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Academic literature on the topic 'Fascism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 September 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Fascism"

1

Levy, Carl. "Fascism, National Socialism and Conservatives in Europe, 1914-1945: Issues for Comparativists." Contemporary European History 8, no. 1 (March 1999): 97–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399000156.

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This article reviews recent literature on comparative fascism. It first examines the definition of fascism (the fascist minimum). The discussion of comparative fascism that follows focuses on the relationship between fascists and conservatives. It also analyses the comparability of various fascisms and National Socialism.

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Bolt, Mikkel. "Senfascismens æstetisering af (den hvide) arbejderklasse." Tidskrift för litteraturvetenskap 49, no. 2-3 (January 1, 2019): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54797/tfl.v49i2-3.6637.

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Late Fascism’s Aestheticization of the (White) Working Class: Notes for a Communist Art Theory The article presents a double take on what I propose to call late fascism in order to distinguish between the inter-war fascist movements and contemporary fascist parties and politicians. Firstly, I follow Walter Benjamin’s analysis of fascism as a question of aestheticization. Fascism is just as much a question of culture and ideology as a question of politics, and we need to map the specific fascist culture that contemporary fascist politicians produce. Secondly, I connect this analysis of fascist culture to an analysis of the specific class composition of late fascism, arguing that late fascism operates through a process of reverse victimization where a privileged white working class comes to see itself as threatened.

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TAMIR, DAN. "FROM A FASCIST'S NOTEBOOK TO THE PRINCIPLES OF REBIRTH: THE DESIRE FOR SOCIAL INTEGRATION IN HEBREW FASCISM, 1928–1942." Historical Journal 57, no. 4 (November 12, 2014): 1057–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000053.

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ABSTRACTApart from Italian fascism and German National-Socialism – the most famous fascisms of the interwar era – considerable research has been conducted during the past two decades about generic fascism: fascist groups, movements, and parties in other countries. In Israel, while the Revisionist Zionist movement has been continually accused by its political rivals of being fascist, these accusations have not yet been examined according to any comparative model of fascism. Relying on Robert Paxton's model of generic fascism, this article examines how one of its components – the drive for closer integration of the national community – was manifested in the writings of seven Revisionist activists in mandatory Palestine: Itamar Ben Avi, Abba Aḥime'ir, U. Z. Grünberg, Joshua Yevin, Wolfgang von Weisl, Zvi Kolitz, and Abraham Stern. Their writings between the years 1922 and 1942 reveal a strong drive for social integration, similar to that manifest in other fascist movements of the interwar era.

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Bartolini, Francesco. "Architettura e fascismo. Temi e questioni storiografiche." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 78 (October 2009): 125–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-078007.

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- Architecture and Fascism. Issues and interpretative perspectives examines the historical debate regarding Fascist architecture which has been ongoing over the last decade. In particular, it analyses some interpretative issues that have proven most interesting both for political historians and architectural historians: the existence of a «totalitarian style», the relationship between the Fascist regime and architects, the ideological connotation of urban and rural landscape, the legacy of the Fascist experience on the Italian Republic.Key words: Italian Architecture, Fascism, Totalitarianism, Urban and Rural History, Rome.Parole chiave: architettura italiana, fascismo, totalitarismo, storia urbana e rurale, Roma.

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Toscano, Alberto. "A Test of Names: Franco Fortini and Primo Levi on the Language of Anti-Fascism." CounterText 9, no. 2 (August 2023): 236–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/count.2023.0307.

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The 1960s and 1970s witnessed intense debates over the definition of fascism and the practice of anti-fascism among Italian communist and left-wing intellectuals. This article explores the political problem of how to name fascism, and the related issue of anti-fascist language, by homing in on the writings of poet and critic Franco Fortini – who debated the question of the ‘new fascism’ with Pier Paolo Pasolini – and the multiple efforts by Primo Levi to rethink the meaning of anti-fascism in the face of fascism's capacity to mutate under changing historical and political conditions.

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Henne, Steffen. "Revolution and Eternity." Fascism 3, no. 1 (April 12, 2014): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00301003.

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The conference ‘Revolution and Eternity – Fascism’s Temporality’ discussed the complex and meta-historical topic of ‘time and temporality’ with regards to the fascist experience of time, and ways of temporal thinking and acting with reference to German National Socialism, and fascism in Italy and Romania. The various papers examined specific national forms of fascism from the perspective of the concepts of political order and temporality (e.g. fascist interpretations of temporal dimensions – future, present and past). The conference revealed that the fascist view of time was based on specific (chrono)political practices (archaeology, filmmaking etc.) and that the inhumane politics of fascism were embedded in temporal paradigms that combined contradictory ideas of revolutionary acceleration with the eternal standstill of time.

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Hogg, James. "“Fascism Can Only Grow in Secrecy”: Greek and Yugoslavian Anti-Fascism in Melbourne’s “Long 1960s”." Labour History 126, no. 1 (May 2024): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/labourhistory.2024.8.

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Studies of post-war anti-fascism in Australia have recently generated new insights into the continuities and transformations of post-war fascist and anti-fascist organisations. However, despite this upsurge in scholarship, the 1960s remain neglected. This article revises this absence through a case study of the Committee for the Restoration of Democracy in Greece (CRDG), the Yugoslav Settlers’ Organisation (YSA), and its successor, The Committee for Democracy in Australia (CDA). It draws on press reports, left-wing publications, and security files to suggest the anti-fascisms of Melbourne in the 1960s were influenced by a parallel politics of anti-imperialism. It shows how both organisations were influenced by the historical experience of resisting fascism, particularly the concept of a “united front” that facilitated a pan-left struggle against fascism and wider systems of oppression and domination. In doing so, this article contributes to the growing historiography on varieties of anti-fascism and their overlap with related emancipation movements.

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Schargel, Sergio, and Julia de Oliveira Góes Guimarães. "Between Antifascism and Antifa: A Conversation with Mark Bray, Author of Antifa." Revista Brasileira de História 43, no. 92 (April 2023): 305–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1806-93472023v43n92-19.

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ABSTRACT Antifa, by Mark Bray, innovated in a field of study with wide coverage: fascism. Bray dared to look at the other and forgotten side: anti-fascism. In his book Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook, Bray deals not with anti-fascism as mere opposition to fascism, but with a tradition of political combat that dates back to the beginnings of Mussolini’s Fascism. It is noticeable in Antifa, and even in the interview that follows, the combination between the two universes of the author. Bray, an academic historian at Dartmouth College, analyzes historical and contemporary fascisms, as well as the evolution of the concept of fascism over the last century and the equally secular struggle of anti-fascists. But this is not just a book of academic or historiographical analysis. The militant side of the author (one of the organizers of Occupy Wall Street) emerges, especially in the dozens of interviews with anti-fascists around the world.

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LUZZATTO, SERGIO. "The Political Culture of Fascist Italy." Contemporary European History 8, no. 2 (July 1999): 317–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399002088.

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Mabel Berezin, Making the Fascist Self. The Political Culture of Interwar Italy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), 264 pp., ISBN 0-801-43202-2.Simonetta Falasca-Zamponi, Fascist Spectacle. The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini's Italy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 303 pp., ISBN 0-520-20623-1.Emilio Gentile, The Sacralization of Politics in Fascist Italy, trans. Keith Botsford (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1996), 208 pp., ISBN 0-674-78475-8; originally published as Il culto del littorio. La sacralizzazione della politica nell'Italia fascista (Rome-Bari: Laterza, 1993), 326 pp., ISBN 8-842-04384-2.Giorgio Israel and Pietro Nastasi, Scienza e razza nell'Italia fascista (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1998), 408 pp., ISBN 8-815-06736-1.Karen Pinkus, Bodily Regimes. Italian Advertising under Fascism (Minneapolis-London: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), 268 pp., ISBN 0-816-62562-XAdolfo Scotto di Luzio, L'appropriazione imperfetta. Editori, biblioteche e libri per ragazzi durante il fascismo (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1996), 301 pp., ISBN 8-815-05559-2.

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Ferrarini, Fabio. "‘Mediterraneo baltico’: Italian Fascist propaganda in Finland (1933–9)." Modern Italy 25, no. 4 (September 25, 2020): 389–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2020.51.

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This article focuses on Italian Fascist propaganda in Finland. Federico Finchelstein (2010) characterised fascism as a global-transnational doctrine with diverse reformulations, ramifications and permutations. Therefore, the Finnish case-study is useful in the analysis of Mussolini's twin struggle against Soviet Communism and the increasing Nazi threat in the Baltic in the 1930s and 1940s. This article will examine how Mussolini tried to keep in touch with Finnish fascists after Hitler's rise to power. Organisations and groups like the Lapua Movement and the Finnish Patriotic People's Movement were inspired by Italian Fascism and the success of the March on Rome encouraged their hope that they could take power in Finland. The ultimate failure of Finnish fascism has ensured the continued marginalisation of fascism as a research subject in the Finnish academic tradition. Yet, as Roger Griffin suggests, studies of peripheral and failed fascisms can also contribute important insights for understanding both the ‘centre’ of fascism, as well as modern nationalist extremist movements. Fascism as an international political phenomenon cannot be understood from rigidly national interpretative frameworks.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Fascism"

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McCollum, Jonathon C. "Carlyle, Fascism, and Frederick : from victorian prophet to Fascist ideologue /." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2007. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd2044.pdf.

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Cammelli, Maddalena Gretel. "Millenial fascism : contributo ad un'antropologia del fascismo del terzo millenio." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0717.

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Cette thèse d'anthropologie étudie le phénomène du fascisme du troisième millénaire représenté en Italie par le mouvement CasaPound. À travers l'étude ethnographique de ce mouvement né à Rome en 2003, cette thèse pose la question de la « frontière qui sépare l'homme fasciste du non-fasciste ». D'après ses militants, le fascisme semble être une manière de vivre, un comportement par rapport à l'existence, un « ressenti du monde ». Sa compréhension doit donc aller au-delà de l'analyse politique, pour saisir ces aspects de l'expérience, de l'émotivité, de l'appartenance, qui sont prépondérants dans les témoignages des fascistes du troisième millénaire. Le fascisme du troisième millénaire apparaît comme un phénomène impossible à cerner et à expliquer dans le cadre de voies logiques et de conséquence. Sa logique semble représentée par l'absence d'une cohérence interne. La rationalité semble ne pas être l'instrument adapté pour saisir la complexité du phénomène fasciste et en conséquence pas non plus pour proposer une stratégie à même d'affronter sa perpétuation à travers les décennies
This anthropological thesis studies the phenomenon of third millenium fascism represented in Italy by the movements Casapound. Through an ethnographic study of this movement born in Rome in 2003, this dissertation enquires about the exosttence of a "boundary dividing the fascist from the non-fascist man". Militants of this movement see fascism as a way of living, an existential attitude, a "feeling of the world". Its understanding has thus to go farther than a simple political analysis, to grasp those aspects of experience, emotivity, membership, which are preponnderant in fascists'staements. Third millennium fascism seems thus a phenomenon beyond the simple logical and consequential ways of analysis. Its logic seems represented by the absence of an internal coherence. Rationality seems not to be the right tool neither to grasp the complexity of fascist phenomenon, nor to propose a strategy for facing the persistence of fascism in European history

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Renton, Dave. "The attempted revival of British fascism : fascism and anti-fascism, 1945-51." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14777/.

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The thesis is divided into six sections. The Introduction discusses the themes of the dissertation, notably fascism, anti-fascism and Britain in the 1940s. It reviews the existing literature and outlines the method used. The first chapter examines the legacy of the inter-war years and the impact of internment on the fascists. It analyses the British League of Ex-Servicemen and Women and the Mosley book clubs, which came together to form the Union Movement. The chapter ends in 1951 with Oswald Mosley's decision to leave Britain, a symbol of the failure of British fascism. The second chapter stresses the homogeneity of fascist thinking and the common possession of core ideas, including elitism, racism, and anti-socialism. It suggests that fascist parties also acted in a similar way, they glorified their leaders and encouraged anti-semitism and violence. The chapter argues that postwar fascism recruited especially well among members of the middle class. However, even within this group, only a tiny minority was attracted towards fascism. The third chapter examines the history of the non-fascist organisations, including Labour, the Communist Party and the 43 Group. The chapter also evaluates anti-fascist methods, which involved exposing the fascists, heckling their speakers and turning over fascist platforms. The fourth chapter describes the moment at which fascists and anti-fascists opposed each other in the street. It suggests that the various state agencies, including the police, the Home Office, the law departments and MI6, worked with fascism, or did nothing to prevent its growth. Finally, the Conclusion discusses the obstacles which the fascists faced, including the legacy of the war and the Holocaust, and the success of the Conservative Party after 1945. It also suggests that anti-fascism also played significant part in the fascists' defeat.

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Hodgson, Keith. "Fascism, anti-fascism and the British Left, 1919-1939." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.507174.

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Baldoli, Claudia. "Italian fascism in Britain : the Fasci Italiani all'Estero, the Italian communities, and fascist sympathisers during Grandi Era (1932-1939)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1688/.

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The activity of the Italian Fasci Abroad provides a new perspective on the nature of both Italian and European fascism, as well as on Italy's foreign policy during the 1930s. This thesis focuses on the means employed by the Fasci in the transformation of Italian communities in Great Britain into 'little Fascist Italies'. It argues that fascistisation of Italian emigrants became effective from 1932 and seemed to succeed in creating a corporativist and totalitarian community from 1935-36, until the international crisis of 1938-39 brought that Fascist dream to an end. The Ethiopian war and Italy's alliance with Germany were the most crucial events in the development of the Fasci in their relationship with both the Italian communities and the British government. The thesis also concentrates on the relationship between Italian and British fascism. Until the end of 1934 both the Fasci and the embassy established regular contacts with the British Union of Fascists; in the same period, BUF propaganda reflected the belief that British fascism was part of universal fascism, and that Rome was its origin. BUF's shift from Italophilia to admiration for National Socialism in 1935, and the contemporary unleashing of an aggressive anti-British propaganda in Italy coincided with a worsening in Anglo-Italian fascist relations. Consequently, the Italian Ambassador to London Dino Grandi strengthened his collaboration with British Conservative Italophiles, who worked with the Italian embassy in an attempt to support the cause of Italy and to improve Anglo-Italian relations. The divergence between Grandi's and the Italophiles' beliefs on the one hand and Italy's anti-British propaganda and foreign policy on the other were evident especially from 1938. The attitude of the Fasci Abroad reflected this divergence. Despite the increased centralisation of the Fasci under the control of the foreign ministry from 1938 onward, the Fasci in Britain continued to share Grandi's views on Italian foreign policy. The Fascist press in Britain, strongly anti-British during the Ethiopian war, became pro-British at the beginning of 1938. Grandi saw himself as the man who could prevent war, until Mussolini declared his mission in London at an end in July 1939.

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Kharazmi, Sam. "Svarta skjortor och svarta kjolar : En undersökning om fascistiska suffragetter och British Union of Fascists kvinnosyn." Thesis, Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-51772.

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Denna uppsats ämnar finna de faktorer som drev före detta suffragetter till att ansluta sig till den fascistiska organisationen British Union of Fascists (BUF), samt redogöra för organisationens syn på kvinnors och kvinnors roll i samhället. BUF grundades 1932 och var den största och mest framstående fascistiska gruppen i Storbritannien under mellankrigstiden. I samband med att organisationen nådde sin höjd i mitten av 1930-talet blev den ökänd för sina våldsamma möten och konfrontationer med politiska motståndare. De våldsamma metoderna som fascisterna använde skulle alienera dem från den breda brittiska politiken. När BUF proklamerade sitt stöd för Adolf Hitlers Nazityskland kom organisationen att fördömas av både den brittiska allmänheten och de etablerade partierna. British Union of Fascists skulle motsätta sig andra världskriget och uppmanade regeringen att förbjuda organisationen och arresterade många högtuppsatta medlemmar 1940. Fascismen var känd för att ha en patriarkal, traditionalistisk och reaktionär syn på kön och kvinnor. Men trots detta lyckades organisationen attrahera tidigare suffragetter. Så hur kunde de som tidigare kämpat för jämställdhet gå med i en rörelse som motsatte sig jämställdhet? Vilken syn hade BUF på kvinnan och kvinnorollen? För att svara på detta har jag studerat och analyserat ideologisk text skrivna av organisationens grundare och ledare Oswald Mosley samt andra fascistiska medlemmar. Jag har också använt mig av tillgänglig forskning från etablerade professorer och historiker för att nå en slutsats. Resultatet visar att British Union of Fascists hade en mycket traditionalistisk och reaktionär syn på kvinnan och kvinnorollen. Svaghet betraktades och beskrivs som feminint och manlighet betraktades och beskrivs som styrka. BUF ansåg att kvinnan rent naturligt föredrog hemmet framför arbete och att moderskapet var kvinnans högsta kallelse i livet. Fascisterna betraktade kvinnors framgångar i kampen för jämställdhet som samhällets degeneration och förfall. Resultaten visar även att det fanns många faktorer som drev de tidigare suffragetterna till British Union of Fascists. Vilka faktorer som var avgörande beror på suffragetten i fråga. I min forskning har jag hittat tre exempel på tidigare suffragetter som gick med i BUF. Dessa var Norah Dacre Fox, Mary Sophia Allen och Mary Richardson. De faktorer som fick Norah Dacre Fox att ansluta sig till BUF var primärt möjligheten för sig och sin partner att få politiska karriärer. Fox hävdade att BUF var suffragettrörelsens arvtagare men jag har inte hittat några bevis för att detta var en primär faktor som fick henne att gå med i organisationen. De faktorer som fick Mary Sophia Allen att gå med i BUF var sannolikt krigsutbrottet 1939. Allen var sedan tidigare en beundrare av Adolf Hitler vilket troligtvis fick henne att motsätta sig ett krig mot dennes regim. Hon tjänstgjorde även under första världskriget och var troligtvis väl medveten om krigets fasor, något som kan ha bidragit till att hon motsatte sig ett nytt krig. De faktorer som fick Mary Richardson att gå med BUF var att hon ansåg att organisation och fascismen som ideologi var det enda som kunde rädda landet från stagnation. Richardson såg också mycket i BUF som påminde henne om suffragettrörelsen, och som en militant suffragett i sin ungdom kan BUFs militarism och paramilitära aktioner ha varit attraktiva. Det är därför troligt att de faktorer som fick Richardson att gå med i fascisterna var en kombination mellan att tro på dem som en politisk kraft såväl som deras militanta tillvägagångssätt. Richardson lämnade organisationen efter interna bråk och kom att anklaga organisationen för att i själva verket motarbeta kvinnors rättigheter. Strävan efter jämlikhet kan därför mycket väl ha varit en bidragande faktor till att hon anslöt sig till fascisterna, men jag har inte hittat några bevis som uttryckligen pekar på detta.
This essay revolves around the fascist organization British Union of Fascists (BUF) and their view on women and women’s role in society. It also examines former suffragettes who joined the organization, with the goal of establishing which factors contributed to them seeking membership in the organization. Founded in 1932, the BUF was the largest and most prominent fascist group in the United Kingdom during the interwar period. Reaching its peak in the mid-1930s, the organization would become infamous for violent rallies and clashes with political opponents. The violent methods of the fascists would alienate them from mainstream British politics. And the organization would be condemned by both the British political establishment and British public after pleading their allegiance to Adolf Hitlers Nazi Germany. The British Union of Fascists would oppose the second world war, prompting the government to ban the organization and arresting numerous high-ranking members in 1940. Fascism was known for having a patriarchal, traditionalist and reactionary view on gender and women. But despite this fact, the organization managed to attract former suffragettes. So how come that those who fought for equality between the sexes would join a movement that opposed the same? How did British Union of Fascists view women and the female role? To answer this, I have studied, and analysed ideological text written by the organizations founder and leader Oswald Mosley, alongside other fascist members. I have also used available research by established professors and historians to reach a valid conclusion. The result shows that the British Union of Fascists had a highly traditional and reactionary view on women. Weakness was viewed and described as feminine, while masculinity was viewed and described as strength. The group regarded the home as women’s natural habitat, and childbirth as their highest calling in life. The fascists viewed women’s recent achievements in the struggle for equality as the degeneration and downfall of society. The results also shows that there were numerous factors that drove the former suffragettes, each depending on the suffragette in question. In my research I have found three examples of former suffragettes who joined the BUF. These were Norah Dacre Fox, Mary Sophia Allen and Mary Richardson. The factors that made Norah Dacre Fox join the BUF was primarily the possibility of herself and her partner to gain political careers through the organization. Fox did argue that she viewed the BUF as successors to the suffragette movement, but I have not found any evidence that proves that this was a primary factor for her joining the BUF. The factors that made Mary Sophia Allen join the BUF were most likely the outbreak of the second world war. She was an admirer of Adolf Hitler which probably made her oppose a war against his regime. She also served during the first world war, something that might have contributed to her opposing a new war due the horrors of warfare. Mary Richardson joined the BUF because she believed that the organization and the ideology of fascism were needed to save to country from its downfall. Richardson also saw a lot in the BUF that remined her of the suffragette movement, and as a militant suffragette in her youth the BUFs militarism and paramilitary actions might have been attractive. It is therefore likely that the factors that made Richardson join the fascists were a combination between agreeing with their views on the degeneration of British society as well as their militant actions. Richardson did leave the organization after a falling-out with its leader, and she would accuse the group of working against women’s rights. The pursuit of equality might very well have been a contributing factor for joining, but I have not found any evidence that explicitly points to this.

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Nicolodi, Fiamma. "The Italian Fascism." Bärenreiter Verlag, 2012. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A71799.

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Anastasakis, Othon Evangelos. "Authoritarianism in 20th century Greece : ideology and education under the dictatorships of 1936 and 1967." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1304/.

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This study examines the authoritarian ideology and educational policy of two dictatorial regimes of 20th century Greece: the Metaxas' dictatorship of 1936-1941 (the 4th of August regime); and the military junta of 1967-1974 (the 21st of April regime). Although viewed comparatively, the regimes in question are shown to have been different, due to crucial differences stemming from their contemporary international and domestic settings. Moreover, their ideologies were shaped by the way dictatorial rulers perceived and interpreted their reality. Influenced by the inter-war fascist context, the 4th of August regime tried to accommodate a radical fascist rhetoric to a nationalistic and traditionalist set of beliefs. Metaxas' perception of reality was exemplified in his educational policy, through which the dictator unsuccessfully tried to mobilise from above the youth, on the imported model of the fascist youth movements. The 21st of April regime contrasted sharply with the post-war international liberal environment, while its ideology was marked by the distinct and often contradictory mentalities of the colonels. The contradictions and inconsistencies of the military mind were reproduced at the educational level, as the military rulers attempted to demobilise a highly organised youth, to reverse the previous liberal educational reforms and to appoint loyalists to key posts. So, while the 4th of August saw the legitimation of its authority in the use of an openly authoritarian discourse and the mobilisation of the youth, the 21st of April regime, by contrast, torn by the conflicting mentalities of its military rulers, sought legitimacy through clientelistic networks of support and the demobilisation of the youth.

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Schonbach, Morris. "Native American Fascism during the 1930s and 1940s a study of its roots, its growth, and its decline /." New York : Garland Pub, 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/12419923.html.

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Rizi, Fabio Fernando. "Benedetto Croce and Italian fascism." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56264.pdf.

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Books on the topic "Fascism"

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Collotti, Enzo. Fascismo, fascismi. Firenze: Sansoni, 1989.

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Carlston, Erin G. Thinking fascism: Sapphic modernism and fascist modernity. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1998.

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S, Neiberg Michael, ed. Fascism. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate, 2006.

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Cassels, Alan. Fascism. Arlington Heights, Ill: Harlan Davidson, 1985.

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Roger, Griffin, ed. Fascism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995.

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Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Philadelphia: Open University Press, 1997.

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Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Buckingham: Open University Press, 1997.

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Downing, David. Fascism. Chicago: Heinemann Library, 2008.

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Pulditor, Seth H. Fascism. Broomall, PA: Mason Crest, 2013.

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Griffiths, Richard. Fascism. London: Continuum, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "Fascism"

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Dondi, Mirco. "The Fascist Mentality after Fascism." In Italian Fascism, 141–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27245-7_9.

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Franzinetti, Guido. "Fascism after fascism." In Conservatives and Right Radicals in Interwar Europe, 317–31. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429275272-15.

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Foot, John. "Fascist Memories, Memories of Fascism." In Italy's Divided Memory, 55–70. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230101838_3.

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Heywood, Andrew. "Fascism." In Political Ideologies, 171–92. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21965-0_6.

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Billig, Michael. "Fascism." In Encyclopedia of Critical Psychology, 687–90. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-5583-7_336.

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Classen, Wolfgang-Dieter. "Fascism." In Problems of the Planned Economy, 104–8. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20863-0_15.

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Heywood, Andrew. "Fascism." In Political Ideologies, 212–37. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26409-4_7.

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Fleming, Katie. "Fascism." In A Companion to the Classical Tradition, 342–54. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470996775.ch24.

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Peterson, Rodney D. "Fascism." In Political Economy and American Capitalism, 95–111. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-3874-1_7.

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Miller, Jason, and Francis Grice. "Fascism." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Global Security Studies, 1–7. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74336-3_206-1.

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Conference papers on the topic "Fascism"

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Mithans, Gašper. "The beginnings of anti-fascism in Venezia Giulia and the Marezige uprising." In Decade of decadence: 1914–1924 spaces, societies and belongings in the Adriatic borderland in historical comparison. Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče Koper, Annales ZRS, Slovenija, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.35469/978-961-7195-46-0_02.

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Fascism in the border region of Venezia Giulia/Julija krajina was confronted with the unfamiliar social and political conditions, ‘tradition’ and multiculturalism of the former territories of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In this territory, the beginnings of the heterogeneous resistance to the violence of the Italian authorities date back to the period between 1918 and 1920 and consisted mainly of the expression of ‘Slavic’ sentiments, various demonstrations, anti-Italian propaganda, and informing Yugoslavia about the situation in the area. In the pre-election period, the fascist squads attacked and destroyed everything that seemed hostile to them. On the day of the national elections on 15 May 1921 throughout the region incidents occurred, trying to turn the result in their favour by force. In particular, the Socialists and Communists were under attack in all of Italy. In Slovenian Istria, the best-known response to the violence is the local revolt in Marezige. A group of 11 fascists arrived in the village in the morning and immediately started provoking and forcing voters to vote for Blocco Nazionale. When the fascists started to shoot, the locals reacted spontaneously, attacking the fascists first with stones, and the fascists responded with shots. The outraged people killed three and seriously wounded one man. From Koper the available force of carabinieri and soldiers were sent, joined by fascists and three republicans. The latter immediately resorted to violence, but the soldiers and carabinieri soon restored order. However, in the marches that followed, the fascist squads took revenge on the nearby village of Čežarji. The Marezige uprising culminated in a highly publicised trial in Trieste. The fascists were acquitted based on the amnesty decree, which did not apply to the Slovenians. Those affected by the fascists’ rampage have never been compensated nor were they held responsible for their actions.

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Vinícius Giraldes Silva, Marcus. "Law under Fascism: Fascism anarchy of the monopolistic bourgeois power." In XXVI World Congress of Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy. Initia Via, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.17931/ivr2013_wg136_06.

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Wang, Ancheng, Wenjiao Jiang, and Xiantong Lu. "How European Nationalism Developed into Fascism." In 2022 3rd International Conference on Mental Health, Education and Human Development (MHEHD 2022). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220704.134.

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Vavrus, Michael. "Anti-Fascism and the Social Context of Education." In 2022 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1886201.

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Valenti, Fabio. "The Fascial System." In Socratic Lectures 8. University of Lubljana Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55295/psl.2023.i13.

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The word Fascia has long been used by gross anatomists to embrace a spectrum of undifferentiated mesenchymal tissues that wrap organs and tissues of the body, or form a packing material between them. The inherent implication of this traditional view is that fasciae are inconsequential residues that are less important than the tissues with which they are associated. The errors of this assumption are being exposed and undoubtedly fascia is becoming more and more of considerable importance to many professionals working in health-related disciplines. Encouragingly, there has been a strong resurgence of interest into both basic and applied research in fasciae in recent years, also thanks to new fascia related findings. Knowledge of the fascial system’s characteristics and functions is spreading from primary medical researchers to professionals in many health fields throughout the world. Nowadays is well known that the Fascia is a mechanically active tissue with a proprioceptive and nociceptive properties. The Fascial continuum complexity is the result of perfect synergy evolution among different tissues made up of solid and fluid portions, which interpenetrate and interact with each other, forming a polymorphic three-dimensional network. Normal movement of the body is allowed because of the presence of the fascial tissues and their inseparable interconnection, one of the fundamental characteristics of the fascia is the ability to adapt to mechanical stress, remodeling the cellular/tissue structure and mirroring the functional necessity of the environment where the tissue lays. So, Fascia can transmit tension and in view of its proprioceptive and nociceptive functions could be responsible for disorders and pain radiating to remote anatomical structures. Dysfunction of the fascial system that is perpetuated in everyday movements can also cause an emotional alteration of the person. So, the fascial unity could influence not only movement but also emotions. Because the importance of fascia in human movement (both motion and emotion), shock absorption, metabolic and physiological processes, proprioception, healing and repair, the fascia in a broadest sense may be the literal representation of our inner being. Theoretically, Fascia probably hold many of the keys for understanding muscle action and musculoskeletal pain, and maybe it is of pivotal importance in understanding the basis of the body functioning. Further intensive research is essential to understand the function of the Fascia. The proposed article is a reflection to better understand the anatomy and main characteristics of the human fascial system. Keywords: Fascia; Facial system; Myofascial chains

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Ahmedov, Ruslan, and Yuliya Ivanova. "THE ROLE OF LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCIES IN ENSURING THE PRINCIPLE OF LEGALITY DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR." In Law and law: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02033-3/013-018.

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In 2020, the 75th anniversary of the Victory of the soviet people is celebrated over fascism. An important role in achieving this result in the conditions law enforcement officers also provided wartime assistance. The main purpose of their professional activities was to ensure the implementation of principles of legality.

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Reid, Alan. "Education for Environmental Values and the Spectre of Eco-Fascism." In AERA 2023. USA: AERA, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/ip.23.2014629.

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Dainese, Elisa. "Le Corbusier’s Proposal for the Capital of Ethiopia: Fascism and Coercive Design of Imperial Identities." In LC2015 - Le Corbusier, 50 years later. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/lc2015.2015.838.

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Abstract: In 1936, immediately after the Italian conquest of the Ethiopian territories, the Fascist government initiated a competition to prepare the plan of Addis Ababa. Shortly, the new capital of the Italian empire in East Africa became the center of the Fascist debate on colonial planning and the core of the architectural discussion on the design for the control of African people. Taking into consideration the proposal for Addis Ababa designed by Le Corbusier, this paper reveals his perception of Europe’s role of supremacy in the colonial history of the 1930s. Le Corbusier admired the achievements of European colonialism in North Africa, especially the work of Prost and Lyautey, and appreciated the results of French domination in the continent. As architect and planner, he shared the Eurocentric assumption that considered overseas colonies as natural extension of European countries, and believed that the separation of indigenous and European quarters led to a more efficient control of the colonial city. In Addis Ababa he worked within the limit of the Italian colonial framework and, in the urgencies of the construction of the Fascist colonial empire, he participated in the coercive construction of imperial identities. Keywords: Le Corbusier; Addis Ababa; colonial city; Fascist architecture; racial separation; Eurocentrism. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/LC2015.2015.838

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Burns, James. "When Fascism Comes: The Biopolitics of Education Policy in Florida and Beyond." In 2023 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/2017672.

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Sinyaeva, Natella. "Genocide against the inhabitants of the ussr during the great patriotic war during the siege of leningrad." In Development of legal systems of Russia and foreign countries : problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02110-1-148-155.

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The article discusses the problems and legal approaches to the adoption of regulatory decisions regarding the recognition of the genocide of the inhabitants of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War by Nazi Germany and its allies. As an example, the problematic situation regarding the recognition of the genocide of the Soviet people during the siege of Leningrad in 1941–1944 is given. It is noted that according to the results of the Nuremberg trials in 1945, due to insufficient evidence, the actions of the fascists were recognized as a war crime, but not a crime against humanity, which is genocide according to international regulations. The situation changed only in 2022, when, after a request from the prosecutor’s office to the court and the provision of additional evidence of the crimes of fascists during the Great Patriotic War in the Leningrad region, a verdict was passed on the recognition of the genocide of Soviet citizens during the siege of Leningrad. This looks important from the perspective of the right assessment of the actions of the invaders and their commission of crimes that do not have a statute of limitations, which may have a further international effect. It is concluded that in the conditions of the falsification of historical facts by a number of Western states, the recognition of the crimes of fascism against the Soviet people as the most serious, directed against humanity, has not only important international significance, but also a deep inner meaning in the situation of the need to develop patriotism, pride and respect for their national history.

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Reports on the topic "Fascism"

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Escriva, Andrew C. Islamic Fascism: A Real Threat. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada469376.

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Johnson, Richard. Serbia and Russia: U.S. Appeasement and the Resurrection of Fascism. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada443184.

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Acemoglu, Daron, Giuseppe De Feo, Giacomo De Luca, and Gianluca Russo. War, Socialism and the Rise of Fascism: An Empirical Exploration. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, September 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w27854.

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Pena-Rodríguez, Alberto. Cinema, Fascism and Propaganda. A historical approximation to the Portuguese Estado Novo. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-067-953-207-227-en.

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Satyanath, Shanker, Nico Voigtlaender, and Hans-Joachim Voth. Bowling for Fascism: Social Capital and the Rise of the Nazi Party. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, July 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w19201.

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Sun, Pu. Reproduction of 'War, Socialism, and the Rise of Fascism: an Empirical Exploration'. Social Science Reproduction Platform, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.48152/ssrp-3s2g-m694.

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Costalli, Stefano, Daniele Guariso, Patricia Justino, and Andrea Ruggeri. The violent legacy of fascism: Neofascist political violence in Italy, 1969–88. UNU-WIDER, February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35188/unu-wider/2023/342-0.

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Tusor, Anita. Mapping Global Populism — Panel 2: Populism, Macho-Fascism and Varieties of Illiberalism in The Philippines. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), June 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0041.

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This report is based on the second panel of ECPS’s monthly panel series called “Mapping Global Populism” which was held online in Brussels on April 27, 2023. After concluding our “Mapping European Populism” Panel Series, ECPS is moving beyond the borders of Europe and expanding its project to include cases of populism around the world by organizing a new panel series to map global populism, bringing scholars together every month to discuss the state of political populism in a different region of the world. The second panel hosted 4 prominent scholars from Australia, Hong Kong and the Philippines. As a by-product of this fruitful panel, the report consists of brief summaries of the speeches delivered by the speakers.

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Bulent, Kenes. The Sweden Democrats: Killer of Swedish Exceptionalism. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), August 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0001.

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Like all liberal democracies, Sweden also faces challenges associated with globalization, international migration, and growing inequality. Despite its reputation as a moral superpower, Sweden is not immune to racism, nationalism, xenophobia, Islamophobia, and anti-immigrant sentiment. Sweden Democrats (SD), which originated from an extreme right-wing milieu, represents populist radical-right in Sweden. Since the party had its roots in Swedish fascism and white nationalism, the SD has failed to present a respectable façade so far.

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Siebert, Rudolf J., and Michael R. Ott. Catholicism and the Frankfurt School. Association Inter-University Centre Dubrovnik, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.53099/ntkd4301.

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The paper traces the development from the medieval, traditional union, through the modern disunion, toward a possible post-modern reunion of the sacred and the profane. It concentrates on the modern disunion and conflict between the religious and the secular, revelation and enlightenment, faith and autonomous reason in the Western world and beyond. It deals specifically with Christianity and the modern age, particularly liberalism, socialism and fascism of the 2Oth and the 21st centuries. The problematic inclination of Western Catholicism toward fascism, motivated by the fear of and hate against socialism and communism in the 20th century, and toward exclusive, authoritarian, and totalitarian populism and identitarianism in the 21st. century, is analyzed, compared and critiqued. Solutions to the problem are suggested on the basis of the Critical Theory of Religion and Society, derived from the Critical Theory of Society of the Frankfurt School. The critical theory and praxis should help to reconcile the culture wars which are continually produced by the modern antagonism between the religious and the secular, and to prepare the way toward post-modern, alternative Future III - the freedom of All on the basis of the collective appropriation of collective surplus value. Distribution and recognition problems are equally taken seriously.

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