Academic literature on the topic 'Families – Mexican-American Border Region'

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to assess the associations between familism, frequency of physical contact, and marital satisfaction with mental health and well-being in a sample of 58 female marital partners of migrants who stayed in Mexico when their spouses migrated to the USA. Design/methodology/approach In total, 58 women were recruited through word of mouth in Sonora, Mexico. All women had their partner (the father of her children) living in the USA. Survey was administered face-to-face in participants’ homes. Findings Hierarchical regression analysis found that higher marital satisfaction and frequency of physical contact predicts mental health and well-being. However, familism was not associated with mental health and well-being for female partners of migrants. Originality/value This work is unique in that the current sample of female partners of migrants originate from the Sonora border region and has greater physical contact with their partner than most studies on transnational families assume. Approximately 40 percent of participants residing in the Sonora border state meet with their partners at least once a month. Additionally, this work provides an intimate face to the understanding of the very specific processes distinctive of inhabitants of border regions that are part of international migration. In order to promote health equity, health providers (e.g. counselors) need evidence-based information to tailor services to the specific needs of underserved Mexican transnationals.

A variety of environmental health issues occur within homes along the US/Mexico border region. Individuals living in this region are often not aware that specific issues, including pesticide safety, occur in their homes and may not understand the potential adverse effects of pesticide use on their families’ health. The Environmental Health/Home Safety Education Project created by the Southern Area Health Education Center at New Mexico State University, utilizes promotoras (community health workers) to educate clients on pesticide safety issues. Data from 367 pre/post tests and home assessments were collected from 2002-2005. The data were analyzed to detect changes in clients’ knowledge or behavior as they related to protecting themselves and their families against unsafe pesticide use and storage. Statistically significant changes occurred with both knowledge and behavior in regards to safe pesticide use. Through this culturally appropriate intervention, the promotoras provide practical information allowing clients to make their homes safer.

Background: Some regions of Mexico have been relatively well explored floristically and estimates of the vascular plant richness they contain have been obtained. However, there are still regions that require effort to obtain the most appropriate lists of flora possible that consider both systemization of the information and that benefit from recent botanical explorations.Questions: What is the species richness of vascular plants in the Tacaná-Boquerón Priority Terrestrial Region? What proportion of the species are endemic or included in risk categories?Study sites and dates: Tacaná-Boquerón Priority Terrestrial Region, Chiapas State, Mexico. This region is on the Guatemala border and covers an area of 57,400 ha. Between 1920 and 2015.Methods: A database of 14,487 vascular plant records was integrated. Two sources of information were compared: systematization of databases, and recent botanic expeditions.Results: We found 2,485 native species belonging to 185 families. Both data sources were complementary in order to obtain a more complete floristic checklist (systematization of database: 1,774 spp., recent botanic expeditions: 1,514 spp.). As novelties, we found three new species and seven new reports for Mexico. Approximately 14 % of the species documented are included in risk categories or are endemic to the study site.Conclusions: Our checklist is one of the largest in the region (Mexico and Central America) in terms of species count. Our study shows the importance of conducting botanical explorations to complement the information on vascular plant richness in relatively well-explored areas of Mexico.

The issue of access to health care for the elderly and the quality of that care is of growing importance not only in the United States but also in less developed nations such as Mexico. An area of special interest is the U.S.-Mexico border region, where an increasing number of people are relocating to seek jobs they believe will open up as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) loosens trade barriers. Workers flocking to the border often bring their families, including elderly relatives. This study examines a sample of lower-middle and mid-middle class Mexicans aged sixty to eighty-nine who reside in the border city of Ciudad Juárez, focusing on the principal ailments which affect these individuals and available treatment. A concluding section makes brief comparative remarks on access to health care for the elderly in Mexico and in the United States.

Executive Summary2 In the early summer months of 2014, an increasing number of Central American children alone and with their parents began arriving at the US-Mexico border in search of safety and protection. The children and families by and large came from the Northern Triangle countries of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala — three of the most dangerous countries in the world — to seek asylum and other humanitarian relief. Rampant violence and persecution within homes and communities, uncontrolled and unchecked by state authorities, compelled them to flee north for their lives. On the scale of refugee crises worldwide, the numbers were not huge. For example, 24,481 and 38,833 unaccompanied children, respectively, were apprehended by US Border Patrol (USBP) in FY 2012 and FY 2013, while 68,631 children were apprehended in FY 2014 alone (USBP 2016a). In addition, apprehensions of “family units,” or parents (primarily mothers) with children, also increased, from 15,056 families in FY 2013 to 68,684 in FY 2014 (USBP 2016b).3 While these numbers may seem large and did represent a significant increase over prior years, they are nonetheless dwarfed by refugee inflows elsewhere; for example, Turkey was host to 1.15 million Syrian refugees by year end 2014 (UNHCR 2015a), and to 2.5 million by year end 2015 (UNHCR 2016) — reflecting an influx of almost 1.5 million refugees in the course of a single year. Nevertheless, small though they are in comparison, the numbers of Central American women and children seeking asylum at our southern border, concentrated in the summer months of 2014, did reflect a jump from prior years. These increases drew heightened media attention, and both news outlets and official US government statements termed the flow a “surge” and a “crisis” (e.g., Basu 2014; Foley 2014; Negroponte 2014). The sense of crisis was heightened by the lack of preparedness by the federal government, in particular, to process and provide proper custody arrangements for unaccompanied children as required by federal law. Images of children crowded shoulder to shoulder in US Customs and Border Protection holding cells generated a sense of urgency across the political spectrum (e.g., Fraser-Chanpong 2014; Tobias 2014). Responses to this “surge,” and explanations for it, varied widely in policy, media, and government circles. Two competing narratives emerged, rooted in two very disparate views of the “crisis.” One argues that “push” factors in the home countries of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala drove children and families to flee as bona fide asylum seekers; the other asserted that “pull” factors drew these individuals to the United States. For those adopting the “push” factor outlook, the crisis is a humanitarian one, reflecting human rights violations and deprivations in the region, and the protection needs of refugees (UNHCR 2015b; UNHCR 2014; Musalo et al. 2015). While acknowledging that reasons for migration may be mixed, this view recognizes the seriousness of regional refugee protection needs. For those focusing on “pull” factors, the crisis has its roots in border enforcement policies that were perceived as lax by potential migrants, and that thereby acted as an inducement to migration (Harding 2014; Navarette, Jr. 2014). Each narrative, in turn, suggests a very different response to the influx of women and children at US borders. If “push” factors predominately drive migration, then protective policies in accordance with international and domestic legal obligations toward refugees must predominately inform US reaction. Even apart from the legal and moral rightness of this approach, any long-term goal of lowering the number of Central American migrants at the US-Mexico border, practically speaking, would have to address the root causes of violence in their home countries. On the other hand, if “pull” factors are granted greater causal weight, it would seem that stringent enforcement policies that make coming to the US less attractive and profitable would be a more effective deterrent. In that latter case, tactics imposing human costs on migrants, such as detention, speedy return, or other harsh or cursory treatment — while perhaps not morally justified —would at least make logical sense. Immediately upon the summer influx of 2014, the Obama administration unequivocally adopted the “pull” factor narrative and enacted a spate of hostile deterrence-based policies as a result. In July 2014, President Obama asked Congress to appropriate $3.7 billion in emergency funds to address the influx of Central American women and children crossing the border (Cohen 2014). The majority of funding focused on heightened enforcement at the border — including funding for 6,300 new beds to detain families (LIRS and WRC 2014, 5). The budget also included, in yet another demonstration of a “pull”-factor-based deterrence approach, money for State Department officials to counter the supposed “misinformation” spreading in Central America regarding the possibility of obtaining legal status in the United States. The US government also funded and encouraged the governments of Mexico, Guatemala, and Honduras to turn around Central American asylum seekers before they ever could reach US border (Frelick, Kysel, and Podkul 2016). Each of these policies, among other harsh practices, continues to the present day. But, by and large they have not had a deterrent effect. Although the numbers of unaccompanied children and mothers with children dropped in early 2015, the numbers began climbing again in late 2015 and remained high through 2016, exceeding in August and September 2015 the unaccompanied child and “family unit” apprehension figures for those same months in 2014 (USBP 2016a; USBP 2016b). Moreover, that temporary drop in early 2015 likely reflects US interdiction policies rather than any “deterrent” effect of harsh policies at or within US own borders, as the drop in numbers of Central American women and children arriving at the US border in the early months of 2015 corresponded largely with a spike in deportations by Mexico (WOLA 2015). In all events, in 2015, UNCHR found that the number of individuals from the Northern Triangle requesting asylum in Mexico, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Panama had increased 13-fold since 2008 (UNCHR 2015b). Thus, the Obama administration's harsh policies did not, in fact, deter Central American women and children from attempting to flee their countries. This, we argue, is because the “push” factor narrative is the correct one. The crisis we face is accordingly humanitarian in nature and regional in scope — and the migrant “surge” is undoubtedly a refugee flow. By refusing to acknowledge and address the reality of the violence and persecution in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala, the US government has failed to lessen the refugee crisis in its own region. Nor do its actions comport with its domestic and international legal obligations towards refugees. This article proceeds in four parts. In the first section, we examine and critique the administration's “pull”-factor-based policies during and after the 2014 summer surge, in particular through the expansion of family detention, accelerated procedures, raids, and interdiction. In section two, we look to the true “push” factors behind the migration surge — namely, societal violence, violence in the home, and poverty and exclusion in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala. Our analysis here includes an overview of the United States' responsibility for creating present conditions in these countries via decades of misguided foreign policy interventions. Our penultimate section explores the ways in which our current deterrence-based policies echo missteps of our past, particularly through constructive refoulement and the denial of protection to legitimate refugees. Finally, we conclude by offering recommendations to the US government for a more effective approach to the influx of Central American women and children at our border, one that addresses the real reasons for their flight and that furthers a sustainable solution consistent with US and international legal obligations and moral principles. Our overarching recommendation is that the US government immediately recognize the humanitarian crisis occurring in the Northern Triangle countries and the legitimate need of individuals from these countries for refugee protection. Flowing from that core recommendation are additional suggested measures, including the immediate cessation of hostile, deterrence-based policies such as raids, family detention, and interdiction; adherence to proper interpretations of asylum and refugee law; increased funding for long-term solutions to violence and poverty in these countries, and curtailment of funding for enforcement; and temporary measures to ensure that no refugees are returned to persecution in these countries.

Objective Frequent travel between the Southern border states in the USA, Mexico, and Latin American countries increases the risk of the Zika virus (ZIKV) spread. Patient education on virus transmission is fundamental in decreasing the number of imported cases, particularly among pregnant women. Methods The study used cross-sectional methodology to investigate information sources and knowledge concerning the ZIKV virus among 300 under-served pregnant Latinas recruited from prenatal care clinics in the North Texas region. Bivariate and multiple logistic regression models were used to investigate associations between the primary outcomes and patient characteristics. Results Physicians, nurses, and families are the major sources for pregnancy information, while media/internet (65%) and physician/nurse (33%) are the main sources for ZIKV information. Less than one-half of the mothers reported that their physician/nurse did not discuss safe sexual practices or inquired about their sexual practices. A considerable proportion of women from the community clinic were neither warned nor queried about travel to ZIKV risk countries. There is an overall understanding of Zika virus transmission, symptoms, complications, and recommended guidelines. Younger age and single mother status are risk factors for lack of ZIKV knowledge. Foreign-born mothers are 2.5–3.0 times more likely to have knowledge on disease transmission, symptoms, and microcephaly condition. While, younger mothers (18–24) are less likely to have knowledge of ZIKV infection symptoms (fever, rash and pink eye) and transmission of infection via unprotected sexual (vaginal, anal, or oral) behavior, compared to older mothers. Conclusions Interventions are needed to heighten the knowledge of ZIKV, particularly among women of reproductive age and their male partners in the community health care setting. Our study underscores the need for health care providers to be trained in delivering messages to enhance risk perception during health emergencies to vulnerable and underserved families (lower economic background, language ability, and culture). During health emergencies, clinics must disseminate crucial information via multi modalities to ensure messages reach the targeted patients.

In this paper I discuss some of the findings in my study of the encounters between female migrants and immigration enforcement authorities along the U.S.-Mexico border. An objective of the research is to ascertain a more accurate picture of women temporarily suspended in the “intersection” of diametrically opposed processes: immigration enforcement and transnational mobility. Of the many issues that have emerged from this research, family separation is most palpable. This suggests a deeply entrenched relationship between immigration enforcement and the transnationalization of family ties. While this relationship may at first not be obvious, women’s accounts of family separation and family reunification show how, in reconciling these contradictory tendencies, migrant mobility is strengthened, which in turn challenges enforcement measures. In this way, the intersection not only sheds light on how opposing forces (enforcement and mobility) converge but also how each is contingent on the other. This analysis is possible in part through the use of a conceptual intersection of diametrically opposed forces, border enforcement and transnational movement, and thus proves useful in examining the transformative nature of globalized spaces.

For the past 35 years, borderland industry has opened employment opportunities for women in the community of Nogales, Arizona. However, the expansion of free trade with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) has aggravated economic instability by promoting the flexible use of labor, a practice that women have increasingly accommodated. Case studies of women engaged in the retail and maquiladora industries illustrate the interplay between flexible employment, reproduction, and education. These cases suggest that a strong connection between flexible employment and reproduction is sustained by ideologies that see these as mutually complimentary. At the same time, the connections between education and employment and reproduction activities are notably absent or weak. We argue that investing in the education of women, which could lead to more predictable employment, is in this way subverted by regional economic instability. The alienation of education from the other two realms of women’s activities works to the advantage of flexible employment practices and advances the underdevelopment of human capital on the U.S.-Mexico border.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, 2008.
Title from screen (viewed on August 28, 2009). School of Social Work, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): William P. Sullivan, Hea-Won Kim, Irene Queiro-Tajalli, Sara Horton-Deutsch. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 203-236).

Living the vast majority of my life in an area that celebrates diversity but thrives because of illegal cross-border activities (undocumented workers, drug imports) at times the distance between the United States and Mexico is in fact as thin as the width of a fence. Though it is typical for a filmmaker to hope to present a unique take on a subject, given how I have seen the topics of immigration and the perspective of the purpose of homeland security portray, I am confident that there is an opportunity to show these issues in a more personal, less aggressive light with the use of first person accounts instead of a dependence on the most violent aspects of these topics. The main subject will give character to this agency by blurring the lines of his life as an agent and as a citizen.

The stories in this collection represent an increasingly transcultural world by exploring the intersection of cultures and identities in border spaces, particularly the Mexican-American border. Characters, regardless of ethnicity, experience the effects of migration and deportation in schools, hometowns, relationships, and elsewhere. The collection as a whole focuses on the issues and themes found in Mexican-American literature, such as loss, separation, and the search for identity.

CHDS State/Local
Illegal cross-border activity is a severe homeland defense and security problem along the international Southwest border. The issue of illegal human smuggling is not new to the United States-Mexico border or to law enforcement agencies; however, the phenomenon is rising and human smugglers are adjusting to law enforcement tactics. This thesis has three objectives. First, it describes and identifies the fundamental dimensions of U.S. Border Patrol operations in the busiest, most vulnerable section of the border. Second, it integrates prominent border security factors into a mathematical predictive model -- the Arizona-Sonora Border (ASB) Model * that provides an illustration of possible border security operational strategies and the outcome apprehension probability of migrants given the implementation of various operational strategies. Last, this thesis seeks to provide a comprehensive picture of the complex dynamics along the USBP Tucson Sector. This picture highlights the primary challenges facing policymakers in developing innovative policies that will minimize illegal cross-border activity and secure the homeland.
Southwest Border Specialist, Arizona Office of Homeland Security

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2000.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 314-323). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

Chapter 3 intervenes in the larger scholarship on CASA (The Center for Autonomous Social Action), a national Chicano Movement organization based in Los Angeles, by being the first analysis of its San Diego chapter called CASA Justicia. It reveals CASA Justicia as a significant political space that introduced younger Chicano Movement activists to elder organizers who had struggled against the deportation regime in earlier decades. CASA’s offering of legal and social services to immigrants suffering the perils of undocumented legal status unleashed a wave of migrant agency – that infused Chicano Movement ideological narratives with – and influenced the mostly Mexican-American administrators of CASA to a point where their own identities shifted. Migrants infused their narratives about the way border enforcement policies were an intensely repressive presence in their day-to-day lives determining their ability to be present in their familial relationships, to provide sustenance and economic well-being, and to freely move about.

This essay focuses on the borderlands of Mexico and the United States in the decades following the Mexican-American War. There, American, Apache, Comanche, and Mexican inhabitants came into contact with one another and their distinctive and sometimes conflicting understandings of sovereignty led to significant discord. In different ways, Mexico and the U.S. sought to assert control over part of these borderlands, which included restricting the movement of outsiders within their territory. Apache and Comanche peoples, on the contrary, regarded free movement across the region as “irrevocable.” The increasing American population both provided demand for livestock that drove indigenous raids into Mexico and curtailed access to land and resources, promoting migration across the border and making it exceedingly difficult for Mexico to assert sovereign control over northern territory.

Chapter 2 explores the process in which some Chicano Movement activists in San Diego began to identify immigration as central to their struggles for self-determination and Mexican immigrants as part of their broadening notions of Chicano/a community. Furthermore, it highlights how this process beginning in the late 1960s and early 1970s was greatly influenced by different forms of violence emanating from the U.S. Border Patrol, Customs’ agents and local law enforcement in the San Diego Border region. By focusing on the perspective of undocumented and Mexican-American women who spoke out against Border Patrol and Custom Agent’s perpetration of sexual violence, unauthorized strip searches and other cases of harassment and brutality the chapter outlines how race, legal status and gender organized both border policing activities and Chicano Movement activist’s formulations of a transnational, “Raza Sí, Migra No” identity and politics.

Scholars have long suggested that nineteenth-century runaway slaves turned the U.S.-Mexico border into a line of freedom. However, as this chapter argues, such an interpretation of the border is somewhat problematic. A closer examination of the history of northern Tamaulipas explains why. From 1820 onward, African Americans began to arrive to that region in search of freedom and a changed racial milieu, but this process was deeply fraught. U.S. American jurisprudence could continue to affect Mexican space formally and informally from the outside, greatly troubling Mexican sovereignty and its foreign relations in the process. Hence, the freedom found by African Americans in Mexico—guaranteed by Mexican law—was never particularly secure in practice. This chapter builds upon the previous chapter and provides an in-depth analysis of a specific case study of fugitive slaves’ struggles for freedom in the Texas-Mexico borderlands.

This study, which analyzes the ‘zero tolerance’ immigration policy of Donald Trump’s Administration on the Mexican border, focuses on the practice of the separation of families and the detention of children in often inhuman conditions. Through an analysis of the criminalisation of asylum seekers without due process, it highlights the probable violations of American laws and Constitutional amendments, as well as international human rights conventions, not to mention the lasting psychological trauma for both parents and children.

This chapter studies the growth in U.S. dual nationality in Mexico, and specifically the phenomenon of strategic cross-border births. This involves middle- and upper-class Mexican parents who travel to the United States to give birth, aiming to secure U.S. citizenship for their children. The families who engage in this practice typically have little interest in emigrating. Instead, they mainly view the United States as a site of high-prestige consumption and wish to provide their children with easy access to tourism, shopping, and education across the border. The American passport is also an insurance policy that allows easy exit at times of insecurity in Mexico. This strategic acquisition of U.S. dual nationality by upper-class Mexicans can be juxtaposed with another recent trend: the deportation of hundreds of thousands of Mexican undocumented immigrants, who take their U.S.-born children with them to Mexico. For the former group, dual nationality is voluntary and practical; for the latter, it is an imposed disadvantage.

This chapter frames the nineteenth century borderlands as a theater of movement that had long been marked by imperial contestations and diverse migrations. Native American, colonial, Mexican, and American migrations shaped the region, keeping territorial boundaries porous, and racial and national identities blurred. Following the transformation of the indigenous borderlands to a capitalist borderlands, the chapter traces the seismic demographic shift that drove the region’s rapid industrialization; as the borderlands connected into national, transnational, and global circuits of migration, and oceanic lines fed back into railway connections, white, black, Mexican, and Chinese immigrants descended on the border from all directions. Focusing on the multiple boundaries that intersected at the El Paso-Ciudad Juárez border – namely, the international boundary as well as the limits of Jim Crow that ended where Texas met New Mexico – this chapter shows how and why the late 19th century borderlands looked so promising for these diverse groups. It begins to develop a transborder framework for understanding immigration, emphasizing how the narrowing of economic opportunities, political rights, and social freedoms in both the United States and Mexico contributed to such diverse men and women coming together in the borderlands.

Model’s City’s demise did little to slow industrial growth in Niagara Falls. During the early 1900s, the region’s economy expanded at a tremendous rate. Niagara’s next big thing came in the form of chemicals. When William Love departed the area, the Falls claimed no major chemical maker. By the 1920s, Niagara Falls was home to a dynamic and thriving chemical sector that produced huge amounts of industrial-grade chemicals via hydroelectric power. By World War II, dozens of companies called Niagara Falls home, making it a global leader in the production of chlorines, degreasers, explosives, pesticides, plastics, and myriad other chemical agents. The chief architect of Niagara’s chemical expansion was Elon Huntington Hooker, an engineer turned industrial titan who settled in the Falls soon after William Love left. [ Fig. 6 ] Hailing from famous families, Hooker was destined for great things. On one side, Hooker could trace a lineage back to Puritan divines who had literally built cities on a hill; on the other, there were railroad titans who had traversed the American West. In both cases, Elon Hooker’s family background inspired him to think big. The guiding spirit of a brash new chemical company that bore his surname, Hooker harnessed Niagara’s power to become the nation’s leading producer of two key chemicals: chloride of lime (bleaching powder) and sodium hydroxide (caustic soda). Over the next fifty years, Hooker Chemical became a mainstay of American industry. Its products helped win wars, explore space, and fuel American consumerism. These developments would not surprise Elon Huntington Hooker. Indeed, he thought of himself as an American Adam: a technological originator who reshaped nature and society in equal measure. His vision of chemical superiority would come to fruition a few miles from Love’s abandoned canal—at first glance, perhaps nothing more than a coincidence of history. But Hooker’s success would soon collide with Love’s failure at the big ditch in Lasalle, once again illuminating the Love Canal landscape’s importance to the American environmental past—and future.

Aim/Purpose: This paper provides the results of the preliminary analysis of the findings of an ongoing study that seeks to examine the social media use, cultural and political awareness, civic engagement, issue prioritization, and social activism of Gen Z students enrolled at four different institutional types located in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. The aim of this study is to look at the group as a whole as well as compare findings across populations. The institutional types under consideration include a mid-sized majority serving or otherwise referred to as a traditionally white institution (TWI) located in a small coastal city on the Atlantic Ocean, a small Historically Black University (HBCU) located in a rural area, a large community college located in a county that is a mixture of rural and suburban and which sits on the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and graduating high school students enrolled in career and technical education (CTE) programs in a large urban area. This exploration is purposed to examine the behaviors and expectations of Gen Z students within a representative American region during a time of tremendous turmoil and civil unrest in the United States. Background: Over 74 million strong, Gen Z makes up almost one-quarter of the U.S. population. They already outnumber any current living generation and are the first true digital natives. Born after 1996 and through 2012, they are known for their short attention spans and heightened ability to multi-task. Raised in the age of the smart phone, they have been tethered to digital devices from a young age with most having the preponderance of their childhood milestones commemorated online. Often called Zoomers, they are more racially and ethnically diverse than any previous generation and are on track to be the most well-educated generation in history. Gen Zers in the United States have been found in the research to be progressive and pro-government and viewing increasing racial and ethnic diversity as positive change. Finally, they are less likely to hold xenophobic beliefs such as the notion of American exceptionalism and superiority that have been popular with by prior generations. The United States has been in a period of social and civil unrest in recent years with concerns over systematic racism, rampant inequalities, political polarization, xenophobia, police violence, sexual assault and harassment, and the growing epidemic of gun violence. Anxieties stirred by the COVID-19 pandemic further compounded these issues resulting in a powder keg explosion occurring throughout the summer of 2020 and leading well into 2021. As a result, the United States has deteriorated significantly in the Civil Unrest Index falling from 91st to 34th. The vitriol, polarization, protests, murders, and shootings have all occurred during Gen Z’s formative years, and the limited research available indicates that it has shaped their values and political views. Methodology: The Mid-Atlantic region is a portion of the United States that exists as the overlap between the northeastern and southeastern portions of the country. It includes the nation’s capital, as well as large urban centers, small cities, suburbs, and rural enclaves. It is one of the most socially, economically, racially, and culturally diverse parts of the United States and is often referred to as the “typically American region.” An electronic survey was administered to students from 2019 through 2021 attending a high school dual enrollment program, a minority serving institution, a majority serving institution, and a community college all located within the larger mid-Atlantic region. The survey included a combination of multiple response, Likert scaled, dichotomous, open ended, and ordinal questions. It was developed in the Survey Monkey system and reviewed by several content and methodological experts in order to examine bias, vagueness, or potential semantic problems. Finally, the survey was pilot tested prior to implementation in order to explore the efficacy of the research methodology. It was then modified accordingly prior to widespread distribution to potential participants. The surveys were administered to students enrolled in classes taught by the authors all of whom are educators. Participation was voluntary, optional, and anonymous. Over 800 individuals completed the survey with just over 700 usable results, after partial completes and the responses of individuals outside of the 18-24 age range were removed. Findings: Participants in this study overwhelmingly were users of social media. In descending order, YouTube, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest, WhatsApp, LinkedIn and Tik Tok were the most popular social media services reported as being used. When volume of use was considered, Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube and Twitter were the most cited with most participants reporting using Instagram and Snapchat multiple times a day. When asked to select which social media service they would use if forced to choose just one, the number one choice was YouTube followed by Instagram and Snapchat. Additionally, more than half of participants responded that they have uploaded a video to a video sharing site such as YouTube or Tik Tok. When asked about their familiarity with different technologies, participants overwhelmingly responded that they are “very familiar” with smart phones, searching the Web, social media, and email. About half the respondents said that they were “very familiar” with common computer applications such as the Microsoft Office Suite or Google Suite with another third saying that they were “somewhat familiar.” When asked about Learning Management Systems (LMS) like Blackboard, Course Compass, Canvas, Edmodo, Moodle, Course Sites, Google Classroom, Mindtap, Schoology, Absorb, D2L, itslearning, Otus, PowerSchool, or WizIQ, only 43% said they were “very familiar” with 31% responding that they were “somewhat familiar.” Finally, about half the students were either “very” or “somewhat” familiar with operating systems such as Windows. A few preferences with respect to technology in the teaching and learning process were explored in the survey. Most students (85%) responded that they want course announcements and reminders sent to their phones, 76% expect their courses to incorporate the use of technology, 71% want their courses to have course websites, and 71% said that they would rather watch a video than read a book chapter. When asked to consider the future, over 81% or respondents reported that technology will play a major role in their future career. Most participants considered themselves “informed” or “well informed” about current events although few considered themselves “very informed” or “well informed” about politics. When asked how they get their news, the most common forum reported for getting news and information about current events and politics was social media with 81% of respondents reporting. Gen Z is known to be an engaged generation and the participants in this study were not an exception. As such, it came as no surprise to discover that, in the past year more than 78% of respondents had educated friends or family about an important social or political issue, about half (48%) had donated to a cause of importance to them, more than a quarter (26%) had participated in a march or rally, and a quarter (26%) had actively boycotted a product or company. Further, about 37% consider themselves to be a social activist with another 41% responding that aren’t sure if they would consider themselves an activist and only 22% saying that they would not consider themselves an activist. When asked what issues were important to them, the most frequently cited were Black Lives Matter (75%), human trafficking (68%), sexual assault/harassment/Me Too (66.49%), gun violence (65.82%), women’s rights (65.15%), climate change (55.4%), immigration reform/deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA) (48.8%), and LGBTQ+ rights (47.39%). When the schools were compared, there were only minor differences in social media use with the high school students indicating slightly more use of Tik Tok than the other participants. All groups were virtually equal when it came to how informed they perceived themselves about current events and politics. Consensus among groups existed with respect to how they get their news, and the community college and high school students were slightly more likely to have participated in a march, protest, or rally in the last 12 months than the university students. The community college and high school students were also slightly more likely to consider themselves social activists than the participants from either of the universities. When the importance of the issues was considered, significant differences based on institutional type were noted. Black Lives Matter (BLM) was identified as important by the largest portion of students attending the HBCU followed by the community college students and high school students. Less than half of the students attending the TWI considered BLM an important issue. Human trafficking was cited as important by a higher percentage of students attending the HBCU and urban high school than at the suburban and rural community college or the TWI. Sexual assault was considered important by the majority of students at all the schools with the percentage a bit smaller from the majority serving institution. About two thirds of the students at the high school, community college, and HBCU considered gun violence important versus about half the students at the majority serving institution. Women’s rights were reported as being important by more of the high school and HBCU participants than the community college or TWI. Climate change was considered important by about half the students at all schools with a slightly smaller portion reporting out the HBCU. Immigration reform/DACA was reported as important by half the high school, community college, and HBCU participants with only a third of the students from the majority serving institution citing it as an important issue. With respect to LGBTQ rights approximately half of the high school and community college participants cited it as important, 44.53% of the HBCU students, and only about a quarter of the students attending the majority serving institution. Contribution and Conclusion: This paper provides a timely investigation into the mindset of generation Z students living in the United States during a period of heightened civic unrest. This insight is useful to educators who should be informed about the generation of students that is currently populating higher education. The findings of this study are consistent with public opinion polls by Pew Research Center. According to the findings, the Gen Z students participating in this study are heavy users of multiple social media, expect technology to be integrated into teaching and learning, anticipate a future career where technology will play an important role, informed about current and political events, use social media as their main source for getting news and information, and fairly engaged in social activism. When institutional type was compared the students from the university with the more affluent and less diverse population were less likely to find social justice issues important than the other groups. Recommendations for Practitioners: During disruptive and contentious times, it is negligent to think that the abounding issues plaguing society are not important to our students. Gauging the issues of importance and levels of civic engagement provides us crucial information towards understanding the attitudes of students. Further, knowing how our students gain information, their social media usage, as well as how informed they are about current events and political issues can be used to more effectively communicate and educate. Recommendations for Researchers: As social media continues to proliferate daily life and become a vital means of news and information gathering, additional studies such as the one presented here are needed. Additionally, in other countries facing similarly turbulent times, measuring student interest, awareness, and engagement is highly informative. Impact on Society: During a highly contentious period replete with a large volume of civil unrest and compounded by a global pandemic, understanding the behaviors and attitudes of students can help us as higher education faculty be more attuned when it comes to the design and delivery of curriculum. Future Research This presentation presents preliminary findings. Data is still being collected and much more extensive statistical analyses will be performed.