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Xiao, Leshan. "Art of the Weimar Republic and the Premonitions of Fascism." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1932.
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Founded in 1918 following the carnage of World War One until the Nazi takeover of 1933, the Weimar Republic is widely renowned as a bastion of freedom and democracy that existed only briefly between the reigns of two authoritarian regimes. The Weimar period witnessed an unprecedented prosperity of art and culture, with tremendous advancements in the fields of literature, the visual arts, and film. However, the remnants of the old Empire persisted within the new Republic, and new fascist factions rose to prominence within German society. Artists that lived through the era, both liberal and conservative, observed and provided their opinions on this phenomenon that would culminate in the advent of Nazi Germany. The purpose of this paper is to examine works of art across genres and by different artists, establish a connection with the fascist trends in Weimar Germany, and understand the attitudes of each respective artist towards the decline of German society into illiberalism and barbarism. I argue that artists anticipated fascist political and cultural developments in the years prior to the Nazi seizure of power in 1933, and look at the various artists in the realms of literature, the visual arts, and film.
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Kessler, Henry A. "The Palazzo della Civilta Italiana: From Fascism to Fendi." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1429640180.
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Aguirre, Mariana G. "Artistic collaboration in Fascist Italy : Ardengo Soffici and Giorgio Morandi." View abstract/electronic edition; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3318288.
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Frétigny-Ryczek, Marie. "L'Ecole romaine de 1918 à nos jours : histoire d'une fortune critique." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0051/document.
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Cette thèse de doctorat ne vise pas tant à questionner la pertinence de la formule d'École romaine (Scuola Romana) appliquée à un groupe de peintres et de sculpteurs actifs à Rome dans l'entre-deux-guerres qu'à tenter de comprendre le succès de cette étiquette jusqu'à nos jours. Différentes méthodes sont utilisées pour aborder les écrits de critique d'art et les discours scientifiques, mais aussi les productions textuelles plus liées à la fiction et au témoignage. D'autre part, ce travail analyse les carrières singulières des artistes ainsi que le devenir des œuvres afin de replacer l'École romaine par rapport à une histoire du goût en Italie et au-delà. L'étude suit une progression chronologique. Elle porte d'abord sur la réception de l'École romaine du temps de son activité, entre 1918 et 1945, puis interroge la place des artistes du mouvement dans l'Italie de l'après-Seconde Guerre mondiale, dans un contexte marqué par les divisions politiques. Enfin, à partir des années 1980, l'on assiste à une tentative de revalorisation marchande de l'École romaine sans précédent. Il s'agit alors d'évaluer les résultats de cette action et de comprendre ce qui l'a rendue possible. Les questions de la modernité artistique ainsi que celles des liens de la scène artistique romaine avec le fascisme puis avec la mémoire du régime sont au cœur de cette recherche, constituant des approches neuves pour étudier un objet encore mal connu en FranceThis PhD thesis questions the label « Ecole romaine » (also known as Scuola romana) used to designate a group of painters and sculptors in Rome between 1918 and 1945. We aim to understand the reasons for the success of this expression until now. We use various methods in order to investigate the discourses of both art critics and scholars as well as more fictional texts, often written as testimonies. Furthermore, this work analyses the singular career of each artist and the reception of their works in order to consider the Ecole Romaine within a history of taste in Italy and abroad. Our study follows a chronological development. First, we analyse the reception of the School when active, between 1918 and 1945. Then, we examine the place of our artists in post-war Italy, in a context of great political divisions. Finally, we study how, in the early 1980s, various actors on the artistic scene tried to raise the value of the Ecole Romaine's works on the art market. What were the results of their attempt, and to what extent this renewal of interest had a lasting impact, especially in the museums field ? The questions of artistic modernity and of the relationship between the Ecole Romaine and the fascist regime are central in this research. These constitute new approaches to a theme which has remained relatively unknown outside of Italy
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Lacroix, Michel 1969. "La beaute comme violence : la dimension esthetique du fascisme francais, 1919-1939." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37754.
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Everything about fascism is aesthetic: this is what our thesis aims to demonstrate, based on the example of interwar French Fascism (1919--1939). It studies both discourses, symbolic practices, and literary texts, in order to show the multiple aspects of fascism's aesthetic dimension. Two theories, discourse analysis and sociocriticism, have guided us and permitted us to explain the interaction between aesthetics and ideology.Our thesis is divided in three parts, each one devoted to one of fascism's central themes: the leader, the youth, and the group. In our first chapter, we examine the charismatic leader's many faces, among which are the poet and the warrior. We then show that fascism's discourse on heroism makes of the epic hero an ideological model and that, in its turn, this ideological hero greatly influenced Pierre Drieu la Rochelle's representation of the hero. But, as we indicate, Drieu's novels reveal that the cult of the hero is both a glorification of the self and a self-hatred. In our second chapter we examine fascism's cult of youth such as it was in Italy and Germany, after which we have demonstrated that, in a way, French fascism was an extreme radicalization of the contemporary French discourse on youth. Then, we analyse one of Robert Brasillach's novels which brings to the fore the dark side of fascism's cult of youth: its death drive.
In our last chapter, we unearth the aesthetic principles underlying fascism's political spectacle, principles that we also find at the heart of Drieu's texts. We consequently state that Drieu has adopted fascism's aesthetic years before he realized he had fascist ideas. Going a little further yet, we stipulate that Drieu thus reveals that the aesthetic was one of the main roads towards fascism. We then establish, in our final conclusion, a synthetic description of fascist aesthetics: an aesthetics of pathos, exhibition, sublime, violence, and death.
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Kampa, Artemise. "Le syncrétisme esthétique de Forces Nouvelles (1935-1942) : une voie pour la définition de l’identité culturelle française dans l’imaginaire de l’entre-deux-guerres." Thesis, Paris 10, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA100081/document.
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Cette thèse analyse la position problématique et paradoxale du groupe Forces Nouvelles dans le large mouvement du retour à la figuration réaliste qui s’opère dans l’esthétique de l’entre-deux-guerres. Lancé en 1935 comme un groupe à la fois antimoderne et anticonformiste, Forces Nouvelles avance un nouveau langage pictural, un réalisme plus sensible investi dans l’expression de l’intériorité de l’être et éloigné de toute connotation sociale et idéologique, au-delà de toute trivialité ou de classicisme éteint. Pour beaucoup, ce réalisme d’esprit humaniste donnait au groupe un profil esthète et noble. Cette ambivalence entre réalisme et classicisme, entre activisme et esthétisme, est perpétuée dans la critique d’art même après la dissolution de l’ensemble en 1942. Cette identité ambiguë et obscure de Forces Nouvelles prend son sens une fois mise en relation avec les quêtes spirituelles et idéologiques de l’intelligentsia des années 1930. Révoltée contre l’idéologie matérialiste - dans sa forme libérale ou marxiste -, cette intelligentsia non-conformiste aspire à une nouvelle modernité plus spirituelle et morale ; explorant une voie alternative, ni à droite ni à gauche, elle vire souvent au conservatisme le plus anachronique et frôle la dérive fasciste. Forces Nouvelles, partageant une forme de pensée analogue à celle de l’élite contestataire – à la fois nihiliste et synthétique –, s’investit dans la recherche d’une esthétique originale, moderne et spirituelle, dans la recherche d’une nouvelle Renaissance ; s’inspirant d’une tradition picturale supposée authentique, le groupe élabore jusqu’au bout un style réaliste, grave et austère, effleurant l’archaïsme. En résonance avec la vision de cette génération non-conformiste, avec l’avènement d’un nouvel ordre moral, Forces Nouvelles propose un style réaliste au fondement existentiel comme horizon d’une nouvelle esthétique ultramoderneThis dissertation analyses the problematic, paradoxical position of the group known as Forces Nouvelles within the large movement of a return to realistic figuration, which takes place in the context of interwar aesthetics. Forces Nouvelles, launched in 1935 as an anti-modern, anti-conformist group, proposes a new pictorial language, a more sensitive realism at the service of the expression of the interiority of human beings and remote from social and ideological associations, beyond trivial realism and jaded classicism. This humanistic realism would confer a noble aesthete's profile to the group. Such ambivalence between realism and classicism, between activism and aestheticism is carried over in art criticism even after the dissolution of the group in 1942. This ambiguous, obscure identity of Forces Nouvelles becomes meaningful in the light of the spiritual and ideological quest of the 1930s intelligentsia, which revolted against materialist ideology, whether liberal or Marxist, aspiring to a new, more spiritual and moral, modernity. In its exploration of a new alternative, which is neither right nor left-oriented, it veers towards the most anachronistic conservatism verging on fascism. Having intellectual affinities with the radical elite, this both nihilistic and eclectic group, strives to achieve original aesthetics - modern and spiritual - and a new Renaissance. Based on a supposed authentic pictorial tradition Forces Nouvelles adopts a realistic style, grave and sober, verging on archaism. Resonating with the vision of this non-conformist generation and the advent of a new moral order Forces Nouvelles puts forward a realistic style with an existential basis as the aesthetics of ultra-modernity
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Castura, Marilisa. "A context for Fascist art and culture : an examination of debates in Critica fascista (1923-1943." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.446305.
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Héry-Montanes, Emilia. "Fascisme imaginaire : imaginaire du Fascisme dans l'art italien contemporain (1945-2015)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA01H027.
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Pendant soixante-dix ans, de 1945 à 2015, les artistes italiens ont, à travers leurs œuvres, mené un travail de mémoire. Entre une génération née avant le Fascisme, une alors qu'il est à l'apogée de sa puissance impérialiste, une autre après la guerre et enfin une génération de jeunes artistes nés trente ans après la fin du conflit, les mémoires singulières et collectives se bousculent. L'objectif de cette recherche est de reconstruire l'histoire de ces témoignages sur un passé vécu ou pas, et de donner les outils pour comprendre les conditions de leur genèse. Parler de la mémoire à travers des œuvres d'art est une expression intime, singulière, mais également un acte éminemment politique. Les manipulations de la mémoire du Fascisme influencent-elles tout au long de la période la création sur le sujet ? Quelles postures les artistes adoptent-ils face aux problématiques soulevées par une redéfinition du danger fasciste alors que la dictature est officiellement terminée ? Quelles formes plastiques sont données à ces remémorations et réactualisations ?Over a period spanning 70 years, 1945 through 2015, ltalian artists carried out a "memory" endeavour for those generations that were bom before the fascist era, during the period of its highest imperialistic aims, during the aftermath of the war, and even for the generation of those artists bom 30 years after the end of the war. As a result, a multitude of individual and collective memories had emerged. This work aims to reconstruct and track the history of these memories (whether or not actually experienced by the artist), and to provide the tools to understand the genesis ofthese memories. Analysing "memory" through art pieces is an intimate, singular, and political act. To what extent fascist memory manipulations affect artistic creations? How do the artists react and position themselves, once confronted with the problems of re-defining "Fascism", after the dictatorship fell? Which new "plastic forms" emerge from these new adaptations of individual and collective memories?
Durante settant'anni, dal 1945 al 2015, gli artisti italiani, attraverso le loro opere, hanno svolto un lavoro di memoria. Fra una generazione nata prima del Fascismo, una nata quando questo è al culmine della sua potenza imperialista, un'altra nata dopo la guerra e infine una generazione di giovani artisti nati trent'anni dopo la fine del conflitto, le memorie individuali e collettive si affollano. L'obiettivo di questa ricerca è di ricostruire la storia di queste testimonianze su un passato, vissuto o no, e di fomire gli strumenti per capire le condizioni della loro genesi. Parlare della memoria attraverso le opere d'arte è un'espressione intima, singolare, ma allo stesso tempo un atto eminentemente politico. Nel periodo preso in esame, le manipolazioni della memoria del Fascismo influenzano la creazione su questo tema? Quai è la posizione degli artisti di fronte alle problematiche nate da una ridefinizione del pericolo fascista, sebbene la dittatura sia ufficialmente caduta? Quali forme plastiche son date a queste rimemorazioni e riattualizzazioni?
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Giorio, Maria-Beatrice. "Gli scultori italiani e la Francia : influenze e modelli francesi nella prima metà del novecento." Thesis, Paris 10, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA100053/document.
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Cette étude a analysé la présence des sculpteurs italiens à Paris du début du XX siècle à la fin des années Trente, afin de reconstituer un chapitre important de l'histoire des échanges artistiques en France. Nous nous sommes servis d'une méthode historique et philologique, qui a bien été appliquée aux écrits critiques et à la presse de l'époque. Pour ce qui concerne le début du siècle, nous avons remarqué une participation considérable de la part des italiens aux principaux événements expositifs de la capitale comme les Salons officiels; le succès de public et commercial leur avait permis d'obtenir une place parmi les artistes à la mode les plus connus. Pendant les années Vingt, nous avons constaté un nombre moins significatif de sculpteurs; nous avons lu ce fait en nous rapportant à la situation historique italienne, qui en ce temps subissait des importants changements dus à l'ascension du régime fasciste. Les italiens qui étaient encore présents en France après la Guerre ne s'inséraient guère dans le cadre des nouvelles recherches artistiques italiennes, ils poursuivaient, au contraire, des orientations esthétiques plutôt dépassées. La dernière partie de notre étude s'est intéressée à l'essor du nouveau langage artistique de la péninsule italienne qui pendant les années Trente se répandit enfin même à l'étranger. Les sculpteurs italiens pouvaient donc participer activement à la vie expositive parisienne, tout en montrant le visage d'une plastique qui avait enfin pris conscience de ses potentialités. La France de sa part accueillait volontiers ces expérimentations, dans le but d'instituer une relation d'amitié durable avec le pays voisinThis study has analyzed the presence of Italian sculptors in Paris from the beginning of the 20th Century to the end of the third decade, with the aim of reconstructing an important chapter of the history of artistic exchanges between Italy and France. We have favored an historical-philological method, based on critical publications and old French and Italian press.Concerning the beginning of the century, we have remarked a considerable participation of Italians in the main expositions in the French capital, such as official Salons; critical and market success allowed them to get a main role in the crew of the most popular artists.During the twenties, we have noted a less considerable participation of Italian sculptors; we have interpreted it in relation to historical context of fascist Italy, where the government was trying to develop a national cultural program. The Italian artists in France, after the First World War, didn't share the new Italian artistic orientation; they went on with outdated aesthetic choices.The last part of our research was interested in the development of the new Italian artistic language, finally known out of Italy. The Italian sculptors consequently could take part in arts activity in Paris, showing the face of a new sculpture, finally aware of its potentialities. France gave these experimentations a good welcome in the aim of constituting a longtime friendship with the Italian country
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Mollard, Ingrid. "L’homme volant : l’imaginaire aéronautique dans la culture visuelle européenne de 1903 à 1937." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040054.
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Le monde aéronautique a connu un essor significatif durant les premières décennies du XXe siècle. Propulsé par des avancées technologiques sans précédents, l’aéronautique fut rapidement omniprésente dans tous les secteurs de la vie et de la culture européennes. De la figure du pilote d’aéroplane émergea subtilement, puis avec force, l’image d’un homme robuste et valeureux qui personnifiait son pays. Trouvant un réceptacle favorable dans les héros nés de la Grande Guerre, les gouvernements totalitaires qui émergèrent façonnèrent le pilote comme l’avatar d’un homme idéal. L’imaginaire européen du premier tiers du XXe siècle vit alors naitre « l’homme volant », une facette de « l’homme nouveau », incarnant la grandeur de sa nationAeronautics underwent a significant development during the first decades of the 20th century. Helped by new technological advancements aeronautics quickly became omnipresent in all sectors of the European life and culture. From the figure of the airplane’s pilot emerged subtly, then with strength, the image of a strong and brave man personifying his country. Finding a favorable receptacle in the Great War’s heroes, the totalitarian governments shaped the pilot as the avatar of an ideal man. The European imagination of the first third of the 20th century gave birth to the "flying man", a facet of the “new man”, embodying the greatness of its nation
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Andreotti, Libero. "Art and politics in Fascist Italy : the Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution (1932)." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/14179.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 1989.Title as it appeared in M.I.T. Graduate List, Sept. 1989: Art and politics in Italy; the Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution.
Includes bibliographical references.
by Libero Andreotti.
Ph.D.
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Oliveira, Marcel Steiner Giglio de. "Arquitetura em São Paulo na Era Vargas - o art déco e a arquitetura fascista nos edifícios públicos (1930 -1945)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/16/16133/tde-16032010-093020/.
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O objetivo desta pesquisa é a análise de cinco obras arquitetônica erguidas na cidade de São Paulo entre 1930 e 1945, anos que o Brasil foi governada por Getúlio Vargas. As obras escolhidas neste trabalho foram o Estádio do Pacaembu, a Biblioteca Municipal, o Túnel do Trianon, o Viaduto do Chá e a Ponte das Bandeiras, todas construídas pela Prefeitura Municipal de São Paulo, nas gestões de Fabio Prado e de Francisco Prestes Maia. Usando as teses de David Harvey e Robert O. Paxton, definimos o momento político e econômico em que os projetos foram construídos na cidade, levando em conta a relação entre o Estado brasileiro e a arquitetura em São Paulo.The objective of this study is the analysis of five works of architecture constructed in the city of São Paulo between 1930 and 1945, years during which Brazil was governed by Getúlio Vargas. The works selected for this study were Pacaembu Stadium, the Municipal Library, the Trianon Tunnel, the Viaduto do Chá, and the Bandeiras Bridge, all constructed by the São Paulo municipal government during the mayorships of Fabio Prado and Francisco Prestes Maia. Using the theories of David Harvey and Robert O. Paxton, the study defines the political and economic moment in which the projects were constructed in the city, taking into consideration the relation between the Brazilian state and architecture in São Paulo.
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Petcavage, Stephanie. "Fascist Art and the Nazi Regime: The Use of Art to Enflame War." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1463130930.
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Weatherman, Andrea Dawn. "Prophecy Fulfilled? Walter Benjamin's Vision and Steve Reich's Process." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1300577313.
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Maillart, Olivier. "Les fables du fascisme : fictions et représentations du fascisme dans la littérature et le cinéma italiens (1959-1989)." Paris 10, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA100137.
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Cette analyse de romans et de films italiens (et parfois allemands et français), apparus pour l’essentiel entre les années soixante et les années quatre-vingt, propose une nouvelle histoire du fascisme, non à travers le regard de l’historien, mais à travers celui des artistes qui ont représenté cette époque par les moyens de la fiction. En postulant une intelligence herméneutique propre à la fable (qui peut user, à la différence du discours scientifique, de l’imagination et du personnage), on a cherché à dévoiler un certain nombre d’aspects négligés de l’expérience du fascisme sous le Ventennio, expérience sensible qui appelle des moyens spécifiques : démesure épique, hantise d’un passé coupable, usages variés du thème de la décadence, monstruosité et sacrifice, dannunzianisme et pirandellisme vécus comme autant de possibilités existentielles, et non plus seulement artistiques. Cette thèse cumule donc plusieurs ambitions, puisqu’elle s’appuie sur une approche renouvelée des œuvres de fiction (et singulièrement des films de Luchino Visconti, Pier Paolo Pasolini et Bernardo Bertolucci, tout comme des romans de Curzio Malaparte, Giorgio Bassani et Elsa Morante), approche qui doit autant à Umberto Eco et Jacques Rancière qu’à René Girard et Milan Kundera, afin d’atteindre une compréhension inédite du fascisme et de l’histoire italienneThis thesis analyses Italian novels and films (and also a few German and French works) from the ‘60s to the ‘80s to offer a new history of fascism: it is new because it is not based on the historians’ point of view, but on the artists’ one, using the means of fiction to represent this period. Believing that fable has a hermeneutic intelligence of its own (because unlike the scientific discourse, fable can use imagination and characters), we have tried to unveil some overlooked aspects of life during the Ventennio: epic excess, a haunting and guilty past, variation on the theme of the decadence, monstrousness and sacrifice, dannunzianism and pirandellism (lived as existential possibilities, not just artistic ones). This thesis therefore combines several ambitions: it originates in a new approach of fictional works (especially films by Luchino Visconti, Pier Paolo Pasolini and Bernardo Bertolucci, and novels by Curzio Malaparte, Giorgio Bassani and Elsa Morante), which owes to Umberto Eco as well as to Jacques Rancière, René Girard or Milan Kundera. But it also aims at a new comprehension of fascism and Italian history
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Bottinelli, Giorgia. "The art of dissent in fascist Italy : the Bottai years, 1936-1943." Thesis, Courtauld Institute of Art (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.548087.
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Bullo, Eleonora <1985>. "La fotografia sportiva in Italia: dal Fascismo ad oggi." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/3512.
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La tesi analizza le finalità che la fotografia sportiva ha avuto in Italia. Il primo capitolo serve ad individuare quali siano stati gli sviluppi a livello internazionale delle tecniche ed espressioni che hanno contribuito al nascere di questa disciplina. La seconda parte, invece, tende a dimostrare come, in Italia, la fotografia di sport sia stata utilizzata, in epoca fascista, a fini propagandistici e dal secondo dopoguerra in poi, a seguito del boom fotogiornalistico, come sostegno visivo alle cronache di avvenimenti sportivi e come veicolo pubblicitario.
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Gallo, Francesco <1992>. "L'immagine nella medaglistica sportiva fascista." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/12306.
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Dauphin, Sandrine. "Art et totalitarisme : l'esthétique comme instrument de propagande." Paris 2, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA020070.
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Durant la premiere moitie du xxe siecle, l'affrontement entre les regimes communistes et fascistes ne se limita pas aux plans ideologiques et militaires mais concerna aussi le milieu culturel. En effet l'urss de staline, l'allemagne d'hitler et l'italie de mussolini ont cree une esthetique commune malgre leur opposition politique. Ces etats totalitaires ont ainsi mis les arts au service de leur propagande. Si l'art est un agent actif de communication entre les hommes, c'est parce qu'il est egalement un moyen d'expression de l'ideologie. Des lors, de quelle maniere l'art participa-t-il a l'embrigadement des individus ? l'architecture offrait l'apparat et le luxe ; son gigantisme exprimait l'autorite suscitant a la fois crainte et admiration. Quant aux arts plastiques, ils deifierent le chef supreme et annoncerent la venue de l'homme nouveau. Les arts donnaient donc forme a l'utopie totalitaire qui avait pour finalite de changer la nature meme de l'homme : annihiler toute forme d'individualisme, imaginer l'homme comme le simple rouage d'une immense machine, celle de l'etat tout puissant. Au bout du compte il s'agissait de persuader le peuple de sa superiorite pour l'amener a accepter tous les sacrifices dans une union spirituelle avec l'etat et son chef. L'art n'etait non pas le reflet de la societe mais le reflet de l'idee que se faisait le pouvoir de son peupleIn the first part of the twentieth century, the antagonism between communism and facism was not limited only to ideological and military levels but was also present at cultural levels. Indeed mussolini's italy, hitler's germany and staline's ussr created a common aesthetic in spite of political opposition. Thus, these totalitarian states exploited art for the purpose of propaganda. If art is an active agent of communication between men, then art can also be the manner for ideological expression. How then did art change, orientate and modify an individual's perception of the world in general? architecture reflected pomp and luxury while its large scale works expressed authority crousing fear and admiration at the same time. As for support of the "plastic arts", they allowed, deification of the supreme chief and permitted the announcement of the new man. Art was giving rise form to the totalitarian utopia which existed to transform human nature. Art was not simply the society's reflection but the reflection of the idea the power made of its people. Its allowed the people to believe in spiritual union with the state and its chief
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Arvidsson, Adam. "Marketing modernity : Italian advertising from fascism to postmodernity /." London : Routledge, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb401228431.
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Piccioni, Lucia. "Peinture et politique durant le fascisme italien (1922-1943) : « italianités » en conflit." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0017.
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L'un des principaux objectifs de cette thèse est de remettre en question le pluralisme esthétique qui caractérise la situation des arts figuratifs pendant le régime fasciste italien (1922-1943) comme garant d'une autonomie de l'art. Plutôt que de réduire les œuvres et les artistes à de simples rouages de l'appareil de propagande, cette étude veut démontrer que la peinture en particulier, façonne et parfois anticipe même l'idéologie fasciste. La notion d'« italianité » ainsi que ses déclinaisons en « latinité », « romanité » etc. Se sont dégagées comme des notions opératoires du fait de leur récurrence dans les sources textuelles artistiques et politiques. Étudiés à la lumière des études post-coloniales, ces essentialismes permettent de reconstituer l'« horizon d'attente » des représentations analysées. Or, qu'il s'agisse des figures humaines du groupe Novecento érigées par Margherita Sarfatti en emblème d'un néo-classicisme de tradition romaine, du caractère synthétique des aéropaysages futuristes qui font l'apologie de l'Italie guerrière, ou encore des nus de l'École de Rome exaltés comme des archétypes italiques, on s'aperçoit que l’« italianité » sert systématiquement à légitimer une « civilisation » renouvelée par le fascisme, autoritaire, anticosmopolite et antidémocratique. Ces recherches ont finalement pour ambition d'étudier l'« italianité » comme le fondement idéologique d'une radicalisation du discours, et d'observer comment l'art contribue au fil du temps à légitimer la suprématie de la « race » italienne sur le plan spirituel autant que biologiqueOne of the main purposes of this thesis is to challenge the aesthetic pluralism characterising the situation of figurative arts during the Italian fascist regime (1922-1943) as a warranty of art autonomy. Rather than reducing the artworks and the artists to simple cogs of the propaganda machine, this study wishes to demonstrate that painting in particular, shapes and even anticipates the fascist ideology. The concept of "italianity" and its variants such as "latinity", "romanity" etc. Has emerged as operative notions because of their recurrence in political and artistic textual sources. Those essentialisms carefully observed in the light of post-colonial studies, allow to rebuild the "horizon of expectations" of chosen representations. Therefore, from the human figures of Novecento described by Margherita Sarfatti as the emblem of a neo-classicism of Roman tradition, to the synthetic dimension typical of the aerial futurist landscapes celebrating an Italy ready for war, or even the naked figures of the School of Rome exalting italic archetypes, "italianity" is systematically used to legitimate a "civilization" regenerated by fascism, authoritarian, anticosmopolitan and antidemocratic. This research attempts to study "italianity" as the ideological foundation of a radicalization and to observe how art contributes over time to legitimate the supremacy of Italian "race" in both spiritual and biological terms
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Regan, Lisa. "'Men who are men and women who are women' : fascism, psychology and feminist resistance in the work of Winifred Holtby." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2005. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2459/.
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Winifred Holtby was a novelist, journalist and feminist, writing in the 1920s and 1930s. This thesis focuses on her feminist resistance to the fashion for sexual division in interwar Britain. She reads it as a social and political backlash against women’s equal rights that seeks to drive women out of the workplace and back into the home. In Holtby’s view, the popularisation of Freud and the growing appeal of fascism contribute to this backlash by stressing women’s primary role as wives and mothers. For Holtby, Sir Oswald Mosley, the leader of the British Union of Fascists, sums up this fashion for sexual division when he declares in 1932, ‘we want men who are men and women who are women’. Previous scholarship has focused on Holtby’s work in dialogue with her friend and fellow feminist, Vera Brittain. This thesis adopts a more panoramic perspective to consider Holtby’s work in the context of other feminist contemporaries and in the context of feminist intellectual history. Each chapter examines how Holtby draws inspiration from a figure in feminist history in order to challenge the influences of psychology and fascism on attitudes to women between the wars. Holtby declared that Mary Wollstonecraft’s A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792) was the ‘bible of the woman’s movement’ and the first chapter examines Wollstonecraft’s influence on Holtby’s feminist thought. The second chapter considers Holtby’s defence of the spinster against interwar prejudice that castigated the spinster as sexually frustrated and psychological abnormal. By subverting Charlotte Brontë’s romance narratives for an interwar ‘feminine middlebrow’ readership, Holtby valorises women’s work in the community. The third chapter addresses the fascist veneration of motherhood, analysing how Holtby recognises and assimilates the feminist potential of Alfred Adler’s theory of Individual Psychology to her anti-fascist critique.
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Lundbak, Henrik. "Danish unity : a political party between fascism and resistance 1936-1947 /." Copenhagen : Museum Tusculanum Press, University of Copenhagen, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38878940z.
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von, Essen Hugo. "Varför var the New Deal fascism? : De amerikanska kommunisternas dragkamp om Roosevelts National Industrial Recovery Act." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för idé- och lärdomshistoria, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-351507.
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Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka de amerikanska kommunisternas samtida diskussion kring och kritik av Roosevelts National Industrial Recovery Act , samt att analysera deras interna dragkamp om hur denna skulle tolkas och förstås i relation till fascism. Detta genomförs genom att studera kommunistiska tidningar från stalinister och trotskister. Tidigare forskning om ämnet har negligerat kommunisternas syn på lagen, alternativt avfärdat den som simpel dogma. Denna studie visar tvärtemot att både NIRA och fascism var föremål för en omfattande maktkamp mellan de kommunistiska lägren, och att kommunisternas förståelser och tolkningar byggde på komplexa teorier och utförliga analyser som anknöt till många olika koncept som bl.a. krig, terror, juridik, rättigheter, statens makt och begränsningar, symboler, statsvetenskaplig teori, och ideologier. Därmed kan studien också bidra till att problematisera och nyansera den rådande bilden av the New Deal, som i såväl forskning som populär mening har förståtts och förstås och används fortfarande som ett enhetligt, socialistiskt och progressivt fenomen.
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Amicone, Fiorella. "Les Relations italo-américaines durant le fascisme." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376022937.
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Taddeo, Giulia <1986>. ""All'opera ha fatto seguito il ballo": Danza e stampa nell'Italia fascista." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2015. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6967/1/taddeo_giulia_tesi.pdf.
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Basata sul reperimento di un’ampia mole di testi giornalistici (come cronache, interviste, elzeviri e articoli di “Terza”) dedicati alle pratiche coreiche e pubblicati in Italia nel corso del ventennio fascista, la tesi ricostruisce i lineamenti di quello che, seppure ancora embrionale e certo non specialistico, si può comunque ritenere una sorta di “pensiero italiano” sulla danza del Primo Novecento.
A partire dalla ricognizione sistematica di numerose testate quotidiane e periodiche e, pertanto, dalla costruzione di un nutrito corpus di fonti primarie, si è proceduto all’analisi dei testi reperiti attraverso un approccio metodologico che, fondamentalmente storiografico, accoglie tuttavia alcuni rudimenti interpretativi elaborati in ambito semiotico (con particolare riferimento alle teorizzazioni di Jurij Lotman e Umberto Eco), il tutto al fine di cogliere, pur nell’estrema varietà formale e contenutistica offerta dal materiale documentario, alcune dinamiche culturali di fondo attraverso le quali disegnare, da un lato, il panorama delle tipologie di danza effettivamente praticate sulle scene italiane del Ventennio,e, dall’altro, quello dell’insieme di pensieri, opinioni e gusti orbitanti attorno ad esse
Ne è scaturita una trattazione fondamentalmente tripartita in cui, dopo la messa in campo delle questioni metodologiche, si passa dapprima attraverso l’indagine dei tre principali generi di danza che, nella stampa del periodo fascista, si ritenevano caratteristici della scena coreica internazionale – qui definiti nei termini di “ballo teatrale”, “ballo russo” e “danze libere” – e, successivamente, si presenta un approfondimento su tre singolari figure di intellettuali che, ognuno con un’attitudine estremamente personale, hanno dedicato alla danza un’attenzione speciale: Anton Giulio Bragaglia, Paolo Fabbri e Marco Ramperti.
Un’ampia antologia critica completa il lavoro ripercorrendone gli snodi principali.The dissertation investigates the relationship between dance and press during the fascist period in order to reconstruct the narrative on dance dominating in Italy in the first half of the Twentieth Century and aims to think about the birth of dance criticism in Italy. Unlike what happens in the rest of Europe and in America, in fact, throughout the first half of the twentieth century, Italian press can’t boast the presence of an authentic dance criticism. Grounded on these assumptions, my inquiry focuses on a particular and controversial phase of Italian history such as the Fascist period, aiming, on the one hand , to reconstruct the discourses on dance elaborated by Italian journalism in the early twentieth century, and trying, on the other hand, to wonder about the cultural dynamic underlying the lack of a authentic dance criticism in Italy during the Fascism . Starting from the recognition of some formal and conceptual elements characterising the discourses on dance published on daily newspapers and periodicals, I propose a methodological approach that intertwines an historiographical perspective with concepts derived from semiotics of culture. By this I analyze the discourses mentioned above by posing the following questions: how can dance become one of the topics of journalistic discourse? What's the image of the dancing body developed in Italian journalism during the fascist period? What kind of cultural dynamics can generate the development of a critical discourse on dance? And, on the contrary, in which case is the emergence of a dance criticism inhibited? A special attention is dedicated to three intellectuals who wrote about dance during the fascist period adopting a particularly interesting insight: Anton Giulio Bragaglia, Paolo Fabbri and Marco Ramperti.
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Taddeo, Giulia <1986>. ""All'opera ha fatto seguito il ballo": Danza e stampa nell'Italia fascista." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2015. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6967/.
Full textAbstract:
Basata sul reperimento di un’ampia mole di testi giornalistici (come cronache, interviste, elzeviri e articoli di “Terza”) dedicati alle pratiche coreiche e pubblicati in Italia nel corso del ventennio fascista, la tesi ricostruisce i lineamenti di quello che, seppure ancora embrionale e certo non specialistico, si può comunque ritenere una sorta di “pensiero italiano” sulla danza del Primo Novecento.
A partire dalla ricognizione sistematica di numerose testate quotidiane e periodiche e, pertanto, dalla costruzione di un nutrito corpus di fonti primarie, si è proceduto all’analisi dei testi reperiti attraverso un approccio metodologico che, fondamentalmente storiografico, accoglie tuttavia alcuni rudimenti interpretativi elaborati in ambito semiotico (con particolare riferimento alle teorizzazioni di Jurij Lotman e Umberto Eco), il tutto al fine di cogliere, pur nell’estrema varietà formale e contenutistica offerta dal materiale documentario, alcune dinamiche culturali di fondo attraverso le quali disegnare, da un lato, il panorama delle tipologie di danza effettivamente praticate sulle scene italiane del Ventennio,e, dall’altro, quello dell’insieme di pensieri, opinioni e gusti orbitanti attorno ad esse
Ne è scaturita una trattazione fondamentalmente tripartita in cui, dopo la messa in campo delle questioni metodologiche, si passa dapprima attraverso l’indagine dei tre principali generi di danza che, nella stampa del periodo fascista, si ritenevano caratteristici della scena coreica internazionale – qui definiti nei termini di “ballo teatrale”, “ballo russo” e “danze libere” – e, successivamente, si presenta un approfondimento su tre singolari figure di intellettuali che, ognuno con un’attitudine estremamente personale, hanno dedicato alla danza un’attenzione speciale: Anton Giulio Bragaglia, Paolo Fabbri e Marco Ramperti.
Un’ampia antologia critica completa il lavoro ripercorrendone gli snodi principali.The dissertation investigates the relationship between dance and press during the fascist period in order to reconstruct the narrative on dance dominating in Italy in the first half of the Twentieth Century and aims to think about the birth of dance criticism in Italy. Unlike what happens in the rest of Europe and in America, in fact, throughout the first half of the twentieth century, Italian press can’t boast the presence of an authentic dance criticism. Grounded on these assumptions, my inquiry focuses on a particular and controversial phase of Italian history such as the Fascist period, aiming, on the one hand , to reconstruct the discourses on dance elaborated by Italian journalism in the early twentieth century, and trying, on the other hand, to wonder about the cultural dynamic underlying the lack of a authentic dance criticism in Italy during the Fascism . Starting from the recognition of some formal and conceptual elements characterising the discourses on dance published on daily newspapers and periodicals, I propose a methodological approach that intertwines an historiographical perspective with concepts derived from semiotics of culture. By this I analyze the discourses mentioned above by posing the following questions: how can dance become one of the topics of journalistic discourse? What's the image of the dancing body developed in Italian journalism during the fascist period? What kind of cultural dynamics can generate the development of a critical discourse on dance? And, on the contrary, in which case is the emergence of a dance criticism inhibited? A special attention is dedicated to three intellectuals who wrote about dance during the fascist period adopting a particularly interesting insight: Anton Giulio Bragaglia, Paolo Fabbri and Marco Ramperti.
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McKeon, J. Michael. "Constructuing [sic] the category Entartete Kunst the Degenerate Art exhibition of 1937 and postmodern historiography." Ohio : Ohio University, 2006. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1142622901.
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Capasso, Alessia <1986>. "Il corpo nell’arte sovietica degli anni Trenta. Affinità e diversità rispetto ai coevi totalitarismi europei: nazismo e fascismo." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/3822.
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Gli anni Trenta in Russia, Germania e Italia furono teatro di importanti cambiamenti politici e conseguentemente artistici, un periodo in cui lo stile visivo della rappresentazione cambiò in modi significativi. Con la presa del potere da parte di leader quali Stalin, Hitler e Mussolini si instaurarono nei tre paesi regimi totalitari che assunsero l’arte in tutte le sue forme come mezzo propagandistico per le proprie ideologie e per il raggiungimento rapido delle masse. Nel campo della pittura e della scultura, ma anche nella fotografia, nel cinema e soprattutto nella produzione dei manifesti (strumenti di grande efficacia propagandistica) il corpo umano rivestì un ruolo fondamentale nella divulgazione dei modelli e delle virtù, nonché dei messaggi, totalitari. In modo particolare nel corpo raffigurato l’uomo della massa poté identificarsi e recepire con immediatezza quanto espresso a parole o divulgato in messaggi scritti. Inoltre, la raffigurazione dei corpi dei rispettivi leader permise la creazione di un mito e di un culto ad essi riferito e alimentato dal clima di terrore e violenza diffusi. Sebbene vi furono delle differenze in termini stilistici, i tre totalitarismi considerati raggiunsero i medesimi risultati attraverso la creazione di immagini che poterono servire come esempi di obiettivi da raggiungere tali da giustificare i sacrifici a cui venne sottoposta la popolazione: in nome di un futuro luminoso (nel caso sovietico), o in nome della grandiosità della razza (nel caso tedesco). Le immagini servirono dunque per l’educazione delle masse nonché per la forgiatura di quell’uomo nuovo, che avrebbe popolato il mondo nuovo sorto grazie agli sforzi richiesti dai partiti. Il mondo sovietico vide pertanto la nascita dal realismo socialista quale metodo da seguire per lo sviluppo e la produzione culturale, quello tedesco riprese le forme greche classiche quali esempi di armonia e di perfezione corporea tali da esemplificare la tipologia del perfetto ariano, mentre il fascismo italiano, nonostante la mancanza di un meccanismo culturale completo presente invece presso i regimi sovietico e tedesco, vide comunque la diffusione di un stile basato sulla tradizione italiana legata all'arte dell'antica Roma e ai maestri trecenteschi e quattrocenteschi, sottolineando le tematiche del lavoro, della disciplina e della cultura, in un legame con la vita e la tradizione quale elemento cardine per un rinnovamento sociale.
Si cercherà quindi di sottolineare l’importanza della raffigurazione del corpo umano quale immagine-mezzo per veicolare di volta in volta i messaggi politici dominanti, nella costruzione di una realtà altra e di un modello a cui riferirsi, ponendo in confronto le modalità di utilizzo di questo mezzo da parte dei totalitarismi dei tre Paesi.
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Peloille, Manuelle. "Fascismo en ciernes : España 1922-1930 : textos recuperados /." Toulouse : Presses universitaires du Mirail, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb401124322.
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Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Études ibériques et ibéro-américaines--Bordeaux 3, 2001. Titre de soutenance : La représentation du fascisme dans la presse espagnole : trompe-l'oeil et lignes de partage.Bibliogr. p. 163-166.
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Bolz, Daphné. "Les arènes totalitaires : fascisme, nazisme et propagande sportive /." Paris : CNRS éd, 2007. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41184151k.
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Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Sciences sociales, pratiques sociales et développement--Strasbourg 2, 2005. Titre de soutenance : Pratique et spectacle sportifs en Italie fasciste et en Allemagne nazie : étude à partir des équipements sportifs. Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Psychologie, Erziehungswissenschaft und Sportwissenschaft--Berlin, 2005.La couv. porte comme sous-titre : "Hitler, Mussolini et les jeux du stade" Thèse soutenue en co-tutelle dans le cadre du Collège doctoral européen des Universités de Strasbourg. Bibliogr. p. 309-335. Notes bibliogr.
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Costa, Chiara. "Il genere della vanitas nel periodo del ventennio fascista." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3422451.
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The vanitas genre in the twenty-year period of Italian Fascism
The study began with an investigation of the cyclical flourish of the vanitas genre in contemporary times, addressing, more specifically, the twentieth century, without overlooking the legacy of late 1800s or excluding the influence of the 1900s on the first decade of the twenty-first century. After identifying certain crucial phases in the development of particularly relevant vanitas, the study focused on the twenty-year Fascist period. The scope was limited to Italian Fascism, at a moment in which all of Europe – and not only Europe – was heading toward tragic experiences of war and genocide.
The thesis opens with a consideration on the different types of vanitas, assessing the pertinence of selected works against the accepted genre classification and noting elements of continuity and discontinuity with respect to tradition. It then examines the context in which the artists worked, as it was portrayed in their writings, which emphasize how their artistic experiences were conditioned by politics and war.
Lastly, the work traces the tight network of relationships between the major figures of this time, evidencing the flourish of vanitas through several examples. Those that came first sought to revive the genre under the banner of a return to order or to express a profound existential anguish. Those that followed were dictated by the urgent need to rebel against the dictatorship with a tool that, in the wake of Picasso and Guernica, employed a cryptic language of “pictorial equivalents” capable of transmitting a message of opposition within the vanitates.
The initial repertoire of images was expanded to include a broader chronological and geographical field of study that nonetheless responded to traditional typologies of vanitas and made it possible to select works from the twenty-year Fascist period. What emerged in the analyses of these works, conducted in the text and in the apparatus, is the strong link between the flourish of vanitates and the climate in which they are created, as well as an unusual use of the genre, the innovative iconographic aspects of which extol an uncanny vis polemica, which goes beyond the limits of spiritual admonition to embrace social and political protest. The emblematic repertoire and the moral nature of the vanitas are actually used as instruments of protest. The genre, which was held to be minor and “innocuous” by propaganda, was a sure and powerful means in reaching those who understood the subversive message concealed within its symbolism.Il genere della vanitas nel periodo del ventennio fascista La ricerca ha preso avvio da un’indagine sul ciclico prosperare del genere vanitas in età contemporanea e precisamente nel XX secolo, senza trascurare l’eredità che in merito giungeva dagli ultimi anni dell’Ottocento né escludere l’influenza esercitata dal Novecento sul primo decennio del XXI secolo. Identificate alcune fasi cruciali in cui lo sviluppo della vanitas assunse particolare rilevanza, lo studio si è poi concentrato sul periodo del ventennio fascista, delimitando l’area d’interesse a quella italiana, in un momento che vede l’Europa intera, e non solo, avviarsi verso le esperienze tragiche della guerra e del genocidio. La tesi si apre con una riflessione sulle diverse tipologie della vanitas, valutando la pertinenza delle opere scelte al confronto con la classificazione consolidata del genere e rilevando gli elementi di continuità e discontinuità rispetto alla tradizione. Si sviluppa, quindi, esaminando il contesto in cui si trovano a operare gli artisti, che nei loro scritti sottolineano il condizionamento esercitato dagli eventi bellici e politici sulla loro esperienza artistica. E, infine, nel tratteggiare l’intensa rete di rapporti tra i protagonisti di questo momento storico, evidenzia come la vanitas prosperi manifestandosi in numerosi esempi, sorti dapprima per la volontà di recuperare un genere nel segno del ritorno all’ordine o di esprimere un’intima angoscia esistenziale; dettati poi dall’urgenza di ribellarsi alla dittatura con uno strumento che, sulla scorta dell’esperienza di Picasso e di Guernica, si servisse di un linguaggio criptato, formato da “equivalenti pittorici” in grado di veicolare all’interno delle vanitates messaggi di opposizione al regime. Dunque, da un iniziale repertorio di immagini esteso a un più ampio ambito cronologico e geografico, ma accomunate dalla rispondenza alle tipologie tradizionali della vanitas, si è provveduto a selezionare le opere appartenenti al periodo del ventennio fascista. Dall’analisi dei casi scelti, nel testo e negli apparati, è di conseguenza emerso non solo un forte legame tra il prosperare delle vanitates e il clima in cui esse nascono, ma anche un utilizzo inconsueto del genere, i cui aspetti iconografici innovativi esaltano una vis polemica inusuale, che supera i confini del monito spirituale per aprirsi alla protesta sociale e politica. Il repertorio emblematico e la natura morale della vanitas vengono, infatti, utilizzati come strumenti di contestazione: mezzi sicuri nella misura in cui tale genere fosse ritenuto secondario e “innocuo” dalla propaganda e potente, invece, per chi comprendeva il messaggio sovversivo celato nella sua simbologia.
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ABBONIZIO, ISABELLA. "Musica e colonialismo nell’Italia fascista (1922-1943)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Roma "Tor Vergata", 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2108/1196.
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L’esperienza coloniale italiana si esaurisce nell’arco di sessant’anni, tra la seconda metà dell’Ottocento e la prima del Novecento (1882-1943). Dopo una prima fase sotto il governo liberale, durante l’ultimo ventennio la politica imperialista dell’Italia è guidata dal governo fascista. Attraverso i potenti mezzi di propaganda del regime il discorso coloniale, già diffuso e capillare, investe ogni ambito del sapere, compresa la musica d’arte.
Solo a partire dall’ultimo ventennio del secolo scorso gli studi sul colonialismo italiano, stimolati dai cultural studies, hanno conosciuto una rinascita. Campi disciplinari tradizionalmente assenti, quali le scienze sociali e le arti, partecipano al dibattito. Tuttavia, fino ad oggi, la musicologia si è mantenuta piuttosto estranea all’argomento, limitandosi quasi esclusivamente a rilevare gli effetti delle misure sanzioniste sulla programmazione musicale, sorvolando, al di là di singoli casi isolati, sulle ripercussioni del colonialismo in ambito creativo e nell’etnomusicologia.
Nel presente lavoro, le relazioni tra la musica italiana e la politica coloniale fascista vengono indagate da quattro punti di vista: l’esportazione dell’identità culturale della madrepatria nelle colonie, l’atteggiamento colonizzatore nei confronti della cultura indigena, i riflessi sugli studi etnografici e l’attività di propaganda in favore dell’Impero. Le prime due prospettive sono esaminate prendendo come esempio il caso della Libia, la cosiddetta «quarta sponda» italiana, concepita quale “vetrina” del dominio coloniale in Africa. In Libia gli italiani costruiscono le principali istituzioni artistiche coloniali; la programmazione ricalca quella dei teatri della madrepatria offrendo inoltre spettacoli di colore locale per turisti ed indigeni. L’intensificazione degli scambi con le colonie consente un ravvicinato e prolungato contatto con le popolazioni dei domini africani; gli etnografi musicali italiani trovano nelle tradizioni indigene uno stimolo allo studio e alla conoscenza di culture extraeuropee finora sconosciuto. Le scelte di politica estera del fascismo si riflettono anche in ambito creativo: numerose sono le composizioni legate alla politica imperialista italiana, molte nate in occasione di concorsi promossi dal regime nella seconda metà degli anni Trenta.
In opposizione ai tentativi di destoricizzazione o alle operazioni di “depurazione” per lungo tempo perseguiti, abbiamo dimostrato come la musica partecipa di un più ampio contesto culturale dal quale non può astrarsi e che, al contrario, ne segna il percorso. Attraverso il nostro lavoro intendiamo aprire l’indagine musicologica ai cultural studies sul colonialismo italiano, offrendo in tal modo un nuovo tassello alla lettura della complessa realtà della prima metà del Novecento musicale italiano.The Italian colonial experience lasted just sixty years, spanning the years between the second half of 19th century and the first half of 20th century (1882-1943). During the final twenty years of this experience, Italian imperial politics was driven by the fascist regime. The colonial discourse, already diffuse, soon spread to all fields of knowledge through the regime’s powerful means of propaganda. Art music was also involved. Only in the final two decades of the twentieth century was Italian colonialism granted scholarly consideration, thanks to the development of cultural studies. Fields such as social science and arts, that were traditionally absent, joined the debate. Nevertheless, musicology has remained outside the discourse until now, limiting itself to the consideration of the effects of the Society of Nations’ sanctions on art music programming. The consequences in the creative fields have just been considered in few manifest cases; the impact of colonial politics on ethnomusicology have only been considered superficially until now. This thesis analyzes the relationship between Italian music and Italian fascist colonial politics from four points of view. It first looks at the exportation of the mother country’s cultural identity into the colonies; second, at the colonizer’s attitude towards African indigenous culture; third, at the influence on musical ethnography and finally, at the propaganda produced for the Empire. The first two perspectives are analyzed taking Libya as case-study. Libya was conceived as Italian dominated Africa’s “shop window”. In Libya, Italians built leading colonial theatres, whose programmes followed those in the motherland and offered performances of North African artists for both tourists and local. The increase of exchange between colonies allowed a closer and more extended contact with the indigenous of the African domains. Italian musical ethnographers received a, until now unknown and unrecognised, stimulus for study and knowledge from indigenous traditions. Fascist foreign political choices were mirrored in the creative sphere: with many scores connected with Italian imperial politics created for the occasion of the competitions promoted by the regime in the mid-Thirties. Opposing attempts to remove Italian music during fascism from its historical context, or operations of “purification” pursued for a long time, we demonstrate how music is part of a wider cultural context. We also prove that music cannot be left out of this context: on the contrary, it marks music’s way. Through our thesis we aim to open the field of musicology to cultural studies on Italian colonialism. In this way, we intend to offer a new contribution to the understanding of the complex situation of the Italian music in the first half of 20th century.
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DEL, ZOPPO SILVIA. "«FERRAMONTI VERGESSEN WIR NICHT»: HISTORICAL AND AESTHETICAL PERSPECTIVES ON MUSIC IN A FASCIST INTERNMENT CAMP 1940-1945." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/581980.
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Ferramonti di Tarsia (Cosenza) was the largest fascist internment camp in Italy in terms of both its size and number of internees. Although its existence and the historical events concerning it - i.e. its founding preceding the Italian entry into the Second World War, its liberation on September 14, 1943 and definitive closure in 1945 after a period of British administration – represent an almost forgotten chapter of Italian history – considerable cultural and musical activities took place there. Being characterized by the presence of almost exclusively foreign prisoners, mostly Jews coming from Germany or countries under Nazi occupation (especially Poland, Austria, Czechoslovakia), from the Balkans (significant presence of Croats and Serbs) and from the Italian possessions in the Mediterranean Sea (Rhodes and Benghazi), Ferramonti served as an absurd and random meeting place of cultures, languages, traditions and religions in the inaccessible Calabrian hinterland. Among the prisoners, often with a very high level of education, there were several professional musicians, such as Lav Mirski, Kurt Sonnenfeld, Isak Thaler, Paul Gorin, Oscar Klein, Leon Levitch, Ladislav Sternberg, etc. The extreme cultural diversity was reflected in the musical production and several performing activities accompanied everyday life in the camp: concerts and variety programs, which took place in a barrack serving as a theatre; the establishment of a choir that accompanied both Jewish, Catholic and Greek-Orthodox rituals (a unique case not only with regard to KZ-Musik); musical and general education for children attending the Lagerschule, just to mention few striking aspects.
On the basis of personal and administrative sources and documents, this work focuses on the specific relationships between a non-lieu of deportation such as Ferramonti and the musical and human experience of interned musicians; the way in which detention and coexistence within the camp of people of various backgrounds who were forced to interact was indeed a crucial factor, not only for musical production but also for the survival and the future of most of the inmates. The different forms of Lagermusik are analyzed also in comparison with literary production from internment camps and through a philosophical perspective.
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Janulardo, Ettore. "L'image de la ville dans l'architecture, la peinture et la narration italiennes de l'entre-deux-guerres." Nice, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002NICE2018.
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Naissance et mort du mythe urbain du progrès : de l'utopie futuriste à la ville fasciste et à sa chute. Le fascisme se sert de plusieurs "images" urbaines pour se vouer à des actions différentes : la création de petites villes nouvelles et les démolitions dans les centres majeurs. Milan est le haut lieu de l'art futuriste et des "tableaux de la banlieue" de Sironi. Mais la dissolution de la représentation urbaine usuelle touche également la province italienne, dans l'art métaphysique. La ville de la littérature est d'abord traditionnelle : les années Vingt soulignent l'aspect coutumier de province italienne. Dans les années Trente, le roman fait de la grande ville le lieu de l'indifférence. Et prend forme le désir d'un ailleurs, plus urbain - comme en Amérique - ou moins urbain, opposé aux architectures privilégiées par le régime, comme chez Vittorini. La vision urbaine fasciste et autarcique,avec son mythe de Rome, se fait enfin submerger par le conflit mondial et par d'autres mythes.
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Wahnón, Bensusan Sultana. "La estética literaria de la posguerra : del fascismo a la vanguardia /." Amsterdam ; Atlanta (Ga.) : Rodopi, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37739921s.
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Bertrand, Dominique. "Le Parti socialiste italien de l'origine à la montée du fascisme." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37611901n.
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O'Brien, Paul. "Mussolini in the First World War : the journalist, the soldier, the fascist /." Oxford ; New York : Berg, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb392684398.
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Nodin, Eva. "Estetisk pluralism och disciplinerande struktur : om barnkolonier och arkitektur i Italien under fascismens tid /." Göteborg : Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb42016496c.
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Schattenfroh, Sebastian. "Die Staatsphilosophie Giovanni Gentiles und die Versuche ihrer Verwirklichung im faschistischen Italien /." Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb371921871.
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Channing, Iain Christopher Edward. "Blackshirts and white wigs : reflections on public order law and the political activism of the British Union of Fascists." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/2897.
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While domestic fascism within the United Kingdom has never critically challenged Parliamentary sovereignty, it has decisively disrupted public order since its roots were established in the inter-war political scene. The violence provoked by Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists (BUF) was one of the stimulating factors behind the enactment of the Public Order Act 1936. This Act significantly strengthened the powers of the police to regulate or proscribe varies forms of political activism. This thesis analyses the legal responses of Parliament, the police and the judiciary to interwar British fascism. In addition, by analysing the legal responses to public disorder from before and after the 1930s, it positions the BUF within their wider historical context which enables this thesis to assess and evaluate consistencies and discrepancies within the application of the law. By enhancing the historical contextualisation of the period with a critical legal lens, the principal forms of fascist propaganda are evaluated, including public processions, public meetings and the wearing of political uniform. It is argued that the application of a historico-legal methodology challenges the perception that the authorities were inherently politically biased. This thesis explores alternative factors which explain why the responses of the legal authorities appeared inconsistent in their approach to the far-Right and the far-Left. In order to critically analyse the police’s decision making process when monitoring political activism, the limitations of public order law and the nature of police discretion itself become fundamental components which offer a more balanced explanation for the appearance of political partiality within the police force.
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Lundbak, Henrik. "Staten stærk og folket frit : Dansk Samling mellem fascisme og modstandskamp 1936-47 /." København : Museum Tusculanum, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38975040x.
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Del, Gaudio Immacolata. "Il cinema arma di propaganda nel primo franchismo (1936-1945). Un confronto con il "modello" italiano." Doctoral thesis, Universita degli studi di Salerno, 2019. http://elea.unisa.it:8080/xmlui/handle/10556/4250.
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2013 - 2014With reference to the studies concerning the relationship between Cinema and History, the research focuses on the development of Spanish Cinematography during the first Francoism, in the period from the beginning of the Civil War to the end of the Second World War. The main purpose is to evaluate if the regime generated by the military coup of 1936 exploited the cinema as a propagandistic instrument to influence public opinion, legitimate its authority, re-define national identity and reclaim an important international rule, as the other authoritarian states of the time. The different forms of the State intervention are analyzed moving from bureaucracy built by the new government through a legal system based on protectionist rules, financial incentives and repressive procedures. Their characteristics and implications are related to the ideology and national/international political context. More specifically, film policy was articulated in an autarchic economic structure, a widespread censure, the violent persecution of dissidents and the diffusion of an idealized representation of Francoism and its origin. The eighteen numbers of the Noticiario español, a newsreel produced between the 1938 and 1941 with foreign support, is the first attempt to justify the Alzamiento and promote nationalist ideas through the cinema abroad. We can see the State intervention also in the cinematographic industry, in the narrative films and in the most popular genres. After the end of Civil War the production is generally heterogeneous, distant from the official rhetoric and realized to entertain, but in the historical films and in the “cine de cruzada” there are all main topoi of nationalist propaganda, at the first influenced above all by Falange Española. The most significant movie of this kind of cinema is Raza, made with an important economic state effort in the 1941 and based on the homonymous literary text written by Francisco Franco. The comparison between the two works shows how they are similar and how strong the mark of the dictator is. Its distribution in the countries of Rome-Berlin Axis and in Latin America, the presentation to Venice Film Festival and the existence of a second version prove the connection between Cinema and diplomatic relationships. Indeed in 1950 the film was modified, the title was changed in Espíritu de una raza, the copies of first movie were destroyed: only after the fall of the Berlin Wall it has been possible to understand the differences between the two works thanks to the discovery of the previous film strip. It is evident that Francoist regime gave a special attention to its international image. The foundation of NO-DO, an official and exclusive newsreel necessarily shown on the Spanish screens from January 1943 to 1975, and voluntarily till 1981, completes a complex and articulated framework. So the Spanish regime can be considered one of the political subject that used cinema as a propagandistic weapon in the twentieth century, in spite of difficulties, delay and failings. In this transnational perspective, the last chapter of this thesis compare the Francoist cinematographic system to the Italian organization. Even if there were different contexts and results, the similar strategies and tools pointed out confirm that the fascist film policy represented a “model” that inspired Spanish government. [edited by Author]
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Nützenadel, Alexander. "Landwirtschaft, Staat und Autarkie : Agrarpolitik im faschistischen Italien (1922-1943) /." Tübingen : M. Niemeyer, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37031591q.
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Falcone, Ugo. "Gli archivi e l'archivistica nell'Italia fascista : storia, teoria e legislazione /." Udine : Forum, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb411498887.
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Nash, Lance Graham, and n/a. "The deep cervical fascia : an anatomical study." University of Otago. Department of Anatomy & Structural Biology, 2006. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20060810.155517.
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Current understanding concerning the human deep cervical fascia (DCF) differs between anatomists, surgeons, and radiologists. One reason has been the varying methodologies used to examine the DCF and the terminology assigned to each layer or potential space formed. Previous knowledge concerning the DCF originally came from cadaveric studies. However, such findings were highly subjective, reliant on the dissectionist�s skill with a scalpel. With the recent advent of radiological imaging and sheet plastination, there has been a re-examination of the fascial layers (investing, pretracheal, and prevertebral) that constitute the DCF. Although there is general consensus regarding the existence of the three layers, there is continuing conjecture over the concise anatomical description of these fascial structures. Recently, the investing (superficial) fascia, as a separate fibrous structure, has been questioned with a small number of plastination studies reporting its absence in the postereolateral regions of the neck. Within the suboccipital region (SOS) it is widely reported that the nuchal ligament, extending from the investing layer, directly connects with the spinal dura mater. However, a recent plastination study by Johnson et al. (2000b) found these fibres to dissipate in the SOS.The question remains as to what fibres directly communicate with the spinal dura? The fibrous connective bridge is reported in some clinical studies to originate from the rectus capitis posterior minor (RCPm) via the SOS. The origin of the connective fibrous bridge is essential in understanding the mechanism in the prevention of the phenomenon of 'infolding' and cervicogenic neck pain? Anteriorly, the investing fascia is regarded as a continuance of a 'fibrous collar' that encapsulates the entire neck, yet if it does not truly exist in the posterior neck region, does it actually exist as a tangible structure in the anterior neck? With regard to the deep midline fascial structures that arise from the pretracheal fascia, the presence of two separate spaces, the retropharyngeal and danger space, divided by the alar fascia in the posterior pharyngeal region, is still debated and is yet resolved in the clinical literature.
The aims of this qualitative study were to: 1. determine the dural ligamentous and tendinous connections in the posterior atlanto-occipital (PAO) interspace region, and establish the morphology of the PAO membrane, 2. determine whether the investing layer of the DCF is a distinct fibrous structure in the anterior neck and examine the relationship with the subcutaneous platysma muscle, and 3. determine the relationship between the RPS and DS in the posterior pharynx region and identify the configuration of the alar fascia. Twenty-seven cadavers were examined at the gross, macro- and, microscopic level. Blunt and sharp dissections were conducted on 12 specimens. Fifteen cadavers were prepared as epoxy sheet plastinates. Light, fluorescent and confocal microscopy was conducted on the sheet plastinations.The findings of the first study demonstrated that small discrete bundles from medial tendinous fibres of RCPm formed a fibrous connective tissue bridge directly with the spinal dura in the SOS (in all 6 median-sectioned plastinated specimens), not the nuchal ligament as commonly reported. The RCPm fascia, in conjunction with lateral contributions from the perivascular sheath, formed the PAO membrane (ligamentum flavum) which was not continuous with the neural arch of C1 as often cited in anatomical texts. The cerebrospinal junction was also demonstrated to be a naturally formed multi-layered structure in all plastinates and not the result of pathological change as widely reported in clinical literature.The Gross dissection findings of the second study supported the traditional view that the investing layer formed a covering over the anterior triangle neck region. However, findings from plastinations, in conjunction with confocal microscopy, demonstrated clearly that the investing layer is formed from the epimysium of superficial muscles in the anterior neck. In the suprahyoid neck, it appeared disjointed with the fascia of the sternocleidomastoid (SCM) fascia isolated from the neighbouring submandibular fascia. In the infrahyoid neck, it was formed by medial fascial extensions from the omohyoid fascia, SCM fascia, and fused at the midline to the infrahyoid fascia, (pretracheal layer) resulting in two ipsilateral compartments. Distal 'finger-like' fascicles of platysma presented with individual epimysial fascia, which gave the false appearance of a thickened investing layer. These findings contravene those of the traditional view that the investing fascia is continuous at the mid-line.The findings of the third study agreed with both those reported in radiological and cadaveric studies respectively, in that the alar fascia was not present above the level of C1 as purported by radiologists, but became more apparent below this level. The alar fascia was observed to be formed from medial extensions of the carotid sheath, with some minor contributions from the lateral slips of the prevertebral fascia posteriorly, and was visible within transverse plastinated slices to the level of C7. However, at the levels of C4 and C6, the alar fascia appeared to fuse with the buccopharyngeal fascia, (posterior pretracheal layer of the DCF), a finding not previously reported. This study demonstrated, through E12 sheeted plastinated sections, that the morphology and topography of the DCF is complex, and a more precise understanding of the anatomy of the DCF and associated potential spaces is paramount clinically in otolaryngology, concerning the cervical fascial pathways of potentially life-threatening commutative pathologies.
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Farci, Federica Maria Giovanna <1987>. "Mentone dalla distruzione alla rinascita: la collaborazione tra il gerarca fascista Giuseppe Frediani (1906-1997) e il fotografo pavese Guglielmo Chiolini (1900-1991)." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/3648.
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Nel 1940 la città di Mentone viene occupata dall'esercito italiano conseguentemente a quel complesso di azioni militari chiamate “battaglia delle Alpi Occidentali”. Nell’aprile 1941 il gerarca di origini toscane Giuseppe Frediani (1906-1997) riceve la nomina di quarto commissario civile per la città di Mentone. Il giovane fascista poteva vantare già una certa dimestichezza in campo amministrativo, maturata nel corso delle sue esperienze in veste di segretario federale del partito nazionale fascista, prima, presso la città di Verona tra 1934 e 1935 e in seguito nella città di Pavia tra l’aprile 1935 e il febbraio 1939.
Nella città padana aveva stretto rapporti duraturi con alcuni professionisti locali. Il fotografo Guglielmo Chiolini, da tempo reporter ufficiale della città e titolare dell’atelier fotografico più sviluppato del territorio, rientra nel novero di questi personaggi stimati ai quali Frediani era tornato a rivolgersi una volta giunto a Mentone, con lo scopo di ricostruire la “perle du France”. Di queste operazioni resta testimonianza nel suo preziosissimo archivio, donato all'Università pavese. L’archivio è composto da documenti cartacei, fotografici e bobine cinematografiche e di esso fa parte l’album di “fotomosaici” intitolato: Mentone dalla distruzione alla rinascita, firmato da Guglielmo Chiolini, Ugo Lucerni e Frediani. Per Chiolini si è trattato di un’esperienza unica, come dimostra il primo capitolo di questa tesi che considera complessivamente la sua attività di fotografo attraverso lo studio dell'Archivio Fotografico Guglielmo Chiolini conservato presso i Musei Civici del Castello Visconteo di Pavia, del Fondo Guglielmo Chiolini dell'Istituto per la Storia della Resistenza e dell'Età Contemporanea e rintracciando nello spoglio della stampa quotidiana pavese e in alcune pubblicazioni milanesi le notizie fornite dal fotografo stesso nelle due interviste rilasciate alla Dott. Alessandra Ferraresi dell’Università di Pavia. Nel secondo capitolo il rapporto tra Chiolini e i giornali locali è inquadrato nel contesto culturale italiano degli anni Trenta e Quaranta e nella storia evolutiva della fotografia pubblicistica. Questa è tracciata tramite la consultazione di alcune testate storiche: dall’<
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Verbeeck, Georgi. "Geschiedschrijving en politieke cultuur : ʻde weg naar het fascisme' in het geschiedenisbeeld van de DDR /." Leuven : Acco, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37146069r.
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Texte remanié de: Proefschrift--Geschiedenis--Leuven--Katholieke Universiteit, 1991. Titre de soutenance : Historiografie en politieke cultuur : ʻDe weg naar het facismeʼ in het DDR-geschiedenisbeeld : een vergelijkend perspectief.Bibliogr. p. 179-185.
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Viallet, Jean-Pierre. "La Chiesa valdese di fronte allo stato fascista, [1922-1945] /." Torino : Claudiana, 1985. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37644976w.
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Texte remanié de: Th. 3e cycle--Grenoble--Université. Titre de soutenance : Les vaudois d'Italie de Giolitti à Mussolini, 1911-1945.Les dates contenues dans le titre figurent sur la couverture. Notes bibliogr. Index.
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Giorio, Maria Beatrice. "Gli scultori italiani e la Francia. Influenze e modelli francesi nella prima metà del Novecento." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trieste, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10077/7419.
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2010/2011Lo studio ha analizzato la presenza degli scultori italiani a Parigi dall'inizio del XX secolo alla fine degli anni Trenta, con l'obiettivo di ricostruire un capitolo importante della storia degli scambi artistici in Francia. Ci siamo serviti del metodo storico-filologico che è stato applicato agli scritti critici e alla stampa d'epoca. Per quel che riguarda l'inizio del secolo, abbiamo rilevato una partecipazione italiana considerevole ai principali eventi espositivi della capitale come i Salons ufficiali; il successo commerciale e di pubblico aveva consentito loro di ottenere un certo spazio tra gli artisti alla moda più conosciuti. Nel corso degli anni Venti abbiamo notato un numero meno significativo di scultori, interpretando questo fatto alla luce della situazione storica italiana, sottomessa a importanti cambiamenti, successivi all'ascesa del regime fascista. Gli italiani che si trovavano ancora in Francia in seguito alla Prima Guerra Mondiale non si inserivano pertanto all'interno delle ricerche artistiche italiane, dal momento che sostenevano degli indirizzi estetici ormai sorpassati. L'ultima parte del nostro studio si è concentrata sullo sviluppo del nuovo linguaggio artistico della penisola italiana, diffuso ormai anche all'estero. Gli scultori italiani potevano partecipare di conseguenza all'attività espositiva di Parigi, e mostrare il volto di una plastica finalmente cosciente delle proprie potenzialità. La Francia da parte sua acccoglieva di buon grado questo tipo di sperimentazioni al fine di creare un rapporto di amicizia duraturo con la nazione confinante.
This study has analyzed the presence of Italian sculptors in Paris from the beginning of the 20th Century to the end of the third decade, with the aim of reconstructing an important chapter of the history of artistic exchanges between Italy and France. We have favored an historical-philological method, based on critical publications and old French and Italian press. Concerning the beginning of the century, we have remarked a considerable participation of Italians in the main expositions in the French capital, such as official Salons; critical and market success allowed them to get a main role in the crew of the most popular artists. During the twenties, we have noted a less considerable participation of Italian sculptors; we have interpreted it in relation to historical context of fascist Italy, where the government was trying to develop a national cultural program. The Italian artists in France, after the First World War, didn't share the new Italian artistic orientation; they went on with outdated aesthetic choices. The last part of our research was interested in the development of the new Italian artistic language, finally known out of Italy. The Italian sculptors consequently could take part in arts activity in Paris, showing the face of a new sculpture, finally aware of its potentialities. France gave these experimentations a good welcome in the aim of constituting a longtime friendship with the Italian country.
Cet étude a analysé la présence des sculpteurs italiens à Paris du début du XX siècle à la fin des années Trente, afin de reconstituer un chapitre important de l'histoire des échanges artistiques en France. Nous nous sommes servis d'une méthode historique et philologique, qui a bien été appliquée aux écrits critiques et à la presse de l'époque. Pour ce qui concerne le début du siècle, nous avons remarqué une participation considérable de la part des italiens aux principaux événements expositifs de la capitale comme les Salons officiels; le succès de public et commercial leur avait permis d'obtenir une place parmi les artistes à la mode les plus connus. Pendant les années Vingt, nous avons constaté un nombre moins significatif de sculpteurs; nous avons lu ce fait en nous rapportant à la situation historique italienne, qui en ce temps subissait des importants changements dus à l'ascension du régime fasciste. Les italiens qui étaient encore présents en France après la Guerre ne s'inséraient guère dans le cadre des nouvelles recherches artistiques italiennes, ils poursuivaient, au contraire, des orientations esthétiques plutôt dépassées. La dernière partie de notre étude s'est intéressée à l'essor du nouveau langage artistique de la péninsule italienne qui pendant les années Trente se répandit enfin même à l'étranger. Les sculpteurs italiens pouvaient donc participer activement à la vie expositive parisienne, tout en montrant le visage d'une plastique qui avait enfin pris conscience de ses potentialités. La France de sa part accueillait volontiers ces expérimentations, dans le but d'instituer une relation d'amitié durable avec le pays voisin.
XXIV Ciclo
1982