Academic literature on the topic 'Famille – Grèce – Antiquité'

To Remember‘The central problem of today’s global interactions is the tension between cultural homogenisation and cultural heterogenisation.’ (Appadurai 49)While this statement has been made more than twenty years, it remains more relevant than ever. The current age is one of widespread global migrations and dis-placement. The phenomenon of globalisation is the first and major factor for this newly created shift of ground, of transmigration as defined by its etymological meaning. However, a growing number of migrations also result from social or political oppression and war as we witness the current flow of refugees from Africa or Syria to Europe and with growing momentum, from climate change, the people of Tokelau or Nauru migrating as a result of the rise of sea levels in their South Pacific homeland. Such global migrations lead to an intense co-habitation of various cultures, ethnicities and religions in host societies. In late twentieth century Giddens explains this complexity and discusses how globalisation requires a re-organisation of time and space in social and cultural life of both the host and the migrant (Giddens 14). In the host country, Appadurai terms the physical consequences of this phenomenon as the new ‘ethnoscape’ (Appadurai 51). This fact is particularly relevant to New Zealand, a country that is currently seeing an unprecedented level of immigration from various and numerous ethnic groups which is evidently influencing the makeup of its entire population.For the migrant, according to Xavier & Rosaldo, social life following migration re-establishes itself on two fronts: the first is the pre-modern manner of being present through participation in localised activities at specific locales; the second is about fostering relationships with absent others through media and across the world. These “settings for distanced relations – for relations at a distance, [are] stretched out across time and space” (Xavier & Rosaldo 8). Throughout the world, people in dis-placement reorganise their societies in both of these fronts.Dis-placement is ‘a potentially traumatic event that is collectively experienced" (Norris 128). Disaster and trauma related dis-placement as stressors happen to entire communities, not just individuals, families and neighbourhoods. Members are exposed together and it has been argued, must, therefore, recover together, (Norris 145). On one hand, in the situation of collective trauma some attachment to a new space ‘increases the likelihood that a community as a whole has the will to rebuild’ (Norris 145). On the other, it is suggested that for the individual, place attachment makes the necessary relocation much harder. It is in re-location however that the will to recreate or reproduce will emerge. Indeed part of the recovery in the case of relocation can be the reconstruction of place. The places of past experiences and rituals for meaning are commonly recreated or reproduced as new places of attachment abroad. The will and ability to reimagine and re-materialise (Gupta & Ferguson 70) the lost heritage is motivational and defines resilience.This is something a great deal of communities such as the displaced Coptic community in New Zealand look to achieve, re-constructing a familiar space, where rituals and meaning can reaffirm their ideal existence, the only form of existence they have ever known before relocation. In this instance it is the reconstruction and reinterpretation of a traditional Coptic Orthodox church. Resilience can be examined as a ‘sense of community’, a concept that binds people with shared values. Concern for community and respect for others can transcend the physical and can bind disparate individuals in ways that otherwise might require more formal organisations. It has been noted that trauma due to displacement and relocation can enhance a sense of closeness and stronger belonging (Norris 139). Indeed citizen participation is fundamental to community resilience (Norris 139) and it entails the engagement of community members in formal organisations, including religious congregations (Perkins et al. 2002; Norris 139) and collective gatherings around cultural rituals. However, the displacement also strengthens the emotional ties at the individual level to the homeland, to kinfolk and to the more abstract cultural mores and ideas.Commitment and AttachmentRecalling places of collective events and rituals such as assembly halls and spaces of worship is crucially important for dis-placed communities. The attachment to place exposes the challenges and opportunities for recollecting the spirit of space in the situation of a people abroad. This in turn, raises the question of memory and its representation in re-creating the architectural qualities of the cultural space from its original context. This article offers the employ of visual representation (drawings) as a strategy of recall. To explore these ideas further, the situation of the Egyptian community of Coptic Orthodox faith, relocated, displaced and living ‘abroad’ in New Zealand is being considered. This small community that emigrated to New Zealand firstly in the 1950s then in the 1970s represents in many ways the various ethnicities and religious beliefs found in New Zealand.Rituals and congregations are held in collective spaces and while the attachment to the collective is essential, the question to be addressed here relates to the role of the physical community space in forming or maintaining the attachment to community (Pretty, Chipuer, and Bramston 78). Groups or societies use systems of shared meanings to interpret and make sense of the world. However, shared meanings have traditionally been tied to the idea of a fixed territory (Manzo & Devine-Wright 335, Xavier & Rosaldo 10). Manzo and Perkins further suggest that place attachments provide stability and are integral to self-definitions (335-350). Image by Vioula Said.Stability and self-definition and ultimately identity are in turn, placed in jeopardy with the process of displacement and de-territorilisation. Shared meanings are shifted and potentially lost when the resultant instability occurs. Norris finds that in the strongest cases, individuals, neighbourhoods and communities lose their sense of identity and self-definition when displaced due to the destruction of natural and built environments (Norris 139). This comment is particularly relevant to people who are emigrating to New Zealand as refugees from climate change such as Pasifika or from wars and oppression such as the Coptic community. This loss strengthens the requirement for something greater than just a common space of congregation, something that transcends the physical. The sense of belonging and identity in the complexity of potential cultural heterogenisation is at issue. The role of architecture in dis-placement is thereby brought into question seeking answers to how it should facilitate a space of attachment for resilience, for identity and for belonging.A unity of place and people has long been assumed in the anthropological concept of culture (Gupta & Ferguson: 75). According to Xavier & Rosaldo the historical tendency has been to connect the realm of constructing meaning to the particularities of place (Xavier & Rosaldo 10). Thereby, cultural meanings are intrinsically linked to place. Therefore, place attachment to the reproduced or re-interpreted place is crucially important for dis-placed societies in re-establishing social and cultural content. Architectural spaces are the obvious holders of cultural, social and spiritual content for such enterprises. Hillier suggests that all "architecture is, in essence, the application of speculative and abstract thought to the non-discursive aspects of building, and because it is so, it is also its application to the social and cultural contents of buildings” (Hillier 3).To Re-ImagineAn attempt to reflect the history, stories and the cultural mores of the Coptic community in exile by privileging material and design authenticity, merits attention. An important aspect of the Coptic faith lies within its adherence to symbolism and rituals and strict adherence to the traditional forms and configurations of space may reflect some authenticity of the customary qualities of the space (Said 109). However, the original space is itself in flux, changing with time and environmental conditions; as are the memories of those travelling abroad as they come from different moments in time. Experience has shown that a communities’ will to re-establish social and cultural content through their traditional architecture on new sites has not always resurrected their history and reignited their original spirit. The impact of the new context’s reality on the reproduction or re interpretation of place may not fully enable its entire community’s attachment to it. There are significant implications from the displacement of site that lead to a disassociation from the former architectural language. Consequently there is a cultural imperative for an approach that entails the engagement of community in the re-making of a cultural space before responding to the demands of site. Cultures come into conflict when the new ways of knowing and acting are at odds with the old. Recreating a place without acknowledging these tensions may lead to non-attachment. Facing cultural paradox and searching for authenticity explains in part, the value of intangible heritage and the need to privilege it over its tangible counterpart.Intangible HeritageThe intangible qualities of place and the memory of them are anchors for a dis-placed community to reimagine and re-materialise its lost heritage and to recreate a new place for attachment. This brings about the notion of the authenticity of cultural heritage, it exposes the uncertain value of reconstruction and it exhibits the struggles associated with de-territorilisation in such a process.In dealing with cultural heritage and contemporary conservation practice with today’s wider understanding of the interdisciplinary field of heritage studies, several authors discuss the relevance and applicability of the 1964 Venice Charter on architectural heritage. Glendinning argues that today’s heritage practices exploit the physical remains of the past for useful modern and aesthetic purposes as they are less concerned with the history they once served (Glendinning 3). For example, the act of modernising and restoring a historic museum is counterbalanced by its ancient exhibits thereby highlighting modern progress. Others support this position by arguing that relationships, associations and meanings that contribute to the value of a site should not be dismissed in favour of physical remains (Hill 21). Smith notes that the less tangible approaches struggle to gain leverage within conventional practice, and therefore lack authenticity. This can be evidenced in so many of our reconstructed heritage sites. This leads to the importance of the intangible when dealing with architectural heritage. Image by Vioula Said.In practice, a number of different methods and approaches are employed to safeguard intangible cultural heritage. In order to provide a common platform for considering intangible heritage, UNESCO developed the 2003 ‘Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage’. Rather than simply addressing physical heritage, this convention helped to define the intangible and served to promote its recognition. Intangible cultural heritage is defined as expressions, representations, practices, skills and knowledge that an individual a community or group recognise as their cultural heritage.Safeguarding intangible heritage requires a form of translation, for example, from the oral form into a material form, e.g. archives, inventories, museums and audio or film records. This ‘freezing’ of intangible heritage requires thoughtfulness and care in the choosing of the appropriate methods and materials. At the same time, the ephemeral aspects of intangible heritage make it vulnerable to being absorbed by the typecast cultural models predominant at any particular time. This less tangible characteristic of history and the pivotal role it plays in conveying a dialogue between the past and the present demands alternative methods. At a time when the identity of dis-placed people is in danger of being diminished by dominant host societies, the safeguarding of intangible cultural heritage is critically important in re-establishing social and cultural content.Recent news has shown the destruction of many Coptic churches in Egypt, through fire at increasing rates since 2011 or by bombings such as the ones witnessed in April 2017. For this particular problem of the Coptic Community, the authors propose that visual representation of spiritual spaces may aid in recollecting and re-establishing such heritage. The illustrations in this article present the personal journey of an artist of Egyptian Copt descent drawing from her memories of a place and time within the sphere of religious rituals. As Treib suggests, “Our recollections are situational and spatialised memories; they are memories attached to places and events” (Treib 22). The intertwining of real and imagined memory navigates to define the spirit of place of a lost time and community.The act of remembering is a societal ritual and in and of itself is part of the globalised world we live in today. The memories lodged in physical places range from incidents of personal biography to the highly refined and extensively interpreted segments of cultural lore (Treib 63). The act of remembering allows for our sense of identity and reflective cultural distinctiveness as well as shaping our present lives from that of our past. To remember is to celebrate or to commemorate the past (Treib 25).Memory has the aptitude to generate resilient links between self and environment, self and culture, as well as self and collective. “Our access to the past is no longer mediated by the account of a witness or a narrator, or by the eye of a photographer. We will not respond to a re-presentation of the historical event, but to a presentation or performance of it” (van Alphen 11). This statement aligns with Smith’s critical analysis of heritage and identity, not as a set of guidelines but as a performance experienced through the imagination, “experienced within a layering of performative qualities that embody remembrance and commemoration and aim to construct a sense of place and understanding within the present”(van Alphen 11). Heritage is hereby investigated as a re-constructed experience; attempting to identify a palette of memory-informed qualities that can be applied to the re-establishing of the heritage lost. Here memory will be defined as Aristotle’s Anamnesis, to identify the capacity to stimulate a range of physical and sensory experiences in the retrieval of heritage that may otherwise be forgotten (Cubitt 75; Huyssen 80). In architectural terms, Anamnesis, refers to the process of retrieval associated with intangible heritage, as a performance aimed at the recovery of memory, experienced through the imagination (Said 143). Unfortunately, when constructing an experience aimed at the recovery of memory, the conditions of a particular moment do not, once passed, move into a state of retirement from which they can be retrieved at a later date. Likewise, the conditions and occurrences of one moment can never be precisely recaptured, Treib describes memory as an interventionist:it magnifies, diminishes, adjusts, darkens, or illuminates places that are no longer extant, transforming the past anew every time it is called to mind, shorn or undesirable reminiscence embellished by wishful thinking, coloured by present concerns. (Treib 188)To remember them, Cubitt argues, we must reconstruct them; “not in the sense of reassembling something that has been taken to pieces and carefully stored, but in the sense of imaginatively configuring something that can no longer have the character of actuality” (Cubitt 77). Image by Vioula Said.Traditionally, history and past events have been put in writing to preserve their memory within the present. However, as argued by Treib, this mode of representation is inherently linear and static; contributing to a flattening of history. Similarly, Nelson states; “I consider how a visual mode of representation – as opposed to textual or oral – helps to shape memory” (Nelson 37). The unflattening of past events can occur by actively engaging with culture and tradition through the mechanism of reconstruction and representation of the intangible heritage (Said 145). As memory becomes crucial in affirming collective identity, place also becomes crucial in anchoring such experience. Interactive exhibition facilitates this act using imagery, interpretation and physical engagement while architectural place gives distinctiveness to cultural products and practices. Architectural space is always intrinsically bound with cultural practice. Appadurai says that where a groups’ past increasingly becomes part of museums, exhibits and collection, its culture becomes less a realm of reproducible practices and more an arena of choices and cultural reproduction (59). When place is shifted (de-territorilisation in migration) the loss of territorial roots brings “an erosion of the cultural distinctiveness of places, a de-territorilisation of identity” (Gupta & Ferguson 68). According to Gupta & Ferguson, “remembered places have …. often served as symbolic anchors of community for dispersed people” (Gupta & Ferguson 69).To Re-MakeIn the context of de-territorialisation the intangible qualities of the original space offer an avenue for the creation and experience of a new space in the spirit of its source. Simply reproducing a traditional building layout in the new territory or recollecting artefacts does not suffice in recalling the essence of place, nor does descriptive writing no matter how compelling. Issues of authenticity and identity underpin both of these strategies. Accepting the historical tendency to reconnect the realm of constructing meaning to the particularities of place requires an investigation on those ‘particularities of place’. Intangible heritage can bridge the problems of being out of one’s country, overseas, or ‘abroad’. While architecture can be as Hillier suggests, “in essence, the application of speculative and abstract thought to the non-discursive aspects of building” (Hillier 3). Architecture should not be reproduced but rather re-constructed as a holder or facilitator of recollection and collective performance. It is within the performance of intangible heritage in the ‘new’ architecture that a sense of belonging, identity and reconnection with home can be experienced abroad. Its visual representation takes centre stage in the process. The situation of the Egyptian community of Coptic faith in New Zealand is here looked at as an illustration. The intangibility of architectural heritage is created through one of the author’s graphic work here presented. Image by Vioula Said.The concept of drawing as an anchor for memory and drawing as a method to inhabit space is exposed and this presents a situation where drawing has an experiential nature in itself.It has been argued that a drawing is simply an image that compresses an entire experience of temporality. Pallasmaa suggests that “every drawing is an excavation into the past and memory of its creator” (Pallasmaa 91). The drawing is considered as a process of both observation and expression, of receiving and giving. The imagined or the remembered space turns real and becomes part of the experiential reality of the viewer and of the image maker. The drawing as a visual representation of the remembered experience within the embrace of an interior space is drawn from the image maker’s personal experience. It is the expression of their own recollection and not necessarily the precise realityor qualities perceived or remembered by others. This does not suggest that such drawing has a limited value. This article promotes the idea that such visual representation has potentially a shared transformative role. The development of drawings in this realm of intangible heritage exposes the fact that the act of drawing memory may provide an intimate relationship between architecture, past events within the space, the beholder of the memory and eventually the viewer of the drawing. The drawings can be considered a reminder of moments past, and an alternative method to the physical reproduction or preservation of the built form. It is a way to recollect, express and give new value to the understanding of intangible heritage, and constructs meaning.From the development of a personal spatial and intuitive recall to produce visual expressions of a remembered space and time, the image author optimistically seeks others to deeply engage with these images of layered memories. They invite the viewer to re-create their own memory by engaging with the author’s own perception. Simply put, drawings of a personal memory are offered as a convincing representation of intangible heritage and as an authentic expression of the character or essence of place to its audience. This is offered as a method of reconstructing what is re-membered, as a manifestation of symbolic anchor and as a first step towards attachment to place. The relevance of which may be pertinent for people in exile in a foreign land.ReferencesAppadurai, A. “Sovereignty without Territoriality: Notes for a Postnational Geography.” The Geography of Identity. Ed. Patricia Yaeger. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan Press, 1997. 40–58. Brown, R.H., and B. Brown. “The Making of Memory: The Politics of Archives, Libraries and Museum in the Construction of National Consciousness.” History of Human Sciences 11.4 (1993): 17–32.Clifford, James. Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1997.Cubitt, Geoffrey. History and Memory. London: Oxford UP, 2013.Giddens, A. The Consequences of Modernity. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1990.Gupta, A., and J. Ferguson. “Beyond ‘Culture’: Space, Identity, and the Politics of Difference.” Religion and Social Justice for Immigrants. Ed. Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers UP, 2006.Glendinning, Miles. The Conservation Movement: A History of Architectural Preservation: Antiquity to Modernity. London: Routledge, 2013.Hill, Jennifer. The Double Dimension: Heritage and Innovation. Canberra: The Royal Australian Institute of Architects, 2004.Hillier, Bill, Space Is the Machine. Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge UP, 1996.Huyssen, Andreas. Present Pasts, Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2003.Lira, Sergio, and Rogerio Amoeda. Constructing Intangible Heritage. Barcelos, Portugal: Green Lines Institute for Sustainable Development, 2010.Manzo, Lynne C., and Douglas Perkins. “Finding Common Ground: The Importance of Place Attachment to Community Participation and Planning.” Journal of Planning Literature 20 (2006): 335–350. Manzo, Lynne C., and Patrick Devine-Wright. Place Attachment: Advances in Theory, Methods and Applications. London: Routledge. 2013.Nelson, Robert S., and Margaret Olin. Monuments and Memory, Made and Unmade. Chicago: U of Chicago Press, 2003.Norris, F.H., S.P. Stevens, B. Pfefferbaum, KF. Wyche, and R.L. Pfefferbaum. “Community Resilience as a Metaphor, Theory, Set of Capacities and Strategy for Disaster Readiness.” American Journal of Community Psychology 41 (2008): 127–150.Perkins, D.D., J. Hughey, and P.W. Speer. “Community Psychology Perspectives on Social Capital Theory and Community Development Practice.” Journal of the Community Development Society 33.1 (2002): 33–52.Pretty, Grace, Heather H. Chipuer, and Paul Bramston. “Sense of Place Amongst Adolescents and Adults in Two Rural Australian Towns: The Discriminating Features of Place Attachment, Sense of Community and Place Dependence in Relation to Place Identity.” Journal of Environmental Psychology 23.3 (2003): 273–87.Said, Vioula. Coptic Ruins Reincarnated. Thesis. Master of Interior Architecture. Victoria University of Wellington, 2014.Smith, Laura Jane. Uses of Heritage. New York: Routledge, 2006.Treib, Marc. Spatial Recall: Memory in Architecture and Landscape. New York: Routledge, 2013.UNESCO. “Text of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Human Heritage.” 2003. 15 Aug. 2017 <http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/en/convention>.Van Alphen, Ernst. Caught by History: Holocaust Effects in Contemporary Art, Literature and Theory. Redwood City, CA: Stanford UP, 1997.Xavier, Jonathan, and Renato Rosaldo. “Thinking the Global.” The Anthropology of Globalisation. Eds. Jonathan Xavier Inda and Renato Rosaldo. Wiley-Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, 2002.

L'époque classique athénienne a connu le développement de l'exposition des violences familiales. La tragédie, la comédie mais aussi les plaidoiries judiciaires et les constructions intellectuelles et philosophiques ont centré une partie de leur discours sur le motif de la parente déchirée. La tragédie est un genre, littéraire et rituel, qui a concentre ses scenarii sur des maisons maudites et automeurtrières. La comédie a développé la thématique du conflit père/ fils, reprenant plus largement le thème des conflits générationnels. Les orateurs du lVe siècle ont présenté aux jures athéniens une série de parents en concurrence pour la dévolution d'héritages. Enfin, Aristote et Platon ont dialogué autour de la famille, l'un prônant l'amour par nature des membres d'une même famille, l'autre plaidant pour la destruction utopique de la parente conflictuelle en recréant une famille artificielle. Les conflits familiaux relèvent à Athènes de la pratique judiciaire, une série de lois et de châtiments ayant été spécialement prévus pour les délits dans la parente. Valeur éminente dans la culture athénienne classique, Ie motif conflictuel relève aussi de la honte et de la pudeur, et l'ensemble des acteurs précises ont oscille entre publicité des violences ou, au contraire, dissimulation des ces mêmes querelles. Enfin, la cité attique a tente d'éliminer la menace politique que représente l'impiété familiale, en empêchant les mauvais enfants de briguer les plus importantes magistratures et en reléguant dans les confins tyranniques la représentation des violences.

Les rapports de l' économie et de la politique chez Platon n' ont pas été étudiés car selon les historiens, l'économie ancienne était immergée dans la politique. De l'économie platonicienne ne furent retenues que les prescriptions données dans les Dialogues à son sujet. La rivalité perçue par Platon entre les acteurs économiques et le politique concernant l'édification de la cité n' a pas été perçu. Contre Xénophon, contre ce qu' Aristote lui attribue, Platon refuse d'assimiler le monde de l'économie et celui de la politique, et détermine les conditions nécessaires à l'autonomie de la politique, en discernant l'efficience politique de l' efficience économique. Car si l' économie fait matériellement la cité, elle peut aussi la défaire en raison du dérèglement que l' anthropologie de Platon attribue à nos appétits. La politique véritable fait faire la cité en vue de son unité, et en est la cause proprement dite. Pour que la politique soit possible, il faut donc rendre l'économie politique.

Cette étude porte sur les rôles impartis aux parents et sur la façon dont ceux-ci étaient considérés dans les documents épigraphiques à caractère législatif (nomoi, psephismata, thesmoi) entérinés dans l’ensemble du monde grec aux époques archaïque et classique. Certaines de ces inscriptions concernent les affaires familiales à proprement parler : elles visaient à prévenir l’extinction des oikoi, mais également à endiguer les conflits entre parents. Ce sont notamment des lois funéraires ou encore des normes réglementant la succession. Les autres lois examinées dans le cadre de cette étude avaient pour objectif de contrôler la composition du corps civique. Il s’agit de règlements d’associations civiques, des décrets octroyant la citoyenneté, ou encore de lois prévoyant des privilèges ou des peines héréditaires. Dans l’ensemble des lois étudiées, ce sont les membres de la famille nucléaire, le père, la mère et leurs enfants, qui sont les plus souvent désignés, signe de l’intérêt porté par les législateurs au maintien de l’oikos, l’unité de base de la polis. Or, ces parents sont plus précisément nommés dans les lois à titre d’ascendants ou de descendants. Ainsi, les lois mentionnant les parents étaient d’abord destinées à assurer la préservation des lignages et, à travers eux, de la famille et du corps civique. C’est pourquoi les parents les plus fréquemment nommés dans les lois à l’étude sont les enfants et les descendants, héritiers d’un statut et d’un patrimoine qu’ils transmettraient à leur propre progéniture. Parce qu’ils tenaient une place essentielle dans la préservation des lignées, les enfants mineurs comme les femmes, épouses ou mères, tout en étant exclus du corps civique, avaient néanmoins un statut légal reconnu, même si leur capacité légale demeurait, elle, très limitée. Le père reste toutefois plus souvent nommé que la mère dans les lois, de même que le fils, parfois appelé à se substituer au père, est plus souvent nommé que la fille, qui est quant à elle essentiellement désignée comme sujet passif. Ceci témoigne du rôle-clé joué par l’homme, chef de l’oikos et représentant de sa famille au sein de la cité. Les collatéraux sont appelés à intervenir pour leur part lorsqu’il y a une rupture au sein de l’oikos, généralement à la mort d’un parent : ils se substituent alors au parent disparu ou apportent une assistance à leurs proches, parfois avec le concours des affins. Parmi les collatéraux, le frère, issu d’un oikos commun, mais surtout membre d’une même lignée paternelle, est le parent substitut privilégié
This study intends to highlight how and why the relatives were named in the epigraphical legislative documents (nomoi, psephismata, thesmoi) from archaic and classical Greek cities. Some of these laws concern family matters, such as inheritance or funerals. These laws intended to prevent either the extinction of the oikos or conflicts between relatives, which could have disrupt the society. Other rules concern the regluation of the city by itself. These texts regulated the social and civic inclusion of the children and the wife (as a potential mother) or the exclusion of the descendants of subversive individuals. The relatives named in the laws are, for most of them, members of the same oikos : the father, the mother and their children. But these relatives are specifically named ascendants or descendants. The general interest of the lawgivers was actually the preservation of the lineages, conditio sine qua non for the maintenance of both the oikos and the polis as a whole. Therefore, children and descendants are the relatives most frequently designated in the protected documents. They are named as main heirs, who will further give the status and the heritage they have received to their own children. This thesis points out that minor children, as well as women (spouses or mothers), even if they were excluded from the citizenship, were recongnized by the law but they couldn’t really act legally. The man, as husband and father, remains more often mentionned in the laws, as he had a main role both in the oikos and in the polis. The same applies to the son, who could sometimes substitute for the father, whereas the daughter is always a passive suject in the laws. As for the collaterals, these relatives could intervene when a break occured in the oikos, mostly when someone died, sometimes with the family-in-law of the deceased. Within the collaterals, the brother, who comes from the same oikos but, most of all, who is a member of the same lineage, is designated to be the perfect substitute

Cette étude propose un nouvel éclairage sur les cultes domestiques grecs antiques en privilégiant une approche archéologique jusque-là très peu exploitée. Les fouilles archéologiques attestent, certes souvent de façon lacunaire, la présence de structures (autels fixes et portatifs, foyers et autres), de mobiliers religieux et de déchets sacrificiels (restes fauniques, carporestes et autres) dans de nombreuses maisons, autant d'indices révélateurs d'une activité religieuse en contexte domestique qui doivent désormais être pris en compte dans le discours sur le cadre cultuel privé des anciens Grecs. Le recensement et l’analyse des vestiges matériels témoignant de cultes domestiques dans un échantillon de sites d'habitat d'époque classique et hellénistique en Grèce continentale et insulaire permettent de mettre en perspective la trame bien établie par les sources littéraires depuis la fin du XIXe siècle
This study proposes a new approach of Greek domestic cults, more precisely an archaeological approach. As a matter of fact, archaeological aspects of this topic have been neglected up until now, but excavations reveal the presence in many houses of altars (portable or not), hearths and a lot of religious artefacts and sacrificial remains (both animal and vegetable). All these elements are evidence of religious activities in the domestic area, and they must be taken into account for the current discussions. By making an inventory and by analyzing these evidences in a sample of houses situated in the Greek continent and in Greek isles, it is possible to question a well-established narrative based on literary sources since the end of the 19th century

On trouve, à partir d’Aristote, la tradition selon laquelle il aurait existé à Athènes, avant Solon, une oligarchie d’Eupatrides contrôlant l’essentiel des pouvoirs politiques (Aréopage, archontat, phylobasileis). Cette tradition n’est pas une invention du IVe siècle : le mot «eupatride» apparaît dès l’époque archaïque dans un sens clairement social (inscriptions et scolion). La richesse était également présentée par Aristote comme une condition d’accès à l’oligarchie dès avant Solon. L’analyse du matériel funéraire attique pendant les Âges obscurs confirme l’existence d’une hiérarchisation très ancienne de la société. Au-delà du droit à la nécropole, l’appartenance à l’élite se manifeste dans les rites funéraires par l’utilisation de marqueurs sociaux : armes, diadèmes, vases utilisés comme sèmata, orientalia, Opferrinnen, kouroï. Il serait par ailleurs réducteur de voir dans les luttes politiques du VIe siècle la revanche des «parvenus» contre les Eupatrides identifiés aux génè «sacerdotaux» : la prosopographie montre qu’on a surestimé l’importance des prêtrises héréditaires dans ces conflits et dans la définition même des Eupatrides, dont les origines étaient vraisemblablement assez diverses
There is a tradition, starting with Aristotle, that in Athens, before Solon, the oligarchy of the Eupatrids controlled almost all the political powers (Areopagus, archontes, phylobasileis). This is not a fourth century invention: the word “eupatrid” already occurs in the archaic period with a clear social meaning (inscriptions and scolion). Wealth is also presented by Aristotle as a condition for entering the oligarchy even before Solon. Analysis of attic funeral materials from Dark Ages does confirm the very old existence of a social hierarchy. Membership of the elite is demonstrated, not only through the mere right to the necropolis, but also through the use of social markers in funerals : weapons, diadems, huge vases as semata, orientalia, Opferrinnen, kouroï. Sixth century political struggles cannot be interpreted as the revenge of the “parvenus” against the Eupatrids, identified as the “sacerdotal” gene: the Athenian prosopography shows that modern scholarship has overestimated the importance of hereditary priesthoods in these struggles and even in the definition of the Eupatrids, whose origins were probably quite diverse

De plus en plus d’études s’accordent à reconnaître dans la métaphore un instrument de la pensée, plutôt qu’une figure de style. En particulier, les métaphores les plus communes et les plus répétées, celles qui font partie du langage quotidien, structurent l’appréhension du monde des membres des communautés linguistiques qui les utilisent. Bien que nous n’ayons pas accès au langage quotidien des anciens Grecs, les textes contiennent un corpus de métaphores récurrentes, extrêmement répandues, qui utilisent la terminologie botanique pour parler des êtres humains. Cette thèse vise à montrer en quoi ces métaphores végétales ont constitué une manière, culturellement déterminée, d’appréhender plusieurs facettes de la vie humaine : le corps et le fonctionnement de humeurs en son sein ; la forme visible de la personne, la manifestation des émotions et celle de la χάρις ; l’innéité ; les rapports de parenté et notamment celui de filiation ; l’identité citoyenne. Centré sur les textes poétiques composés en Grèce entre le VIIIe et le Ve siècle avant notre ère, ce travail convoque tour à tour les écrits médicaux et philosophiques, les représentations religieuses et les mythes de métamorphose, afin d’inscrire les métaphores botaniques étudiées dans des réseaux conceptuels faisant partie du savoir partagé
As anthropologists, philosophers and linguists have nowadays largely recognized, metaphors are not simply rhetorical embellishments, but a basic mechanism of human thought. Focusing on botanical metaphors occurring in Greek poetry composed between the 8th and the 5th centuries BCE, this dissertation aims to show how knowledge relative to the world of plants was used to understand, conceptualize and represent different aspects of human life. Botanical metaphors are pervasive in archaic and classical poetry. My work locates them against a wider background, comprising other kinds of texts (mainly, philosophy and medicine), myths, and, to a lesser degree, religious representations and practices. Therefore, botanical metaphors appear to be integral to a widespread network of cognitive schemata, sanctioned and transmitted by linguistic practice, and used by Greek speakers to construct their understanding of (some aspect of) human life. As this thesis demonstrates, plants offered convenient models to reason about the functioning of the body and its internal humors as well as the ways in which physical appearance may reveal moral or divine qualities. Botanical knowledge was also used to understand human passions, inborn qualities, kinship ties and civic identities. The overall aim of my dissertation is to offer an “emic” depiction of those domains: that is, a description grounded in Greek speakers’ own conceptual schemata

La Pythaïde est une théorie que les Athéniens envoyaient pour honorer Apollon dans son sanctuaire de Delphes. Elle est essentiellement connue par les listes du millier de participants aux quatre cérémonies du IIème et du Ier siècle av. J. -C. Que la cité a fait graver sur le Trésor des Athéniens. Malgré les diverses études sur les textes, sur la fête elle-même et sur une partie des pythaïstes, aucun catalogue prosopographique n'a jamais été établi jusqu'ici. L'élaboration de ce dernier forme la base d'un travail qui, à travers la fête, porte sur la religion à Athènes à la basse période hellénistique. La nature des sources comme la définition profondément sociale de la religion grecque amènent naturellement à entreprendre une étude sociologique des acteurs de la cérémonie, de la fête, mais aussi de l'ensemble de la pratique cultuelle des pythaïstes dans la cité, sans négliger pour autant ce qui semble à l'opposé de l'exploitation d'un catalogue prosopographique, la question de la croyance et du sentiment religieux. Par l'étude d'une fête particulière, on entend en effet proposer un regard neuf sur la religion à une époque à propos de laquelle l'historiographie traditionnelle a longtemps parlé d'une décadence des cultes civiques
The Pythaïs is an athenian festival worshipping Apollo in Delphi. It is mostly known thanks to the lists of about a thousand persons who took part in the four ceremonies of the 2nd and the 1st century B. C. Despite various works on this subject, no prosopographic catalogue has ever been made out so far. It sets a basis of a work dealing with religion in late hellenistic Athens. The kind of sources as well as the deeply social definition of Greek religion bring naturally to a sociological study about the actors of the ceremony, the festival, but also about the whole Pythaïstai cult practice in the city. It deals as well with the religious feeling – a topic which could seem at the opposite of the prosographic exploitation. In studying a particular festival, we shall actually intend to propose a new point of view on religion at that time – described for ages by traditional historiography as a civic cult decadence

L’objet de cette étude est de réexaminer l’histoire de la famille de gouverneurs perses qui ont détenu l’office de satrapes de Phrygie Hellespontique sous l’Empire achéménide aux Ve et IVe siècles avant J.-C., et d’évaluer leur influence sur la sphère politique égéenne et anatolienne. Étant donné que l’étude des Pharnacides n’est pas seulement une étude généalogique, mais qu’elle comporte des questions d’ordre politique, il nous faut distinguer leur rôle de satrapes de l’histoire de leur famille. Nous traitons donc dans un premier temps les origines des Pharnacides. Ensuite, nous présentons une chronologie des satrapes de Daskyleion, traités sous l’angle politique. En troisième partie, il est question de mettre en avant les caractéristiques des détenteurs de l’office satrapique de Daskyleion. Enfin, la dernière partie a pour but de présenter ce que nous avons pu déduire sur la notion de famille chez ces notables perses et de mettre en avant la place des femmes, tout en présentant un épilogue de leur destin après la chute de l’Empire achéménide
The purpose of this study is to reexamine the existence of the family of Persian governors, who were in charge as satraps of Hellespontic Phrygia in the age of the Achaemenid Empire in the Vth-IVth C. BC. and to assess their influence on Egean and Anatolian politics. As the examination of the Pharnacids is not only a genealogical study, but includes also political topics, it is necessary to distinguish their role as satraps from their family history. Accordingly, the first part addresses the origins of the Pharnacids, followed by a chronology of the satraps of Dasykleion from a political point of view. The third part exposes the permanent and recurrent features among the titleholders of the satrapy of Daskyleion. Finally, the last part presents our conclusions on the notion of family among the prominent Persians and focuses on the role of women, and it ends with an epilogue on the family’s fate after the fall of the Achaemenid Empire