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1
Dzyra, Olesya. "THE SPLIT IN THE UKRAINIAN COMMUNIST MOVEMENT IN CANADA IN THE 1930s." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 28 (2021): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.28.9.
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The article substantiates the reasons of the split in the Ukrainian communist movement in Canada in the mid-1930s at the peak of its popularity. They consisted of acquainting of its supporters with information about dekulakization, the Holodomor of 1932–1933, the Bolshevik repressions on the territory of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic, and so on. It clearly describes how this conflict took place in the Ukrainian labour-farmer temple association, which united Ukrainian communists, how it was perceived by its members, what consequences it led to and how it affected on spreading of communist views among Ukrainians in Canada. The society was divided into those who unquestioningly believed or knew the truth and equally supported Stalin's policy in Ukraine and those who condemned it and saw a different way of further life in the workers 'and peasants' state. It shows how the communist movement developed in the 1930s, how the so-called socialist segment stood out from it, who its supporters were and what ideas they professed. It is worth noting that for some time the "opportunists", that formed Federation of Ukrainian Labour-Farmer Organizations, could not decide on their socio-political position and hesitated on whose side to stand and whether to join the Ukrainian national-patriotic bloc of organizations or to function separately, despite the small number. The leading members of the newly created organization were D. Lobay, T. Kobzey, S. Khvaliboga, Y. Elendyuk, and M. Zmiyovsky. In August 1928, M. Mandryka arrived to Canada, delegated by the Ukrainian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries in Prague to seek financial support for Ukrainian socialist institutions in Czechoslovakia. It was to be a short-term mission, that transformed into a permanent staying overseas. M. Mandryka managed to unite Ukrainian socialists who had nothing to do with the ULFTA. The research also describes the directions of activity of Ukrainian socialists in Canada, their ties with other public organizations, political parties and future relations with former like-minded people. An attempt is made to evaluate the socialist movement and establish its significance for the social and political life of the diaspora.
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Kojima, Shinji. "Social movement unionism in contemporary Japan: Coalitions within and across political boundaries." Economic and Industrial Democracy 41, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 189–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x17694242.
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This article on social movement unionism in Japan examines the particular ways in which labor unions form coalitions when undertaking disputes that concern the dismissal of blue-collar temporary agency workers. The triangular employment arrangement nullified the right of labor unions that represent the temporary agency workers to bargain with the user corporations. Against this predicament, labor unions formed alliances by flexibly negotiating the divisions that exist among labor. Labor unions in Japan are largely grouped under national labor federations and by their ties to political parties. Labor unions formed coalitions within the federation boundaries but also found creative ways to bridge across federation membership in an effort to rebuild its associational power. Civil society groups served as a glue that drew in unions across national federation memberships.
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Frank, Larry, and Kent Wong. "DYNAMIC POLITICAL MOBILIZATION: THE LOS ANGELES COUNTY FEDERATION OF LABOR." WorkingUSA 8, no. 2 (December 2004): 155–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-4580.2004.00010.x.
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Blair, Diane D., and Richard M. Valelly. "Radicalism in the States, the Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party and the American Political Economy." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 20, no. 1 (1990): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330368.
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Shapiro, Stanley, and Richard M. Valelly. "Radicalism in the States: The Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party and the American Political Economy." Journal of American History 77, no. 3 (December 1990): 1075. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2079114.
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Dubofsky, Melvyn, and Richard M. Valelly. "Radicalism in the States: The Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party and the American Political Economy." Labour / Le Travail 28 (1991): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143539.
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Dyson, Lowell, Richard M. Valelly, and Martin Shefter. "Radicalism in the States: The Minnesota Farmer-labor Party and the American Political Economy." American Historical Review 96, no. 1 (February 1991): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164243.
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Gregory, James N., and Richard M. Valelly. "Radicalism in the States: The Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party and the American Political Economy." Western Historical Quarterly 22, no. 1 (February 1991): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/968728.
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Krasinets, Evgeny, and Irina Gerasimova. "Transformation of processes of external labor migration during the spread of the COVID-19 infection." Population 23, no. 4 (December 19, 2020): 161–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/population.2020.23.4.15.
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The article deals with the impact of external labor migration on the balance of the labor market in the Russian Federation. The main emphasis is placed on the need to monitor the migration situation and taking timely "migration" measures by the Government of the Russian Federation based on its results. The migration component is presented in strategic planning documents and correlated with the socio-economic development of the Russian Federation. At this moment, against the background of the current unfavorable epidemiological situation caused by the spread of a new coronavirus infection (COVID-19), the Government of the Russian Federation is taking a number of measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19, including those in the field of migration. The article analyzes the current measures preventing departure of labor migrants staying in the Russian Federation and other categories of foreign citizens who have arrived for the purposes other than work in the "shadow sector" of the labor market. It shows the present state of external labor migration by analyzing statistical and informational data, as well as possible risks in the implementation of social and labor relations. Sectors of the economy have been identified that may experience a shortage of labor resources as a result of the implementation of measures to prevent the spread of coronavirus infection. Dependence of the sphere of external labor migration on macroeconomic, international and political factors is stated. Particular attention in the article is paid to the institute of highly qualified specialists (HQS). The need was expressed to improve the procedure for attracting foreign citizens to work on the territory of the Russian Federation as HQS, to set additional criteria for their selection, to introduce an advance payment of income tax on HQS and to increase employers' liability for violation of the established procedure in this area, including the need to diversify control mechanisms for employers who attract foreign citizens as highly qualified specialists.
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Matthews, Weldon C. "The Kennedy Administration, the International Federation of Petroleum Workers, and Iraqi Labor under the Ba‘thist Regime." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 1 (January 2015): 97–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00532.
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The International Federation of Petroleum Workers (IFPW) was an international trade secretariat based in the United States and secretly funded by the U.S. government. The federation supported the Kennedy administration's policy of rapprochement with Iraq during the country's first Ba’thist regime by defending the regime against criticism of its violent suppression of the Iraqi Communist Party and by fostering the development of Ba’thist-led Iraqi labor unions, free of Communist influence. Simultaneously, left-wing Ba’thist union leaders strove to establish an autonomous, radically democratic, and nonaligned labor movement in the face of their own government's efforts to subordinate unions to government control. The leftist labor leaders also confronted the Iraq Petroleum Company as it attempted to reduce the size of its Iraqi work force. The IFPW focused solely on Cold War goals and did not support the union organizers in their struggles for either labor autonomy or economic security for oil workers.
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Nelson, Daniel, and Julie Greene. "Pure and Simple Politics: The American Federation of Labor and Political Activism, 1881-1917." American Historical Review 104, no. 4 (October 1999): 1309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649634.
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O'Donnell, Brian, and Julie Greene. "Pure and Simple Politics: The American Federation of Labor and Political Activism, 1881-1917." Michigan Historical Review 26, no. 1 (2000): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20164912.
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Huibregtse, Jon R. "Pure and simple politics: The American federation of labor and political activism, 1881–1917." Journal of Labor Research 23, no. 3 (September 2002): 499–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12122-002-1050-2.
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Hattam, Victoria. "Economic Visions and Political Strategies: American Labor and the State,1865–1896." Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990): 82–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000900.
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After the Civil War, a new wave of workers' protest swept the country as trade lunions, third parties, eight-hour leagues, and a host of other reform associations sprang up in many cities and towns. For the three decades following the war, no one organization was hegemonic. Instead, there was a proliferation of associations, often advocating quite different programs of labor reform. Accounts of the more prominent organizations such as the Knights of Labor (KOL,) Populists, and American Federation of Labor (AFL) are well known. These institutions, however, represented only the tip of the iceberg and were surrounded by more obscure associations such as the Workingmen's Union, the Workingmen's Assembly, the Workingmen's Convention, the Union Labor party, and the United Labor party, to name only a few. Several attempts were made to unite these disparate associations into a single front, but the efforts were largely unsuccessful and often had difficulty surviving for more than a year. The Junior Sons of '76, the National Labor Union, and the United Labor party each disbanded as participants failed to agree on a common platform of postwar reform.
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Tilly, Charles. "Don Kalb, Marco van der Land, Richard Staring, Bart van Steenbergen, and Nico Wilterdink, eds. The Ends of Globalization: Bringing Society Back In. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000. vii + 403 pp." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 229–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901244536.
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As the European population grew after 1100 CE, bishops and princes in the thinly settled regions northeast of what we now call Germany took to generating revenue and labor power by recruiting qualified migrants to newly chartered cities and villages. Often the charters granted access to German law rather than the Slavic or Scandinavian codes and practices that had previously prevailed. German law afforded both merchants and peasants greater individual freedom and more secure claims to property than did earlier legal arrangements. Soon German-speaking cities such as Danzig and Riga were booming as crossroads in the exchange of northern goods for the manufactures of Central and Western Europe. In their hinterlands, German-speaking farmers intensified cultivation and shipped agricultural products to centers of international trade. Fairly soon, however, strengthened coercive monarchies and mercantile federations such as the Hanse extracted revenues and exerted top-down controls that increased inequality between insiders and outsiders of the newly expanding political economy. We might call the whole process Europeanization. Within Europeanization, however, what caused what? How did German law, semi-autonomous cities, intensive farming, exclusive trading federations, developmental states, and proliferating markets interact? Decades of vigorous, often vitriolic, debate among historians have not yet produced a clear-cut victory for the view that well- articulated markets did the crucial work, for the riposte that new forms of force-backed exploitation caused the transformation, or for any alternative to those competing explanations.
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Shor, Francis. "Left Labor Agitators in the Pacific Rim of the Early Twentieth Century." International Labor and Working-Class History 67 (April 2005): 148–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905000128.
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As part of the global circulation of capital and labor in the early twentieth century, labor and left activists traveled throughout the Pacific Rim. Highlighting the biographical and political journeys of two important left labor agitators of the period, Patrick Hickey and J. B. King, this essay considers the role of the agitator and the meaning of the left for the mobilization of working people during the first three decades of the twentieth century. Hickey and King both had early experiences with radical unions in North America, Hickey with the Western Federation of Miners in Utah and King with the Industrial Workers of the World in British Columbia. Their paths intersected in the formation of the left Federation of Labour (the “Red Feds”) in New Zealand. Both went on to play significant roles in Australian left labor circles in the years before, during, and after the First World War. Diverging over strategy and tactics during this time, Hickey became involved with the Labor Party of Australia and King eventually joined the Communist Party of Australia. Their biographical and political journeys reveal significant insights into the splits within the left and the public role of left labor agitators in the Pacific Rim during this period.
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Mayer, Brian. "Response to Laura Henry's review of Blue-Green Coalitions: Fighting for Safe Workplaces and Healthy Communities." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 1 (March 2011): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003415.
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Both the labor and environmental movements have recently experienced significant crises of faith in their ability to mobilize enough popular support to carry on with their respective missions. At a 2004 meeting of the Environmental Grantmakers Association, a report entitled “The Death of Environmentalism” proclaimed that environmentalism as a special interest group had accomplished its goal of raising awareness but had ultimately failed to galvanize a sustainable social movement. Mirroring that debate within the environmental movement, in 2004 the Service Employees International Union called for major reforms within the AFL-CIO; demanding that the labor federation focus on organizing new workers rather than defending its existing members. This divide within the AFL-CIO ultimately led to the formation of the Change to Win coalition, with several other major unions joining the SEIU in a new reformist coalition federation.
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Megarrity, Lyndon. "The 1900s: A Forgotten Turning Point in Queensland History." Queensland Review 11, no. 1 (April 2004): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600003561.
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Queensland politics during the first decade after Federation is a subject which has received little attention from historians and political scientists. In general, they have shown a marked lack of enthusiasm for the era, preferring to rush on to the period after 1915 — the year in which Queensland Labor formed its first viable, long-term government. In this essay, I propose to show that the 1900s was in fact an important turning point in Queensland history. I will show how the almost exclusively developmental political culture of Queensland was successfully challenged by Liberal and Labor parliamentary forces when the Philp government (1899–1903) could not respond adequately to the problems of Federation and domestic recession. I shall also demonstrate that the tentative steps towards social intervention made by Queensland governments during 1903–15 reflected a significant change in political attitudes within a parliament which had traditionally concentrated on supporting capitalist-orientated development. The moderate electoral, industrial and education reforms offered during the 1900s paved the way for the more radical state interventions offered by subsequent Labor administrations between 1915 and 1957.
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O’Brien, Ruth. "“‘A Sweat Shop of the Whole Nation’: The Fair Labor Standard Act and the Failure of Regulatory Unionism”." Studies in American Political Development 15, no. 01 (2001): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00010026.
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The history of the American welfare state is often recounted as a long line of missed opportunities. As the story goes, the absence of a labor party, or American exceptionalism, helped create a weak welfare state. Initially, some political scientists, labor economists, and historians attributed American exceptionalism to the pure and simple unionism of the American Federation of Labor (AFL). In the 1990s, however, a number of political scientists and legal historians revised their understanding of American exceptionalism. Given the legal bias within the common law that benefited individuals rather than groups, conservative state and federal court judges pursued peremptory legal strategies, like the labor injunction, that shaped the course of the American labor movement. It was repressive state action, the revisionists argue, that explains why organized labor, and the unions that came to dominate the movement, pursued a less expansive vision of trade unionism and the American state.
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Palić, Irena, Sabina Hodžić, and Ksenija Dumičić. "Personal Income Taxation Determinants in Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Business Systems Research Journal 10, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bsrj-2019-0011.
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Abstract Background: In recent years’ income inequality has been an economic issue. The primary instrument for redistributing income is personal income tax. However, based on economic theory income inequality concerns indicators such as wages, transfer payments, taxes, social security contributions, and geographical mobility. Objectives: The objective of this paper is to examine the impact of certain labor market indicators on personal income taxation in Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FB&H). Methods/Approach: Since personal income taxation consists of a very broad definition and for the purpose of this research only, income from dependent (employment) activity is observed. The econometric analysis is conducted using error correction modeling, as well as forecast errors variance decomposition. Results: The error correction model is estimated, and the cointegrating equation indicates that monthly wage and number of employees statistically significantly positively affect personal income taxes in FB&H in the long-run. After two years, the selected labor market indicators explain a considerable part of forecasting error variance of personal income tax revenues. Conclusions: The implementation of reforms in the labor market and tax policies of the FB&H is suggested. In order to achieve necessary reforms, efficient governance and general stable political environment are required.
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Hernández, Sonia. "Rooted in Place, Constructed in Movement." Labor 18, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-8767326.
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Since the turn of the twentieth century, men and women from the greater Mexican borderlands have shared labor concerns, engaged in labor solidarities, and employed activist strategies to improve their livelihoods. Based on findings from archival research in Mexico City, Washington, DC; Texas; Tamaulipas; and Nuevo León and by engaging in transnational methodological and historiographical approaches, this article takes two distinct but related cases of labor solidarities from the early twentieth century to reveal the class and gendered complexities of transnational labor solidarities. The cases of Gregorio Cortez, a Mexican farmer and immigrant from Tamaulipas living and working in Texas in 1901, and Caritina Piña, a Tamaulipas-born woman engaged in anarcho-syndicalism in the 1920s, reveal the potential of cross-class and gendered solidarities and underscore how a variety of social contexts informed and shaped labor movements. Excavating solidarities from a transnational perspective while exposing important limitations of the labor movement sheds light on the gendered, racial, and class complexities of such forms of shared struggle; but, equally important, reminds us of how much one can learn about the power of larger, global labor movements by closely examining the experiences of those residing on nations’ edges.
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El Zein, Rayya. "Developing a Palestinian Resistance Economy through Agricultural Labor." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 3 (2017): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.3.7.
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In 2013, four Palestinians incorporated Amoro Agriculture, Palestine’s only mushroom farm. In the absence of an alternative to Israeli mushrooms on the Palestinian market, Amoro’s products were welcomed as an engaged example of the boycott of Israeli goods and were hailed as an iteration of a Palestinian resistance economy based in the agricultural sector. Using the testimony of the farmers and their experience of what proved to be a short-lived agritech venture, this article explores questions of agricultural development in the occupied Palestinian territories generally, and the development of a “resistance economy” based in agriculture specifically. It argues for recentralizing the question of the development of agricultural labor in the occupied West Bank and for abandoning the depoliticizing romanticism that surrounds the land and the farmer in the discourses of Palestinian struggle. It further contends that growth in the agricultural sector needs to be addressed in a holistic fashion, which includes a recalibration of the relationship of capital and the quasi-state bureaucracy of the Palestinian Authority to labor.
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Chen, Patricia, and Mary Gallagher. "Mobilization without Movement: How the Chinese State “Fixed” Labor Insurgency." ILR Review 71, no. 5 (February 20, 2018): 1029–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019793918759066.
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Drawing on a qualitative analysis of two recent labor disputes in Guangzhou and Shenzhen, this article asks: Why has a broad-based labor movement failed to emerge in contemporary China? Both pro-labor legislation and the existence of movement-oriented labor NGOs appear to provide opportunities and resources for workers to engage in organized action to expand workers’ rights. Two political mechanisms, however, help explain why a strong labor movement has not developed: 1) legislation and courtroom procedures and 2) official institutions that monopolize the space for representation—specifically the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU). We call these two mechanisms “political fixes” and discuss how they interact to engender a feedback between the fragmentation of collective action during labor conflict and the continuous uptick in labor insurgency. This article contributes to labor movement theory: It puts greater emphasis on the institutional mechanisms that constrain labor, as opposed to sheer repression or economic factors.
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Gentile, Antonina. "World-System Hegemony and How the Mechanism of Certification Skews Intra-European Labor Solidarity*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 21, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-21-1-105.
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This article uses ethnographic methods, archival research, and systematic process tracing to suggest how McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly's certification mechanism helps to explain systemic impediments to docker solidarity during the EU docker's campaign, 2001-3. By cross-referencing semistructured interviews across docker INGOs and unions in nine OECD countries and triangulating those interviews with internal communications, I found that although the leaders of the International Transport Workers' Federation and the European Transport Workers' Federation were keen to cooperate with leaders of the competing International Dockers Council, national unions affiliated to the ITF/ETF possessed a special power to prevent cooperation. The “national sovereignty clause” in the ITF/ETF constitution endows existing affiliates of the ITF/ETF with the power to veto applications for affiliation by other unions in their national domain. It also can prevent ITF/ETF leaders from communicating with those excluded unions and their representatives. Thus, ITF/ETF certification is founded, not on mutual recognition among all groups of workers, but rather in the denial of recognition to some. This study traces the origins of the clause to the post-WWII construction of the US-led hegemonic order, when ITF leaders colluded with the American Federation of Labor in dividing labor worldwide along Cold War lines. The study identifies the by-pass mechanisms that today's ETF leaders used and which temporarily enabled cooperation across the INGO divide. It also detects a long-term uneven and unequal representation of southern European unions that can skew the frames and goals of a campaign to reflect the interests of more solidly represented regions of labor. This analysis shows that the study of labor transnationalism is enriched by a combination of ethnographic and indepth historical inquiry, which can help us avoid the Kantian imperatives that seeped into the study of transnational actors after the end of the Cold War. And it shows that, by pushing us deeply behind “campaign time,” the combination of ethnography and archival sleuthing helps students of contentious politics to detect longer processes and bigger power structures than we have been apt to do—structures such as world orders established by a hegemonic state.
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Collomp, Catherine. "The Jewish Labor Committee, American Labor, and the Rescue of European Socialists, 1934–1941." International Labor and Working-Class History 68 (October 2005): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905000220.
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The Jewish Labor Committee (JLC), founded in New York in 1934, was the vanguard of American labor's anti-Nazi and antifascist activism. The JLC grew out of the Jewish labor movement in the US. In 1940–1941, it achieved the rescue of hundreds of European labor and social-democratic party leaders trapped in France by the invading German army or in Lithuania by the Soviet army. Among these persons were some of the foremost leaders of the Labour and Socialist International and of the International Federation of Trade Unions. Many others were Polish Bundists, the JLC's founders' original political family, doubly exposed to Nazi brutality by their Jewish identity and social-democratic positions. This event is the focal point from which American labor's international solidarity for the labor victims of Nazism and fascism can be observed. In addition, the connection between the JLC and the Emergency Rescue Committee whose agent, Varian Fry, rescued artists and intellectuals, is also established in the paper.
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Balto, Simon. "The Ordeal of the Jungle: Race and the Chicago Federation of Labor, 1903–1922." Labor 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 156–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9061577.
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Fedchenko, A., E. Dashkova, and N. Dorokhova. "The Trajectory of Development of Social Partnership." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 2 (2021): 117–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-2-117-124.
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Profound changes in the social and labor sphere are followed by both emergence of the new opportunities associated with the development of flexible forms of employment, expansion of opportunities for employment, humanization and digitization of work, and the emergence of new threats: the occurrence of such phenomena as employment preсarization, growth of the informal components in the labor relations, distribution of practice of bringing the labor relations to the civil legal area, and so on. As a result, controversies between the main participants of the social and labor relations grow. An effective and worldwide recognized mechanism of resolving them is the social partnership which has the deep historical roots going back to outstanding thinkers of antiquity. During later historical periods the ideas of social partnership gained development in the works of domestic and foreign scientists, public and statesmen. In the Russian Federation social partnership has the specific trajectory of development which has developed under the influence of both historical and modern factors. The carried-out analysis allowed to reveal the following problems of formation and development of the social partnership system in the Russian Federation: sociocultural features, weakness of the trade-union movement, development of non-standard forms of employment, differentiation of the income of the population, low interest of the government. The designated problems which are slowing down the process of transition of the social and labor relations to partner type are manifested both on federal, and on regional levels. To research the extent of development of collective contract regulation and identification of the problems which take place in the system of social partnership at the local level sociological survey of workers of a number of the Russian organizations was performed. As a result, it was found that collective contract regulation of the social and labor relations in the Russian Federation at the local level demands improvement. The main problems of system of social partnership at the local level are: weak knowledge of trade-union members concerning the activity of those organizations, especially at the sectoral, regional, and territorial levels; unwillingness to resolve the issues of social and labor regulation at the organizational level without governmental support and lack of the developed practice of conducting collective negotiations; passivity and weak motivation of trade-union members in protection of their labor rights; weak feasibility of practical implementation of the collective agreement provisions. The results of the theoretical and empirical researches allow to predict the trajectory of further development of social partnership consisting in strengthening of the social component due to the extension of the database concerning the problems of the social partners.
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Ackerly, Brooke. "A discussion of John S. Ahlquist and Margaret Levi's In the Interest of Others: Organizations and Social Activism." Perspectives on Politics 12, no. 4 (December 2014): 857–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592714002187.
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John S. Alquist and Margaret Levi’s In the Interest of Others: Organizations and Social Activism develops a new theory of organizations through a comparative analysis of two activist labor unions (the International Longshore and Warehouse Union in the United States and the Waterside Workers Federation in Australia) and two unions that focus only on pursuing member benefits (the Teamsters and the International Longshoremen’s Association in the United States). Integrating the study of labor politics, social movements, social capital, and the political economy of group organization and mobilization, the book addresses a wide range of political science concerns. We have thus invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book as an account of labor politics and as a broader account of the logic of collective action.— Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Landsbergis, Paul A., Elina Shtridler, Amy Bahruth, and Darryl Alexander. "Job Stress and Health of Elementary and Secondary School Educators in the United States." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 30, no. 3 (September 16, 2020): 192–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1048291120956369.
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Elementary and secondary school educators face many work stressors, which appear to be increasing due to economic, political, and social trends. Therefore, we analyzed data from a 2017 national American Federation of Teachers survey of U.S. education staff, including data from two New York School districts that have adopted collaborative labor-management practices. The national American Federation of Teachers sample of educators reported significantly higher prevalences of several work stressors and poorer physical and mental health compared to the U.S. workers overall, adjusted for age, gender, and race/ethnicity. Compared with educators nationally, educators in districts with collaborative labor-management practices did not have a consistently higher or lower prevalence of work stressors or poorer health. Findings suggest the importance of reducing work stressors among U.S. educators. Results should be interpreted with caution due to the low educator survey response rate.
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Christensen, Kimberly. "The Social Structures of Accumulation and the Labor Movement: A Brief History and a Modest Proposal." Review of Radical Political Economics 52, no. 3 (February 22, 2019): 487–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0486613418820664.
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The economic and political crisis of the 1970s undermined the postwar social structures of accumulation (SSA) and gave rise to the current globalized, neoliberal, financialized (GNF) SSA. Under GNF, we have witnessed the explosion of the precariat and the reemergence of simpler forms of labor control characteristic of earlier SSAs. This article discusses the response of the labor movement, broadly defined, to these changes, including the rise of worker centers, worker ownership, campaigns for increased state regulation, and cross-border organizing. Finally, it raises the question of whether the current national labor federation can act as an incubator for the experimentation and structural changes necessary for the labor movement to meet the challenges of the GNF-SSA.
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von Bülow, Mathilde. "Beyond the Cold War: American Labor, Algeria’s Independence Struggle, and the Rise of the Third World (1954–62)." Journal of Social History 53, no. 2 (2019): 454–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz103.
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Abstract During the late 1950s, trade unions came to be vital actors in the solidarity movements of the Global South, especially in pan-African initiatives. The case of the Union générale des travailleurs algériens (UGTA) is particularly illustrative of this development. Algeria’s long and brutal independence struggle was championed throughout the Afro-Asian bloc, and the UGTA became an important auxiliary in the bloc’s campaigns to secure that end. In this essay, the case of Algeria and the UGTA serves as a prism through which to study how some of the most powerful Western trade union federations of the day—especially the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO)—responded to the “subaltern” internationalisms engendered by decolonization and the “spirit of Bandung,” whether in the guise of positive neutrality or the project for pan-African unity. In this way, this essay sheds new light on the nature and role of labor internationalism in the context of the global Cold War. The case of Algeria is emblematic of the ways in which decolonization and the “spirit of Bandung” came to challenge traditional understandings of labor internationalism, whether as an identity or a practice. What is more, the case of Algeria allows us to reconceptualize AFL-CIO attitudes and designs vis-à-vis the decolonizing world. In highlighting American weakness when confronted by non-Western agency, this essay argues that the polarized view of the federation as an anticommunist crusader with an imperialist agenda is flawed.
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Hardy, Kate. "Incorporating Sex Workers into the Argentine Labor Movement." International Labor and Working-Class History 77, no. 1 (2010): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990263.
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AbstractSex workers in Argentina and beyond are making their histories visible through political action, often in the face of extreme and violent repression. Alongside two first waves of sex worker organizing, a third appears to be emerging from countries in the Global South, which has largely been neglected in academic commentaries. One such organization is Asociación de Mujeres Meretrices de la Argentina (AMMAR), the female sex workers' association of Argentina. This essay draws on questionnaire data, participant observation, and in-depth interviews with union and nonunion sex workers and members of the Central de Trabajadores Argentinos (CTA), the umbrella federation of which they are a part, across ten cities in Argentina. It traces the relationship between AMMAR and the CTA to examine how the two organizations have worked together to organize workers in an infamously exploitative, precarious, and vulnerable labor sector to achieve social and political change. The essay contributes to debates about the regeneration of the trade union movement and challenges the reigning wisdom that sex workers and trade unions are unlikely partners.
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Salmanova, I. P., and V. I. Nikolaev. "Problems of pension provision in Russia." Voprosy regionalnoj ekonomiki 34, no. 1 (March 20, 2018): 118–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21499/2078-4023-2018-34-1-118-124.
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This article discusses issues regarding the pension system of the Russian Federation. Sent problems the formation of the pension and the factors affecting the current level of pension. Stressed to wait for retirement security in the new political cycle. Proved Spaniel analysis of the pension systems of different countries. Proposed solutions to the existing problems. Pension system, social state, labor productivity.
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Pushkareva, Lyudmila, and Mikhail Pushkarev. "Sustainable Development of the Labor Market in the European North of the Russian Federation." E3S Web of Conferences 244 (2021): 11058. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202124411058.
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The economy of the European North of the Russian Federation is predominantly based on the use of natural resources. The mining complex remains the leading one in its structure. Its specialization focused on the production of raw materials and the export of products with low added value increases the dependence of the socio-economic situation on the conditions in world commodity and raw materials markets. The economies of the regions under consideration have some common features: the economies are export-oriented. Consequently, the economy depends on world prices for relevant products, conditions in world markets, and a number of political factors. The work revealed a change in the amount of labor force in recent years, assessed structural changes in the economy that affect the dynamics of employment and the level of qualifications. The quality of life of the population in the regions of the European North of Russia is also assessed in this paper.
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Korsakov, Konstantin. "Effective Forms and Means of Preventing Criminal Activity of Migrant Workers in Russia." Russian Journal of Criminology 13, no. 3 (July 4, 2019): 455–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2019.13(3).455-464.
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The article is devoted to an urgent criminological problem connected with the insufficiently controlled and illegal external labor migration into the Russian Federation, which poses a considerable threat to its national interests and public safety. The author presents and analyzes new statistical data regarding the qualitative and quantitative characteristics of crimes committed by labor migrants in Russia as well as their other criminologically relevant characteristics, he singles out and describes economic, psychological, legal and socio-political prerequisites and factors of crimes committed by labor migrants in Russia. It is noted that modern Russian society is characterized by worsening criminogenic situation and processes that lead to hostile and aggressive behavior and intolerance towards labor migrants, which exacerbates both the criminal situation and the interethnic and interfaith conflicts and increases the manifestations of everyday xenophobia, migrant phobia, and nationalism from the locals. The author draws attention to the fact that criminogenic factors in the labor migrants’ environment are mainly connected with a low degree of social adaptation, acculturation and integration of labor migrants into the Russian social and cultural environment due to their poor knowledge of the Russian language, history and culture, the basics of Russian legislation, traditions and customs of social interaction, the absence of a substantial and constant intercultural dialogue or productive information exchange, comprehensive and resourced state and municipal projects and programs aimed at the socialization, successful integration, and social support of labor migrants. In this connection, the author suggests new, effective and optimal anti-criminogenic directions and formats of integration and adaptation work with labor migrants living and working in the Russian Federation that could improve their law abidance, general and legal culture, responsible attitude to social norms; the author also outlines prospective measures of general and special prevention of crimes committed by external migrants.
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Moskovich, Yaffa. "Privatization as the Source of Organizational Change in the Israeli Labor Federation (the Histadrut): an Israeli Case Study." SDMIMD Journal of Management 5, no. 2 (September 1, 2014): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18311/sdmimd/2014/2664.
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The original Histadrut was founded as a welfare agency, as a socialist entity the Histadrut was politically and economically linked to the Labor Party which helped fund it while in government. The purpose of this research is to analyze how the process of privatization affected the goals of the Histadrut, as it evolved from being a super- organization dominating most of Israeli society to a mere confederation of labor unions. This research was conducted by case study analysis: using two methods of data collection - analyzing documents and interviews. The finding show, that Histadrut was highly politicized, and this led to the organization's incurring heavy debts. In 1994, a new leader, Haim Ramon, was elected and coped with its organizational decline. He transformed the Histadrut into a confederation of autonomous labor unions, selling off Histadrut enterprises and assets to private investors, and severing all political ties. The Histadrut underwent organizational change, downsizing and focusing on trade union goals.The main conclusion from this research is: The privatization process in the Israeli labor unions created a new organization focusing on its trade union's goals, losing its uniqueness as a society-wide entity.
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Shapsugova, Marietta D. "Implementation of promoting inclusive and sustainable economic growth, employment, and decent work for all as the goal in the updated Constitution of the Russian Federation." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-E (August 6, 2021): 488–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-e1225p.488-496.
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The article analyzes the content of the new Article 75.1 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation through the prism of economic and political doctrines of solidarity based on the social division of labor, codependency, and mutual assistance. The relevance of the problem of social solidarity in the implementation of economic activity by citizens is due to the entry into force of the Law of the Russian Federation on the amendment to the Constitution of the Russian Federation of March 14, 2020 "On improving the regulation of certain issues of the organization and functioning of public authorities." Concluded that Article 75.1, fixing new principles of balancing private and public interests based on mutual trust in society and the state, integrating the Russian economy into the global community based on universal principles of economic development set out in the Concept of Sustainable Development of the United Nations.
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Orlowski, Johannes, Pamela Wicker, and Christoph Breuer. "Labor migration among elite sport coaches: An exploratory study." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 53, no. 3 (June 2, 2016): 335–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690216649778.
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Coaches are critical to elite sport achievements because they represent the link between sport policies and athletes. Yet, labor migration of elite sport coaches challenges the competitiveness of the sport system of the sending country and brain drain is a concern for policy-makers. Previous research on labor migration in sport has focused on athletes in professional team sports. Based on the push–pull framework, this study seeks to explore the factors affecting labor migration of elite sport coaches in less commercialized sports. Semi-structured interviews with nine elite sport coaches employed in Germany were conducted. The following migration factors emerged from the analysis: job-related factors (salary, workload, financial planning security, pressure, politics within the sport federation, and recognition of the coaching job in society); social factors (family support, and children’s education); competitive factors (training environment, and sport equipment); and seeking new experiences (new culture/language, and challenging task). Networks were found to be critical to the reception of job offers. A combination of various push and pull factors from several levels (i.e., individual, household, organizational, and national level) is at work when examining potential coach migration. Policy- makers should consider these factors when they strive to create a more attractive working environment for coaches.
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Kochetkov, V. V. "Constitutional issues of russian federalism." Russian Journal of Legal Studies 3, no. 2 (June 15, 2016): 112–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18154.
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This article addresses a problem of the form of government of Russia as a constitutional state. Even in the Russian political and legal thought in the second half of XIX - early XX century, the main debate was between supporters of federalization and the so-called autonomy of certain territories of Russia. The first thought that the Federation allows us to give a legal response to the challenges of nationalism and proletarian internationalism in the Bolshevik version. The latter believed that in the Russian Empire at that time there were no territory of equal size that could exist independently, and therefore to act as full-fledged subjects of the federation. Modern Russia, according to the 1993 Constitution, is a federal state. The concretization of the principles of Russian federalism performed in Chapter 3 of the Constitution in Art. 71, which sets out the objects of the exclusive jurisdiction of the Russian Federation; Art. 72, which lists the subjects of joint jurisdiction of the Russian Federation and the Russian Federation, as well as in art. 73, which establishes that outside the jurisdiction of the Russian Federation and the RF power to the joint jurisdiction of the Russian Federation and the subjects of the RF subjects of the Russian Federation shall possess full state power. However, the economic, social and political differentiation of regions that differ significantly from each other on the living conditions of citizens and labor rise to doubts aboutthe fairness of the existing system. Endowment of most subjects of the federation, and, consequently, their dependence on subsidies of the federal government, leaving no place for the realization of the interests of territorial public collectives living in the Federation. The current system of federal relations in modern Russia is more consistent with the concept of Russian jurists of the early twentieth century of autonomy than with federalism. And accordingly, it generates the same antinomy in the theory and the negative effects in practice. To overcome them must apply to the basic principles of constitutionalism as a form of legal: freedom and justice based on the recognition of equal human dignity. Federalism in a constitutional state is based on the totality of territorial public collectives having legal capacity. Therefore, no joint terms of jurisdiction of the center and subjects of federation in the federal constitutional state under Art. 72 of our Constitution cannot exist, since thereby seriously limit legal capacity of members of the federation.
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Dolzhikova, Angela V., and Marina N. Moseykina. "Institutions and Educational and Cultural Tools of Migration Policy in Modern Russia." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 387–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-3-387-400.
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Problem of migration and mechanisms of foreign citizens adaptation and integration associated with it, are in focus of public and scientific thought. Need for further institutionalization and innovative modernization of Russian migration policy is widely discussed in the framework of modern debates. Over the past few years, adaptation and integration of foreign citizens in Russian Federation has drawn public attention, as a result of rapid increase in number of foreign citizens and stateless persons permanently or temporarily residing in Russian Federation. The Concept of State Migration Policy of the Russian Federation for the Period until 2025, focuses on national security and reduction of the sociocultural, economic and political risks associated with influx of migrants. To this end, there is a quest for migration policy instruments adequate to the situation in labor market. Article analyzes already tested educational and cultural tools, defines role of resource support for participation of ethnic communities, national and cultural autonomy, educational and religious organizations, cultural and sports institutions, working on social and cultural adaptation and integration of foreign citizens.
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Nelson, Daniel. "The Other New Deal and Labor: The Regulatory State and the Unions, 1933–1940." Journal of Policy History 13, no. 3 (2001): 367–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2001.0010.
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At the end of Turbulent Years, his classic study of the labor upheavals of the 1930s, Irving Bernstein unexpectedly announces that the American Federation of Labor “gained a decisive and permanent victory.” This is a remarkable admission. Bernstein had devoted the bulk of his study to the failures of the AFL and the emergence of a more relevant alternative, the CIO. Like most authors, he associated the turbulence of the 1930s with the rise of industrial unionism, which addressed the apparent deficiencies of the AFL, notably its preoccupation with skilled workers and neglect of large-scale manufacturing. Still, the AFL grew more rapidly. Bernstein tries to explain: the triumph of the AFL “was hidden by the mystique of power [John L] Lewis had imparted to the CIO, by the highly publicized contemporary successes of SWOC…and UAW…and the deliberate falsification of membership records.” While these factors may account for the misleading imagery of the CIO, they do not explain the behavior of millions of workers who opted for AFL organizations. Clearly other forces were at work.
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Бурда and M. Burda. "Russia's Policy in the Sphere of External Labor Migration: Management Problems." Administration 5, no. 2 (July 5, 2017): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_59537e447b96c2.84477889.
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The author analyzes the policy of the Russian Federation in the sphere of external labour migration, reveals the peculiarity of formation of the Russian labor market for foreign workforce, focusing on its basic focus on the integration model of the Eurasian economic Union and the Commonwealth of independent States. The article discusses the scheme of formation of migration policy and identifies a number of problematic issues of management of external labour migration, which the author attributed the imperfection of the migration system and peculiarities of political processes in the post-Soviet space. According to the author, this approach is not conducive to quality development of external labour migration, however, is one way of lobbying foreign policy interests in the post-Soviet space. In turn, Central Asian autocrats are interested in the maximum outflow of the economically dissatisfied citizens to prevent anti-state speeches. The quality of the existing risks management of external labor migration indicates the potential of growth of popularity of right-wing political forces and destabilization of the Russian political system. Taking into account the need to balance national security interests and supported by loyal Russian foreign political elites, the author proposes to separate the management of migration on the field of law enforcement and socio-economic part, which requires a political decision of government institutions. Proposed dualism in the author’s opinion, will promote increase of efficiency of counteraction of illegal migration and activation mechanisms, presence on the labour market demand for migrants. As a tool of migration management, the author highlights the Institute of international agreements, the potential of which is currently used does not fully.
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McCann, Gerard. "Possibility and Peril: Trade Unionism, African Cold War, and the Global Strands of Kenyan Decolonization." Journal of Social History 53, no. 2 (2019): 348–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz099.
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Abstract Trade unionism was at the leading edge of African freedom struggle in the 1940s and 1950s. It was an incubator where different visions of decolonized futures vied for ascendency after WWII. This article analyzes international labor networks and trade union activism in Kenya to explore the entanglements of decolonization and Cold War from Africa in the 1940s to 1960s, an era when competing modes of anticolonial internationalism laid paths to independence. This story is told in two phases. Through Makhan Singh, the article assesses the influence of Indo-African connection, Marxism and the radical left on labor organization over the 1940s. Then, through Tom Mboya, the article charts Kenyan affiliation to the anticommunist International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) from the early 1950s. It shows how this internationalist volte-face transformed Kenya’s trade union landscape, propelled anticolonial agitation and, by the late 1950s, wrought irreparable fractures in fledgling pan-African institutions over the very nature of postcolonialism. The article argues that mobile African labor leaders coproduced, domesticated, and molded Cold War networks—that the conduits of early global Cold War agency ran both ways. Singh and Mboya were interlocutors in pluripotent world conversations marshaled for African decolonization. They also helped delineate the terms of global dialogue at a moment of neocolonial peril and decolonizing opportunity. This calls on historians to define alternative chronologies of globalist possibility masked by the tighter constraints placed on African states in the later twentieth century.
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Hallgrimsdottir, H. K., and C. Benoit. "From Wage Slaves to Wage Workers: Cultural Opportunity Structures and the Evolution of the Wage Demands of the Knights of Labor and the American Federation of Labor, 1880-1900." Social Forces 85, no. 3 (March 1, 2007): 1393–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.2007.0037.
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RYAZANTSEV, Sergey, Farrukh KHONKHODZHAYEV, Sharif AKRAMOV, and Nikita RYAZANTSEV. "RETURN MIGRATION TO TAJIKISTAN: FORMS, TRENDS, CONSEQUENCES." CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 162–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.2.14.
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This paper aims to study the trends of labor migration (voluntary and forced) from Russia to Tajikistan and the peculiarities of the reintegration of returning migrants into Tajik society. Labor migration is the main driver of economic growth for Tajikistan and the most effective tool in the national fight against poverty. However, many migrants from Tajikistan do not have a formally documented status in Russia, which makes their predicament extremely difficult and vulnerable. One of the most sensitive measures for Tajik labor migrants was the introduction of administrative penalties through expulsion and the imposition of a massive ban on labor migrants from entering the Russian Federation. This has led to an increase in the return migration of Tajik migrants to their homeland. The article clarifies the concept of return migration, reveals the reasons for the return of labor migrants from Russia to Tajikistan and identifies the specific features of reintegration and the socio-economic situation of returning migrants in Tajikistan. The authors establish that a significant share of returning migrants have already reached retirement age after working in Russia for decades, but they do not receive a pension either in Tajikistan or in Russia. Unfortunately, as of today the Government of Tajikistan has not developed any special programs for the reintegration of returning migrants due to lack of funds and lack of experience in this area. Most returning migrants are forced to solve their problems on their own or resort to the help of their families and relatives. In fact, the government does not hold an interest in the massive return of labor migrants, since the increase in their number worsens the socio-economic situation and the general state of the labor market.
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Matsumura, Wendy. "More than the “Wife Corps”: Female Tenant Farmer Struggle in 1920s Japan." International Labor and Working-Class History 91 (2017): 127–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000302.
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AbstractStruggles over social reproduction intensified and took on new forms in Japan during the interwar period, as the state found it increasingly difficult to secure the foundations for the continued accumulation of capital. Landlord-tenant disputes that erupted nationwide in the midst of Japan's post-World War I agricultural recession was one concrete manifestation of these struggles. While the significance of tenant disputes has been analyzed in great detail by scholars, there has been a surprising lack of historical scholarship on the role that female tenant farmers played within them. This absence is a manifestation of two tendencies: First, gendered assumptions surrounding the figure of the tenant farmer have led scholars of agrarian social movements to work from a relatively limited understanding of what constitutes struggle and by extension, who its protagonists have been. Second, the conflation of waged work as productive work and by extension, non-waged work as unproductive has unwittingly relegated many forms of struggle that working women participated in to the realm of the pre-political. This paper contends that far from being mere supporters – the wife corps – of what was ultimately a male-driven movement, female participants in tenant disputes produced their own powerful critiques of the way that the Japanese state and capital undervalued their lives and labor. As such, they should be understood as one link in a rich history of proletarian feminist struggle both within and outside of the Japanese empire.
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Cornfield, Daniel B., and Bill Fletcher. "Institutional Constraints on Social Movement "Frame Extension": Shifts in the Legislative Agenda of the American Federation of Labor, 1881-1955." Social Forces 76, no. 4 (June 1998): 1305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3005836.
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Cornfield, D. B., and B. Fletcher. "Institutional Constraints on Social Movement "Frame Extension": Shifts in the Legislative Agenda of the American Federation of Labor, 1881-1955." Social Forces 76, no. 4 (June 1, 1998): 1305–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/76.4.1305.
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Tatuzov, V. "Free Migration of Factors of Production: EU Experience." World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 12 (2020): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-63-69.
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The article is devoted to the European Union’s single market of labor and capital. A critical approach is being set out with respect to the EU experience in this area (taking into account COVID 19) and the possibilities of its use today in the economy of the Russian Federation and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Certain Russian authors expected unstable and insufficiently favorable development of the economic and political situation abroad for many years, as well as the negative impact of this on the Russian economy in a number of works published by them 5–10 years ago. In particular, it is pointed out that the problems associated with free labor migration will aggravate in the face of deep economic сrisis and adverse economic conditions. It is expected that such conditions will prevail in the European and Eurasian area in the near future. The advantages and the disadvantages of free migration of labor and capital are reviewed. In EAEU the freedom of mobility of the factors of production increased, however now the question is raised about the impact of СOVID 19 and economic crisis on the migration of factors of production (especially labor) as well as about the socio-economic reasons for the large-scale spread of coronavirus. The importance of studying these issues is emphasized. In today’s circumstances the massive imports of labor in Russia is risky. Some alternative approaches are considered. The article touches upon many hot topics of world development, including de-globalization, the growth of centrifugal forces in the EU, Brexit.
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Novozhenina, Olga P. "National goals and objectives of the development of the Russian Federation in the opinions of citizens." Nauka Kultura Obshestvo 27, no. 1 (2021): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2021.27.1.4.
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The need to develop and implement national goals and national development projects of the Russian Federation was caused by the actual slowdown in the country's economic development due to objective circumstances of a global scale, the epidemiological situation, challenges and threats of a socio-political and foreign policy nature. Decrees of the President of the Russian Federation No. 204 "On National Goals and Strategic Objectives of the Development of the Russian Federation for the period up to 2024"dated May 7, 2018 and No. 474 "On National Development Goals of the Russian Federation for the Period up to 2030" dated July 21, 2020 formulated and then clarified and adjusted the range of strategic goals and priorities, the solution of which will provide a way out of the crisis. Achieving these goals requires significant additional resources – financial, organizational, labor, management, and rethinking management approaches. A necessary condition for the implementation of the stated goals is the awareness of citizens of their importance and conscious participation in their implementation. And this, in turn, requires some work on the part of society and the state, aimed at fully informing citizens about the strategic goals and objectives of the development of the Russian Federation and forming in the public consciousness an innovative and change-resistant attitude to the need to solve the tasks set for both society and each of the citizens, since national goals and projects not only provide guidelines for economic development, but can also serve as a basis for consensus of the interests of civil society and the state.