Relevant bibliographies by topics / Farmer Labor Political Federation

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Farmer Labor Political Federation'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 7 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Farmer Labor Political Federation"

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Dzyra, Olesya. "THE SPLIT IN THE UKRAINIAN COMMUNIST MOVEMENT IN CANADA IN THE 1930s." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 28 (2021): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.28.9.

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The article substantiates the reasons of the split in the Ukrainian communist movement in Canada in the mid-1930s at the peak of its popularity. They consisted of acquainting of its supporters with information about dekulakization, the Holodomor of 1932–1933, the Bolshevik repressions on the territory of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic, and so on. It clearly describes how this conflict took place in the Ukrainian labour-farmer temple association, which united Ukrainian communists, how it was perceived by its members, what consequences it led to and how it affected on spreading of communist views among Ukrainians in Canada. The society was divided into those who unquestioningly believed or knew the truth and equally supported Stalin's policy in Ukraine and those who condemned it and saw a different way of further life in the workers 'and peasants' state. It shows how the communist movement developed in the 1930s, how the so-called socialist segment stood out from it, who its supporters were and what ideas they professed. It is worth noting that for some time the "opportunists", that formed Federation of Ukrainian Labour-Farmer Organizations, could not decide on their socio-political position and hesitated on whose side to stand and whether to join the Ukrainian national-patriotic bloc of organizations or to function separately, despite the small number. The leading members of the newly created organization were D. Lobay, T. Kobzey, S. Khvaliboga, Y. Elendyuk, and M. Zmiyovsky. In August 1928, M. Mandryka arrived to Canada, delegated by the Ukrainian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries in Prague to seek financial support for Ukrainian socialist institutions in Czechoslovakia. It was to be a short-term mission, that transformed into a permanent staying overseas. M. Mandryka managed to unite Ukrainian socialists who had nothing to do with the ULFTA. The research also describes the directions of activity of Ukrainian socialists in Canada, their ties with other public organizations, political parties and future relations with former like-minded people. An attempt is made to evaluate the socialist movement and establish its significance for the social and political life of the diaspora.
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Kojima, Shinji. "Social movement unionism in contemporary Japan: Coalitions within and across political boundaries." Economic and Industrial Democracy 41, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 189–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x17694242.

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This article on social movement unionism in Japan examines the particular ways in which labor unions form coalitions when undertaking disputes that concern the dismissal of blue-collar temporary agency workers. The triangular employment arrangement nullified the right of labor unions that represent the temporary agency workers to bargain with the user corporations. Against this predicament, labor unions formed alliances by flexibly negotiating the divisions that exist among labor. Labor unions in Japan are largely grouped under national labor federations and by their ties to political parties. Labor unions formed coalitions within the federation boundaries but also found creative ways to bridge across federation membership in an effort to rebuild its associational power. Civil society groups served as a glue that drew in unions across national federation memberships.
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Frank, Larry, and Kent Wong. "DYNAMIC POLITICAL MOBILIZATION: THE LOS ANGELES COUNTY FEDERATION OF LABOR." WorkingUSA 8, no. 2 (December 2004): 155–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-4580.2004.00010.x.

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Blair, Diane D., and Richard M. Valelly. "Radicalism in the States, the Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party and the American Political Economy." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 20, no. 1 (1990): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330368.

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Shapiro, Stanley, and Richard M. Valelly. "Radicalism in the States: The Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party and the American Political Economy." Journal of American History 77, no. 3 (December 1990): 1075. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2079114.

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Dubofsky, Melvyn, and Richard M. Valelly. "Radicalism in the States: The Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party and the American Political Economy." Labour / Le Travail 28 (1991): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143539.

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Dyson, Lowell, Richard M. Valelly, and Martin Shefter. "Radicalism in the States: The Minnesota Farmer-labor Party and the American Political Economy." American Historical Review 96, no. 1 (February 1991): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164243.

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Gregory, James N., and Richard M. Valelly. "Radicalism in the States: The Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party and the American Political Economy." Western Historical Quarterly 22, no. 1 (February 1991): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/968728.

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Krasinets, Evgeny, and Irina Gerasimova. "Transformation of processes of external labor migration during the spread of the COVID-19 infection." Population 23, no. 4 (December 19, 2020): 161–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/population.2020.23.4.15.

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The article deals with the impact of external labor migration on the balance of the labor market in the Russian Federation. The main emphasis is placed on the need to monitor the migration situation and taking timely "migration" measures by the Government of the Russian Federation based on its results. The migration component is presented in strategic planning documents and correlated with the socio-economic development of the Russian Federation. At this moment, against the background of the current unfavorable epidemiological situation caused by the spread of a new coronavirus infection (COVID-19), the Government of the Russian Federation is taking a number of measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19, including those in the field of migration. The article analyzes the current measures preventing departure of labor migrants staying in the Russian Federation and other categories of foreign citizens who have arrived for the purposes other than work in the "shadow sector" of the labor market. It shows the present state of external labor migration by analyzing statistical and informational data, as well as possible risks in the implementation of social and labor relations. Sectors of the economy have been identified that may experience a shortage of labor resources as a result of the implementation of measures to prevent the spread of coronavirus infection. Dependence of the sphere of external labor migration on macroeconomic, international and political factors is stated. Particular attention in the article is paid to the institute of highly qualified specialists (HQS). The need was expressed to improve the procedure for attracting foreign citizens to work on the territory of the Russian Federation as HQS, to set additional criteria for their selection, to introduce an advance payment of income tax on HQS and to increase employers' liability for violation of the established procedure in this area, including the need to diversify control mechanisms for employers who attract foreign citizens as highly qualified specialists.
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Matthews, Weldon C. "The Kennedy Administration, the International Federation of Petroleum Workers, and Iraqi Labor under the Ba‘thist Regime." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 1 (January 2015): 97–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00532.

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The International Federation of Petroleum Workers (IFPW) was an international trade secretariat based in the United States and secretly funded by the U.S. government. The federation supported the Kennedy administration's policy of rapprochement with Iraq during the country's first Ba’thist regime by defending the regime against criticism of its violent suppression of the Iraqi Communist Party and by fostering the development of Ba’thist-led Iraqi labor unions, free of Communist influence. Simultaneously, left-wing Ba’thist union leaders strove to establish an autonomous, radically democratic, and nonaligned labor movement in the face of their own government's efforts to subordinate unions to government control. The leftist labor leaders also confronted the Iraq Petroleum Company as it attempted to reduce the size of its Iraqi work force. The IFPW focused solely on Cold War goals and did not support the union organizers in their struggles for either labor autonomy or economic security for oil workers.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Farmer Labor Political Federation"

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Lewis, Harold. "The International Transport Workers' Federation (ITF) 1945-1965 : an organizational and political anatomy." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2003. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3700/.

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The thesis is an analytical study of the structure and activities of the International Transport Workers' Federation(ITF) from 1945 to 1965.It gives particular attention to the nature of the ITF's memberships, especially its expansion to the United States and to the Third World; to the ITF's political stance in a period of enormous international tension and to the interrelationship of both those factors. The ITF was founded in 1896 and there are few substantial transport workers' unions which are not yet affiliated. It has long been recognized as the most effective of all the international trade union organizations. The ITF made a significant contribution to the Allied war effort in the Second World War and its membership in every branch of the international transport industry took on great strategic importance during the Cold War. The thesis is based on original research, making special use of the ITF's extensive archives at the Modern Records Centre of the University of Warwick. There is a close and critical focus on the ITFs political engagement, exemplified by its controversial part in countering communist influence in European ports in the early 1950s at the time of the introduction of the European Recovery Programme (the Marshall Plan). This discussion is, however, set in the context of the ITF's structures and its broader social and industrial concerns, such as the defence of trade union and civil rights and assistance to transport workers' unions in the newly de-colonized developing countries. The conclusions draw out the main findings of the research and discuss the dearth of academic literature on the international trade union movement, and especially the almost total neglect of 'International Trade Secretariats', organizations such as the ITF which group together national trade unions in specific industries and services. On this basis, it surveys a poorly served theoretical field and outlines implications for future theoretical analysis.
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Jonsson, Thomas. "Essays on agricultural and environmental policy." Doctoral thesis, Umeå, Sweden : Umeå University, 2007. http://www.econ.umu.se/ues/ues719.pdf.

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Hua, Chou Jin, and 周金花. "A study of the development of Honduras political situaion-the influence of military and labor-farmer movements(1949-1982)." Thesis, 1996. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/58690565569666777777.

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Lieres, Bettina von. "Between civil Society and the state: the political trajectories of South Africa's independent trade union movement from 1970-1993." Thesis, 1994. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/27608.

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Thesis submitted to the faculty of arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of arts.
This thesis examines the political trajectories of the Independent union movement from 1970-1993. It argues that the political strategies adopted by tbe unions' leadership reflected significant difterences with regard to the political contest over the democratic form of South African society. The political ideology of the unions' leadership was made up of two contrasting 'logics' of political struggle. The one, which we characterise as "simple polarisation", viewed the objective of the unions' struggles primarily in terms of a competition for political dominance which involved a simple dichotomy between the apartheid state and a unified opposition movement. In this view the opposition was conceived of as a homogenous, collective subject, unified in its common assault on the state. Underlying this logic of opposition was a denial of specific and different identities and interests and democracy was seen to be directly associated with the destiny of one distinct social actor. The logic of "simple polarisation" was dominant within the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) throughout the 1980's. It was nourished primarily by COSATU's close relationship with the charterist section of the wider opposition movement There existed within the unions a second political tradition which emphasised a logic of "institutionalised pluralism". This current viewed the organisation of opposition primarily in institutional terms. It emphasised the building of union independence outside the aegis of the wider opposltlon movement. Underlying this tradition was a pluralist conception of democracy, Associated with the early Federation of South African Trade Unions legacy of institutional independence, this logic reared its head within COSATU towards the late 1980's when the federation entered a series of corporatist arrangements with employers and the state. Although there seems to be evidence that there existed (at least some) support within the ranks of FOSATU of a form of workers' control more easily reconellable with an anti-pluralist than pluralist conception of democracy, the nature of FOSATU was such, that. when sufficiently pressed on the issue of which logic of democracy - "simple polarisation" or "institutionalised pluralism" - it endorsed, the latter would have been selected over the former.
Andrew Chakane 2019
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Fortier, Marie-Kathryn. "Au-delà de l'appât du gain et des pommes pourries : corruption organisationnelle et conflits d'intérêts à la FTQ." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/19554.

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Books on the topic "Farmer Labor Political Federation"

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Valelly, Richard M. Radicalism in the states: The Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party and the American political economy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989.

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2

Greene, Julie. Pure and simple politics: The American Federation of Labor and political activism, 1881-1917. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

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Hild, Matthew. Greenbackers, Knights of Labor, and populists: Farmer-labor insurgency in the late-nineteenth-century South. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2007.

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Russian workers: The anatomy of patience. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999.

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Burlingame, Jon. For the record: The struggle and ultimate political rise of American recording musicians within their labor movement. Hollywood, Calif: RMA Recording Musicians Association, 1997.

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Koch-Baumgarten, Sigrid. Gewerkschaftsinternationalismus und die Herausforderung der Globalisierung: Das Beispiel der Internationalen Transportarbeiterföderation (ITF). Frankfurt: Campus, 1999.

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Roy, Dipti Kumar. Trade union movement in India: Role of M.N. Roy. Calcutta, India: Minerva, 1990.

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Mink, Gwendolyn. Old labor and new immigrants in American political development: Union, party, and state, 1875-1920. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986.

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IMF African Workshop (7th 1987 Mont Choisy, Mauritius). 7th IMF African Workshop: Report of activities of IMF in Africa, 1986/87 : October 24-25, 1987, Mont Choisy, Mauritius. Geneva, Switzerland: International Metalworkers' Federation, 1987.

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Old labor and new immigrants in American political development: Union, party, and state, 1875-1920. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "Farmer Labor Political Federation"

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Charnock, Emily J. "A Labor-Liberal Constellation." In The Rise of Political Action Committees, 168–96. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075514.003.0007.

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This chapter traces the initial diffusion of the PAC concept from the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) to other labor organizations, including the American Federation of Labor (AFL) and liberal ideological groups. Though the AFL had previously opposed the CIO’s partisan electoral strategy and the formation of P.A.C., it came to emulate both following passage of the Taft-Hartley Act by a Republican Congress in 1947, forming Labor’s League for Political Education (LLPE) to engage in elections. That same year, two avowedly “liberal” groups were created to bolster the anti-Communist Left and champion liberal Democrats: the Americans for Democratic Action (ADA) and the National Committee for an Effective Congress (NCEC). The chapter traces the intertwined electoral efforts and tactical innovations of these liberal and labor organizations through the AFL-CIO merger in 1955, the subsequent creation of their joint PAC, the Committee on Political Education (COPE), and the latter’s activities in the 1956 elections.
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Minchin, Timothy J. "Our Job Has Never Been Harder." In Labor Under Fire. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469632988.003.0011.

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During the presidency of George W. Bush, the national political climate turned to the right in a way that hurt the AFL-CIO, and working Americans more generally. Constrained by internal and external resistance, as well as the rapid decline of the manufacturing sector, organizing stalled. A major campaign to secure labor law reform again fell short, while health care reform never got off the ground. Disappointment fed dissension in the ranks. In 2005 Andy Stern took almost 40 percent of the AFL-CIO’s members into Change to Win, a rival federation. This was the biggest schism in organized labor since the 1930s, and it generated plenty of negative publicity. Despite all the problems, the Federation retained a lot of political power, especially during national elections. In 2006, the AFL-CIO played a crucial role as the Democrats regained control of the House and Senate and won a majority of the governorships and state legislatures. In 2008, the Federation launched an unprecedented campaign to help the Democrats regain the presidency, convincing many white members to put aside their racial fears and vote for Barack Obama. These events confirmed that the AFL-CIO was still an important progressive force in American life.
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Clayworth, Peter. "An Agitator Abroad." In Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0016.

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Patrick Hodgens Hickey, a New Zealander, was a labor activist who introduced American ideas of revolutionary industrial unionism and socialist political action to the country of his birth. Hickey grew up in rural New Zealand at a time of industrial peace under a compulsory arbitration system and initially had little interest in unions or socialism. He learned mining skills while working as an itinerant laborer in the United States, becoming part of a transnational network of mine workers. He was radicalized by his experiences of American class conflict and his involvement with the militant Western Federation of Miners. Returning to New Zealand, he became a leader of a workers’ revolt against the compulsory arbitration system in the period from 1907 through to 1914. Hickey was a key organizer of the union peak body that became the New Zealand Federation of Labour, the “Red Feds.” Following the defeats of the Waihi strike of 1912 and the Great Strike of 1913, Hickey suffered blacklisting. He went to Australia in 1915 to escape the blacklist and the threat of wartime conscription. In Australia he worked as a union activist and anticonscription campaigner. Hickey’s life and career illustrate the transnational migration of workers and their ideas in the early twentieth century.
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Minchin, Timothy J. "From Solidarity to Defeat." In Labor Under Fire. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469632988.003.0005.

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The chapter explores the difficult period between Solidarity Day and the 1984 presidential election. Facing a hostile political climate and an ongoing economic recession, the AFL-CIO tried to continue fighting back. In 1982, 1983, and 1984, Kirkland organized Solidarity Day II, III, and IV, and all were large marches. There were some significant internal reforms, as Kirkland oversaw the continued diversification of the Executive Council. Other changes strove to improve the AFL-CIO’s image in the media and to increase communication with members. Kirkland also launched a major organizing campaign in Houston, a brave effort in hostile territory. Continuing to see itself as a “People’s Lobby,” the Federation had some success in defending important social programs, particularly Social Security. Overall, however, Kirkland’s reforms did not go far enough, and union density declined at a rapid rate in these years. President Reagan also won re-election easily in 1984, placing the AFL-CIO and its members further under fire.
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Cherny, Robert. "Harry Bridges’s Australia, Australia’s Harry Bridges." In Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0017.

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Harry Bridges, longtime leader of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU, representing Pacific Coast workers), was born in Australia in 1901 and came to the United States in 1920. Bridges brought Australian concepts of labor and politics to the docks of San Francisco in the early 1930s and injected Australian examples into his discussions of US working conditions and politics thereafter. When faced in 1939-1955 with deportation for being a Communist, he always attributed his political outlook to his early experiences in Australia. Bridges was frequently demonized in the US press, and a similar process occurred in Australia as the press there drew upon the US press in presenting Bridges. Just as business groups and conservatives in the United States saw Bridges as a dangerous radical, so too did conservative Australian politicians let their fear of Bridges carry them into a Quixotic campaign to prevent him from sneaking into their country. However, the Australian dockworkers’ union, the Waterfront Workers’ Federation, looked to Bridges and the ILWU as inspiration and exemplar, and Bridges and the ILWU worked closely with their counterparts in Australia. With the thaw in the Cold War aecline in anticommunist rhetoric in both nations, Bridges could be celebrated in both places as a “labor statesman.”
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Lafer, Gordon. "A Corporate Political Agenda for the Twenty-First Century." In The One Percent Solution. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501703065.003.0001.

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This book examines how the most powerful corporate lobbies are working to remake the American economy, society, and politics. It considers the legislative agenda of big business lobbies in all fifty states, including the Chamber of Commerce, the National Association of Manufacturers, the National Federation of Independent Business, and industry-specific groups such as the National Grocers Association and National Restaurant Association. The book explores how an intentional policy agenda pursued by these lobbies contributes to growing inequality and increased hardship for American workers. It analyzes bills that were enacted with the support of one or more of these organizations across a wide range of labor, employment, and economic policy issues.
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Ushakov, Denis, and Eteri Rubinskaya. "Reforming of the State Immigration Policy in the Context of Globalization." In Immigration and the Current Social, Political, and Economic Climate, 625–43. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-6918-3.ch034.

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International labor migration in a globalized context offers alternative ways to overcome the problems of slow economic growth or identification of additional levers of economic progress along with forcing the states or the whole supranational units to urgently search for the instruments to confront new economic, humanitarian and political challenges and threats. Migration policy must become an effective tool in nationalization of economic benefits of international labor migration and combating its possible negative effects, especially critical for the Russian Federation, which at the beginning of the 21st century has become a global center of gravity and attraction for international migrant workers. This study reveals the importance and the stimulating role of migration policy in fostering national competitiveness, demonstrating the conditions of its key tools effectiveness for the implementation in economic and social globalization dynamics. In the case of Russia, the paper evaluates the historical background of migration policy reform and suggests directions of its modernization in the short and the long run. As a result of the analysis of Russian state migration policy further development trends under economy modernization have been revealed, special emphasis is put on the selective nature of immigration policy along with the need for highly skilled professionals' attraction.
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Parfitt, Steven. "Origins." In Knights Across the Atlantic. Liverpool University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781781383186.003.0002.

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Why did the Knights of Labor go abroad and set up assemblies in Britain and Ireland? Comparing the British and American labour movements over the course of the nineteenth century, this chapter argues that the 1880s was a unique decade: the victories and success enjoyed by American Knights and other American reformers attracted great interest in Britain, where the labour movement faced numerous problems and challenges. It then finds two major reasons behind the internationalism of the Knights of Labor: first, the idea of Universal Brotherhood, with deep roots in American fraternal and political traditions, and second, fears over mass immigration which seemed to require an international response. This chapter notes the important role of glassworkers in the Order’s international history, their creation oo the Universal Federation of Window-Glass Workers, and ends with the opening of the first assemblies on English soil.
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Woloch, Isser. "The United States: Divided Government, Divided Nation." In The Postwar Moment, 343–404. Yale University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300124354.003.0009.

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This chapter looks at the challenges faced by progressives in veterans organizations, the labor movement, national politics, and the 1948 presidential election in the U.S. The impact of domestic communism and anti-communism commands a prominent place here. The anti-communist affidavit required of union officials by the Taft–Hartley law of 1947 was an early warning sign of the tidal wave of anti-communism starting to wash over American political culture. No matter how the CIO (Congress of Industrial Organizations) acted, dealing with communist influence in its unions would divide the federation. However, the problem of communism in American public life went far beyond the confines of organized labor. It erupted most visibly in the Hollywood film studios and the broadcasting industry. Conflict within the American Veterans Committee (AVC) makes for an especially illuminating case study. The chapter then considers the fate of Harry Truman's “Fair Deal” program during his second term.
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Woloch, Isser. "Britain: Labour’s Long Apprenticeship." In The Postwar Moment, 3–40. Yale University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300124354.003.0001.

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This chapter discusses the Labour Party's contribution to the British people at war and the promise they offered for a postwar future. The roots of the Labour Party go back to 1900, when Britain's labor federation, the Trades Union Congress (TUC), sought to increase the political influence of the working class in Parliament. A conference convened by the TUC launched the Labour Representation Committee, which changed its name to the Labour Party in 1906 after it had established a toehold in the House of Commons. In Winston Churchill's coalition, the Prime Minister himself ran the war and personally made important military and diplomatic decisions. The chapter then looks at Labour's wartime presence, focusing on the development of the civil defense and the mobilization of workers. It also considers the Beveridge Report.
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Conference papers on the topic "Farmer Labor Political Federation"

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Vasilyev, Maksim. "DEFINING THE TERM INFORMATION AND ITS CLASSIFICATION IN LABOR LAW OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s5.077.

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