and are calling for reform.

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Kan, Paul R. Assessing Free and Fair Elections in Countries of Conflict. ACSC Quick-Look 05-10. Defense Technical Information Center, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada430902.

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Ndakaripa, Musiwaro. Assessing Zimbabwe's readiness to hold free, fair, and ethical harmonized elections in August 2023. SIVIO Institute, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59186/si.wbg85s2h.

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Elnour Abdelkarim, Zeinab. Assessing Sudan's Electoral Legal Framework. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2022.18.

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Assessing Sudanʼs Electoral Legal Framework provides an in-depth insight and analysis of Sudanʼs current legal framework for elections. It measures Sudanʼs legal electoral framework against a common international understanding of the principles, norms and obligations that define credible and democratic elections. The objective of this analysis is not to criticize or pass judgement on the countryʼs existing electoral processes; instead, it offers an unbiased assessment of how Sudanʼs existing electoral laws and country context create an enabling or disabling environment for free and fair elections. It provides comprehensive and constructive recommendations to strengthen existing legislation and improve fairness, uniformity, reliability, consistency and professionalism in Sudanʼs future elections. This Report also assesses the status of core democratic principles and freedoms that provide the foundation for credible elections and highlights any restrictions on these fundamental rights and liberties that could interfere with the countryʼs upcoming elections or delay its political transition. It calls upon the transitional government to protect citizensʼ rights and liberties and prevent abuses that may influence public trust, fairness, and openness of electoral and other transitional processes. Lastly, this Report discusses political, socio-economic, and legal issues impacting Sudanʼs roadmap to democratic transition before the October 2021 military coup.

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Hampton, Mary N. ACSC Quick-Look: The Role of the US Military in Free and Fair Elections. ACSC Quick-Look 05-06. Defense Technical Information Center, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada430904.

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Ivaldi, Gilles. A Tipping Point for Far-Right Populism in France. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0070.

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The 2024 French European election took place against the backdrop of an economic and cost-of-living crisis in a context marked by global uncertainty arising from the war in Ukraine, social unrest and deep political discontent with President Emmanuel Macron. Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National (RN) emerged as the big winner with 31.4% of the vote, while Macron’s Renaissance list trailed far behind at 14.6%. Meanwhile, Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s left-wing populist La France Insoumise (LFI) won 9.9%, reflecting current internal dissent within the party and deep ideological divisions exposed by the Israel–Hamas war. National issues dominated the electoral agenda in June. Populist voting across both sides of the political spectrum was strongly fuelled by political discontent with Macron, making the 2024 European elections primarily a ‘second-order’ national election. A crucial test for Emmanuel Macron, the outcome of the European election led to the decision by the incumbent president to call a snap legislative election. The election confirmed the electoral strength of the RN; however, it showed the revitalization of the Republican Front against the far right, which blocked Le Pen’s party from winning an absolute majority, delivering instead a hung parliament split into three blocks. Keywords: European elections; populism; France; Le Pen; Zemmour; Mélenchon

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Ulinskaitė, Jogilė. Lithuanian Populist Far-right (In)security Discourse During the European Parliament Elections in the face of Russia’s War Against Ukraine. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0077.

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The full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia has disrupted the previously perceived stability in Central and Eastern Europe (CCE) and exacerbated the prevailing sense of insecurity. The evolving circumstances are reshaping the political terrain and presenting avenues to mobilize support for the populist far right. However, to date, the far-right populist parties in Lithuania have not been successful in either national or European Parliament (EP) elections, as they have failed to surpass the required thresholds. However, the most recent European Parliament elections were an exception, with the election of a long-standing far-right politician in Lithuania as an MEP. This study delves into an analysis of the discourse employed by Lithuanian far-right populists throughout the 2024 EP election campaign, with a specific focus on the narratives pertaining to (in)security that they propagated. The investigation seeks to ascertain whether the far right capitalized on the situation to fuel discussions on crisis with the aim of attracting support and identifying the strategies utilized in constructing the narratives surrounding (in)security. Keywords: populist far right, European Parliament election, insecurity, immigrants, European Green Deal, traditional values

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Egeresi, Zoltán. Bulgarian Elections: Ahead of New Polls? Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2021.35.

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The current analysis describes the path to the elections in Bulgaria on 11 July, 2021, as well as their outcome. It argues that the political stalemate after the April elections can be overcome by the new election results. In July a recently founded party, There Is Such A People (ITN), led by late-night showman Slavi Trifonov, was able to overtake Boyko Borisov’s party, which has not been achieved by any other politician for 12 years. Nevertheless, Trifonov’s party will not be able to form a government alone without forming a coalition with other parties because it is far from a majority in parliament. Without a coalition,there is high probability for lasting political instability in Bulgaria. According to the pessimistic scenario, snap elections will be held along with the presidential elections in mid-autumn of 2021.

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Herkman, Juha. The Loss of the Populist Radical Right in the 2024 European Parliament Elections in Finland. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0069.

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In the 2024 European Parliament (EP) elections, the populist radical-right Finns Party had a disappointing result; it came sixth nationally and lost 6.2% of the vote and one seat compared to the 2019 elections. The centre-right National Coalition (NC) party won the elections with 24.8% of the vote and four seats, but the real winner was the Left Alliance, which came second (17.3%) and gained three seats. The elections revealed voters’ deep distrust towards the government, in which the Finns Party supported significant austerity measures and cuts to public spending through its leader and finance minister, Riikka Purra. People’s fear of the rising far right in Europe was also a salient theme in campaign debates, which diminished the Finns Party’s support, alongside a low voter turnout. Keywords: Election campaign; populist radical right; Finns Party; antagonism; government/opposition

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Vasilopoulou, Sofia. Economic Malaise and Political Discontent: An Analysis of the 2024 European Parliament Election in Greece. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0072.

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The 2024 European Parliament (EP) election in Greece was held against a background of geopolitical instability in Europe’s neighbourhood. However, domestic – rather than European – issues dominated the campaigns, including the economy, inflation and the cost-of-living crisis. The electoral results were primarily an anti-government protest vote and confirmed a trend of electoral fragmentation across the political spectrum. On the right, three relatively new far-right populist parties received parliamentary representation, i.e., the Greek Solution, Victory and the Voice of Reason. On the left, SYRIZA–PA maintained its second place, although its support declined substantively compared to the previous EP election. Course of Freedom and the KKE, on the other hand, were key electoral beneficiaries in the left-wing space. Younger age groups primarily opted for SYRIZA–PA, whereas older groups were more likely to support New Democracy. That said, far-right parties also received votes from younger generations. Geographically, the far right is more successful in the north of Greece. The key message of this election was political discontent and a general feeling of economic malaise posing dilemmas across the political spectrum. Keywords: elections; public opinion; populism; the left; the right; Greece

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