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Journal articles on the topic 'Fascism in art'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Bolt, Mikkel. "Senfascismens æstetisering af (den hvide) arbejderklasse." Tidskrift för litteraturvetenskap 49, no. 2-3 (January 1, 2019): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54797/tfl.v49i2-3.6637.

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Late Fascism’s Aestheticization of the (White) Working Class: Notes for a Communist Art Theory The article presents a double take on what I propose to call late fascism in order to distinguish between the inter-war fascist movements and contemporary fascist parties and politicians. Firstly, I follow Walter Benjamin’s analysis of fascism as a question of aestheticization. Fascism is just as much a question of culture and ideology as a question of politics, and we need to map the specific fascist culture that contemporary fascist politicians produce. Secondly, I connect this analysis of fascist culture to an analysis of the specific class composition of late fascism, arguing that late fascism operates through a process of reverse victimization where a privileged white working class comes to see itself as threatened.
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Gardell, Mattias. "‘The Girl Who Was Chased by Fire’: Violence and Passion in Contemporary Swedish Fascist Fiction." Fascism 10, no. 1 (June 24, 2021): 166–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-10010004.

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Abstract Fascism invites its adherents to be part of something greater than themselves, invoking their longing for honor and glory, passion and heroism. An important avenue for articulating its affective dimension is cultural production. This article investigates the role of violence and passion in contemporary Swedish-language fascist fiction. The protagonist is typically a young white man or woman who wakes up to the realities of the ongoing white genocide through being exposed to violent crime committed by racialized aliens protected by the System. Seeking revenge, the protagonist learns how to be a man or meets her hero, and is introduced to fascist ideology and the art of killing. Fascist literature identifies aggression and ethnical cleansing as altruistic acts of love. With its passionate celebration of violence, fascism hails the productivity of destructivity, and the life-bequeathing aspects of death, which is at the core of fascism’s urge for national rebirth.
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3

Pelikan, Egon. "Uncovering Mussolini and Hitler in Churches: The Painter's Ideological Subversion and the Marking of Space along the Slovene-Italian Border." Austrian History Yearbook 49 (April 2018): 207–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237818000164.

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This study analyzes the phenomenon of church paintings as subversive visual representations of Fascism and as an act of systematic rebellion against Fascist “ideological marking of space.” Slovene Expressionist painter and sculptor Tone Kralj's (1900−75) paintings functioned as ideological markers of national territory. He painted churches along the ethnic border as it was imagined by the Slovene community, delineating it with visual symbols of anti-Fascism and anti-Nazism. Kralj's undertaking can thus be interpreted as an instance of systematic “subversive coverage” of an ethnically exposed borderland with church paintings. Even today, his artistic “delineation” of the then-disputed ethnic border is a marking phenomenon that cannot be found anywhere else in Europe. If one of the most important authorities on Fascist ideology in Italy, Emilio Gentile, considers Fascist ideology to be a form of political religion and a modern manifestation of the sacralization of politics, then Tone Kralj's church paintings could be regarded as an instance of systematic introduction of the political and ideological into the religious context. Perhaps the most ingenious feature of Kralj's ecclesiastical art is his fusion of Catholicism with the Slovene national idea for the purpose of ideologically marking and promoting anti-Fascism and anti-Nazism as well as Slovene nationalism and Slovene irredentism in the Julian March.
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4

Dimitrakaki, Angela, and Harry Weeks. "Anti-fascism/Art/Theory." Third Text 33, no. 3 (May 4, 2019): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09528822.2019.1663679.

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5

Di Martino, Giovanna. "The Living Archive." Fascism 12, no. 2 (December 13, 2023): 183–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10063.

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Abstract This article discusses the practices of documentation and archiving related to classical performance in the Italian Fascist regime, and their implications for the study of fascist art and culture more widely. The first part discusses a number of institutions as the sites of Italian Fascism’s archiving of classical performance. The second part, drawing on the work of Eric Ketelaar and Amalia G. Sabiescu, considers how Italian Fascism made use of the historically connoted ‘cultural tools’ of ancient Greek theatre as ‘living archives’. It discusses the aesthetic means that came to characterize all classical performances as living archives and considers the use of ancient Greek and Roman sites all over the peninsula and in colonized Libya as the archival sites of the classical performances. In the conclusion, it argues that the combination of performance and archives empowered these cultural tools to become the means for the reconstruction and transmission of Fascism’s newly crafted social memory and identity of the Italian nation.
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6

Donátková, Zuzana. "Futurismus a fašismus." Historica. Revue pro historii a příbuzné vědy 12, no. 2 (December 2021): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.15452/historica.2021.12.0009.

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The article maps the relationship between the Italian Futurist movement and fascism from a general perspective. It deals with the relationship between the leader of Futurism F. T. Marinetti and Benito Mussolini from the beginning of their cooperation in 1915 to the end of the Second World War. Throughout its era, Futurism identified itself with Italy’s social and political climate. Futurism was one of the ideological sources for fascism and it was one of the movements that formed Fasci di Combattimento in 1919. But after Mussolini came to power, fascist cultural politics aesthetically preferred traditionalism, order, and a return to the achievements of history, a contemporary rappel à l’ordre, and Futurism found itself in cultural dissent. Marinetti thus spent the rest of his life trying to improve the position of modernist artists in fascist Italy, which would earn Futurism recognition of the official state art of the fascist regime.
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7

McNaughton, James. "BECKETT, GERMAN FASCISM, AND HISTORY: The Futility of Protest." Samuel Beckett Today / Aujourd'hui 15, no. 1 (November 1, 2005): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757405-015001011.

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Accessing his letters and German diaries, this article argues that Beckett changes his aesthetic response to the rise of fascism during and after his trip to Nazi Germany in 1936-37. Before the trip Beckett satirises a stereotypical modernism's inability to counter the rise of totalitarianism; when confronted with Nazi totalising narratives of art and history, however, Beckett reevaluates the capacity of modernism to frustrate increasingly irrational fascist narratives. He even posits his German diaries as a documentary alternative to fascist histories. Not until he returns, however, does Beckett manage to formulate in his creative work a satisfying aesthetic response.
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8

Lewis, Tyson, and Peter Hyland. "Anti-Fascist Politics of Studioing." Revista Portuguesa de Pedagogia 56 (December 30, 2022): e056021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-8614_56_21.

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This article argues that art education ought to be central to the struggle against contemporary capitalist fascism. The authors turn to the space and time of the studio as the unique contribution of art education to antifascist struggles. In particular, the pataphysics of the studio – including its emphasis on producing particulars, laws of exceptions, and impossible solutions – all set adrift the rigidification of desirous production under capitalist reterritorialization. In conclusion, the article offers an invitation to art educators to experiment with a particular studious practice the authors call “protocoling” in relation to racist stereotypes as a way to break apart fascist subjectivities and the capture of desire into paranoid assemblages.
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9

Zammarchi, Enrico. "‘If I see a black dot, I shoot it on sight!’: Italian rap between anti- and neo-fascisms." Global Hip Hop Studies 1, no. 2 (August 1, 2020): 293–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ghhs_00022_1.

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This article explores the connections between anti-fascism and hip hop in Italy between the 1990s and today. In the first part, I look at how several bands affiliated with the posse movement of the early 1990s relied on the network of students and of young people hanging out in the centri sociali (squatted centres) to spread their political messages. Picking up the baton from the militant singer-songwriters of the 1970s, Italian posses often mixed rap with other foreign musical influences such as reggae and punk, frequently rapping about the lack of anti-fascist activism among the youth and denouncing the gradual abandonment of anti-fascist ideals by members of the parliamentary Left. In the second part of the article, I discuss how, in the late 2000s, a new generation of anti-fascist hip hop artists emerged, with rappers such as Kento and Murubutu being among the most influential representatives of a subgenre known as ‘letteraturap’ (literature-rap). Kento and Murubutu’s narrative skills show their opposition to Fascism through the use of fictional characters, using short stories that are rich of metaphors to illustrate the importance of resisting to contemporary forms of fascism. Lastly, this article explores the gradual appropriation of hip hop culture by neo-fascist groups such as CasaPound. Understanding hip hop’s potentialities to recruit large numbers of young people, CasaPound organized street art conventions on graffiti, and promoted the emergence of hip hop crews like Rome’s Drittarcore. I conclude the article by analysing the efficacy of anti-fascist rap in earlier decades and considering CasaPound’s attempt to appropriate some of hip hop culture’s disciplines, ultimately showing not only a general crisis in political ideologies and cultural values, but also the power of neo-fascist movements to manipulate and reinvent subcultural formations to influence the youth.
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Scheffler, Tomasz. "Przestępstwo publicznego propagowania faszystowskiego lub innego totalitarnego ustroju państwa art. 256 k.k.. Analiza doktrynologiczna wybranych wypowiedzi piśmiennictwai judykatury. Część szczególna I." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 4 (February 18, 2019): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.4.9.

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THE CRIME OF PUBLIC PROPAGATION OF A FASCIST OR OTHER TOTALITARIAN GOVERNMENTAL SYSTEM ARTICLE 256 OF THE PENAL CODE: A DOCTRINOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF SELECTED SCHOLARLY WRITINGS AND JUDICATURE. DETAILED PART IThe paper presents interpretations of the content of art. 256 of the Polish Penal Code of 1997 The crime of public propagation of a fascist or other totalitarian governmental system, which were developed in the years 1998–2001. The most difficult problem for commentators was to understand the complexity of the phenomenon of totalitarianism and the consequences resulting from accepting one of the competing concepts of totalitarianism. Similarly, interpretational problems led to misunderstandings of the concept of fascism and the governmental system. As a result, individual authors incorrectly found resemblance between the regulations contained in the Penal Code of 1969 and the regulation contained in art. 256 from 1997.
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11

Antliff, Mark. "Fascism and Art History: A Paradigm Shift." Fascism 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 53–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221162512x631189.

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Leslie, Esther. "Anti-Fascism, Anti-Art, Doubt and Despair." Third Text 33, no. 3 (May 4, 2019): 293–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09528822.2019.1627053.

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Scheffler, Tomasz. "Przestępstwo publicznego propagowania faszystowskiego lub innego totalitarnego ustroju państwa art. 256 k.k.. Analiza doktrynologiczna wybranych wypowiedzi piśmiennictwa i judykatury. Część szczególna II." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 41, no. 1 (April 17, 2019): 109–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.41.1.7.

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THE CRIME OF PUBLIC PROPAGATION OF A FASCIST OR OTHER TOTALITARIAN GOVERNMENTAL SYSTEM ARTICLE 256 OF THE PENAL CODE: A DOCTRINOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF SELECTED SCHOLARLY WRITINGS AND JUDICATURE. DETAILED PART IIThe paper presents interpretations of the content of art. 256 of the Polish Penal Code of 1997 The crime of public propagation of a fascist or other totalitarian governmental system, which were developed before 2009. The most difficult problem for commentators, much like authors, about whom we have deliberated earlier, was to understand the complexity of the phenomenon of totalitarianism and the consequences resulting from accepting one of the competing concepts of totalitarianism. Similarly, interpretational problems led to misunderstandings of the concept of fascism and the governmental system. As a result, individual authors incorrectly found resemblance between the regulations contained in the Penal Code of 1969 and the regulation contained in art. 256 from 1997. In this paper we prove that the Polish Supreme Court also had the same problem with the interpretation of the content of art. 256.
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Scheffler, Tomasz. "Przestępstwo publicznego propagowania faszystowskiego lub innego totalitarnego ustroju państwa art. 256 k.k.. Analiza doktrynologiczna wybranych wypowiedzi piśmiennictwa i judykatury. Część szczególna III." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 41, no. 2 (June 7, 2019): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.41.2.1.

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THE CRIME OF PUBLIC PROPAGATION OF A FASCIST OR OTHER TOTALITARIAN GOVERNMENTAL SYSTEM ARTICLE 256 OF THE PENAL CODE: A DOCTRINOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF SELECTED SCHOLARLY WRITINGS AND JUDICATURE. DETAILED PART IIIThe paper presents interpretations of the content of art. 256 of the Polish Penal Code of 1997 The crime of public propagation of a fascist or other totalitarian governmental/state system, which were developed amid amendment in 2009. The most difficult problem for commentators, much like authors, about whom we have deliberated earlier, was to understand the complexity of the phenomenon of totalitarianism and the consequences resulting from accepting one of the competing concepts of totalitarianism. Similarly, interpretational problems led to misunderstandings of the concept of fascism and the state system. As a result, individual authors incorrectly found resemblance between the regulations contained in the Penal Code of 1969 and the regulation contained in art. 256 from 1997. In this paper we prove that the Polish Supreme Court and even Polish Constitutional Tribunal also had the same problem with the interpretation of the content of art. 256.
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15

Bartolini, Flaminia. "Fascism on display: the afterlife of material legacies of the dictatorship." Ex Novo: Journal of Archaeology 5 (December 31, 2020): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/exnovo.v5i.409.

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The year 2015 marked the seventy-fifth anniversary of the end of World War II, a commemoration that prompted Italy to reconsider the complexity of the Fascist phenomenon and how the artistic creations and urbanism of the regime contributed to shaping city landscapes across the country. Fascist material legacies are an unequivocal presence in any Italian city, but the ways in which they have been preserved or not, reused or abandoned, provokes consideration of the complexities of the country’s renegotiation of its Fascist past, shifting from iconoclasm to present-day heritage status. Heritage designation and the restoration of Fascist works of art and architecture have posed questions regarding selectivity in heritage and whether Italy has yet to come to terms with its Fascist past. This paper will look at how Italy’s approach to Fascist heritage, which has recently been framed as ‘difficult heritage’ following Macdonald’s work on Nazi Germany, is an expression of the conflicting narratives that surround any renegotiation of the Fascist past, and how some recent conservation projects and exhibition have failed to demonstrate reflexivity over Fascism. It will also deconstruct the role of restoration and the heritage practices of preservation and management and will question the link between conservation and changes of attitude regarding a ‘difficult’ past.
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16

Caruso, Martina. "Italian Modern Art in the Age of Fascism." Australian and New Zealand Journal of Art 21, no. 2 (July 3, 2021): 291–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14434318.2021.1992727.

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17

Crano, Ricky. "The Joy of Following: Network Fascism and the Micropolitics of the Social Media Image." Deleuze and Guattari Studies 16, no. 2 (May 2022): 277–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/dlgs.2022.0478.

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This article deploys Spinoza’s ethic of joy alongside Deleuze and Guattari’s exposition of micropolitics to expose how fascist desires and affects bloom and circulate through digital communications ecosystems that generally promote a diffusion or decentralisation of power. Beyond the steady barrage of alt-right content conscientiously documented by liberal journalists and progressive watchdogs, a more persistent and widespread fascist impulse permeates the very forms of some of our most banal digitally mediated acts and encounters. Rather than a sole looming authoritarian figurehead, the network itself – particularly with the new image paradigms propelled by apps such as Instagram and TikTok – has become the rallying point for the circulation of fascistic affects, burnished through the art and ethos of following: of rules, routines, protocols, accounts. I contend that a joyful passion accompanies much of this everyday experience of keeping up with one’s feeds, engaging the platforms, participating in the spectacles. This is what Sontag, interrogating the appeal of the Third Reich, calls the ‘joy of followers’, a joy in fascist belonging, which is to suggest that fascist movements thrive not only on the circulation of negative affects like hatred and fear, but also on the profusion of pleasure and affiliation. Deleuze’s Spinoza, resolutely anti-fascist, helps us parse this situation as it plays out in the social media sphere. Spinoza offers a bipartite conceptualisation of joy that allows us to diagnose the pleasures particular to fascist belonging and network belonging alike as passive, partial and indirect. Ultimately, what we today share with historical fascisms is a ubiquitous aesthetic that merges art with life and bodies with information, and a corresponding ethos that cultivates conformism, barbarises critical thought and redirects joyful impulses into reactionary social forms. As fascistic power relations spread anew through digital cultures’ newly evolving modes of visuality, hapticity, vibration and expression, one can observe something of what Deleuze calls ‘sad joy’, a sort of joy rooted in conquest and domination. The aim of this article is to root out such sad joys, to appreciate their appeal, and ultimately to reject them in all their various forms.
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Tucci, Pier Luigi. "EPHEMERAL ARCHITECTURE AND ROMANITÀ IN THE FASCIST ERA: A ROYAL-IMPERIAL TRIBUNE FOR HITLER AND MUSSOLINI IN ROME." Papers of the British School at Rome 88 (June 4, 2020): 297–341. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246220000069.

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Ephemeral architecture was the antithesis of the permanent buildings typical of the ‘Fascism of stone’, and yet many architects took advantage of this paradox to create an imaginary Rome. A widespread use of ephemeral structures was made around 1938, during the Mostra Augustea della Romanità and Hitler's state visit to Italy, in order to support a political programme that marked the totalitarian turn in the Fascist regime after the foundation of the empire and aimed at strengthening the alliance between Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. Relying on methodologies of particular relevance to Roman art history and on various sources unknown to date, this paper investigates the relationships between ephemeral architecture and romanità. The case study is a monumental tribune built in via dei Trionfi that inevitably suffered a damnatio memoriae: a combination of classicizing and futuristic decorations, it looked back at ancient Rome and, at the same time, highlighted the Fascist regime's aspirations to might and modernity.
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19

GOTTLIEB, JULIE. "Body Fascism in Britain: Building the Blackshirt in the Inter-War Period." Contemporary European History 20, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000026.

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AbstractIn recent years scholars have devoted a great deal of attention and theorisation to the body in history, looking both at bodies as metaphors and as sites of intervention. These studies have tended to focus on the analysis of bodies in a national context, acting for and acted upon by the state, and similarly the ever-expanding study of masculinity continues to try to define hegemonic masculinities. But what if we direct our gaze to marginal bodies, in this case Blackshirt bodies who act against the state, and a political movement that commits assault on the body politic? This article examines the centrality of the body and distinctive gender codes in the self-representation, the performance and practice, and the culture of Britain's failed fascist movement during the 1930s. The term ‘body fascism’ has taken on different and much diluted meaning in the present day, but in the British Union of Fascists’ construction of the Blackshirted body, in the movement's emphasis on the embodiment of their political religion through sport, physical fitness and public display of offensive and defensive violence, and in their distinctive and racialised bodily aesthetic illustrated in their visual and graphic art production we come to understand Britain's fascist movement as a product of modernity and as one potent expression of the convergence between populist politics and body fixation.
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20

Alix-Nicolaï, Florian. "Exile Drama: The Translation of Ernst Toller's Pastor Hall (1939)." Translation and Literature 24, no. 2 (July 2015): 190–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2015.0201.

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Ernst Toller's Pastor Hall, one of the first plays to depict life in a concentration camp, counts among the few anti-Nazi dramas translated into English before World War Two. The process by which it came to the British stage reveals the impact of censorship on authors and translators of anti-Fascist plays. It also reveals conflicting aesthetic strategies to tackle fascism. While Toller relied on straightforward documentary realism, one of his translators, W. H. Auden, championed anti-illusionism and distrusted propaganda art. In the cultural fight to reclaim Germany's heritage from the Nazis, German writers in exile viewed translations as urgent messages demanding prompt action, whereas British writers tended to see them as an archive for future generations.
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Hagman, George. "Hitler's Aesthetics: A Psychoanalytic Perspective on Art and Fascism." Psychoanalytic Review 92, no. 6 (December 2005): 963–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/prev.2005.92.6.963.

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Mukařovský, Jan. "On the Artistic Situation of the Contemporary Czech Theatre (1945)." Theatre Survey 36, no. 1 (May 1995): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400006499.

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The world storm, which has now passed, left its marks on all areas of artistic creation. Everywhere that Fascism reached, it disturbed the internal coherence of things, and their respective relationships, in order to create a formless, passive mixture, incapable of initiative. As far as art is concerned, Fascism has proclaimed the slogan of perverse art, and declared a struggle of annihilation against such art. In praxis, however, the particular artistic methods that had been created—through the modern art that was blacklisted—remained intact, because those methods did not create a system, or express a particular artistic desire, through which an intentional artistic will could have created a gap in the totality of violence. It is natural that this state of affairs endangered not only the cohesion of the internal elements of the artistic structure, but also the consistency of the functional organization of persons and institutions serving the art. The artistic schools and movements disappeared, or were at the very least disrupted. The affiliations of creative artists with distinct associations and societies became in many instances more a matter of external circumstances than of artistic decision.
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Sikorski, Tomasz. "„Klatka Ezry”. Między poezją a polityką." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 38, no. 3 (July 11, 2017): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.38.3.4.

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EZRA’S CAGE”. BETWEEN POETRY AND POLITICSEzra Pound 1885–1975 was, next to Thomas Stearns Eliot, the most prominent American poet of modernist. He was considered the creator of vorticism and imagism — modern trends in art and world culture. In his works he reached to different eras and cultural trends. He was as well fascinated by medieval Provençal, Spanish and Italian literature, and Japanese art of haiku. On his work also had an impact scholasticism, Confucianism and Far East literature. In addition to poetry, Pound was also involved in literary criticism, painting and sculpture, he wrote historiosophical es­says and dramas. The greatest fame brought him, however, written for many years, „Canto”. During his stay in the British Isles he also dealt with politics and economics. He was considered a supporter of the theory of Social Credit of Hugh Douglas Clifford, aBritish engineer and economic theorist. In the early twenties Pound went to Italy. Here he became fascinated with fascism and the person of Benitto Musollini. In his works including his poetic works appeared clear fascist and anti-Semitic accents. He criticized Jewish international financiers and banking critique of usury. During World War II he gave propaganda „talks” in the Italian radio. He praised the organization of the fascist state and fascism as an idea, and at the same time warned the threat from international Jewish conspiracy. His views meant that he was accused of collaboration and treason. He was arrested and imprisoned in the US prison camp near Genoa. He spent almost amonth in aclosed cage. During his stay in the camp he had nervous breakdown. After transportation to the United States for many years he was locked out in hospital for mentally ill. After leaving the hospital, he returned to public space. Still creative, he was nominated for the most prestigious literary awards. His works have been translated into many languages around the world, including Polish. He died in Italy in 1975.
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Epstein (book editor), Mark, Fulvio Orsitto (book editor), Andrea Righi (book editor), and Eloisa Morra (review author). "Totalitarian Art: The Visual Arts, Fascism(s) and Mass-society." Quaderni d'italianistica 38, no. 2 (February 4, 2019): 219–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v38i2.32243.

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Aguirre, Mariana. "From Imitazione to Creazione: Lionello Venturi, Medieval Art, and Fascism." Convivium 4, no. 1 (January 2017): 88–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.convivium.4.2017007.

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Bethke, Jennifer. "Mario Sironi and Italian Modernism: Art and Politics Under Fascism." Qui Parle 13, no. 1 (2001): 165–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/quiparle.13.1.165.

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Kahn, Victoria. "Art, Judaism, and the Critique of Fascism in the Work of Ernst Cassirer." Representations 148, no. 1 (2019): 114–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2019.148.1.114.

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This essay argues that Ernst Cassirer’s thinking about the spontaneity of form-giving in the creation of art, which he allies to the ethical dimension of Judaism, informs his critique of fascism in The Myth of the State. Aesthetics, for Cassirer, is not divorced from politics but one of its conditions of possibility.
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Han, Kwang Woo. "A Study on Propagandistic Expressions in Visual Art of Italian Fascism." Journal of Basic Design & Art 23, no. 3 (June 30, 2022): 455–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.47294/ksbda.23.3.33.

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29

Read, Richard. "Italian Modern Art in the Age of Fascism by Anthony White." Modernism/modernity 28, no. 3 (2021): 591–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mod.2021.0037.

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30

Ponzio, Alessio. "Queer Ventennio. Italian fascism, homoerotic art the nonmodern in the modern." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 25, no. 5 (October 19, 2020): 671–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2020.1840164.

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Gordon, Terri J. "Fascism and the Female Form: Performance Art in the Third Reich." Journal of the History of Sexuality 11, no. 1 (2002): 164–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sex.2002.0004.

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32

Whiting, Cécile. "American Heroes and Invading Barbarians: The Regionalist Response to Fascism." Prospects 13 (October 1988): 295–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300005317.

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The characteristics that contributed in the 1930s to the fame of A Grant Wood, Thomas Hart Benton, and John Steuart Curry, the three leaders of the Regionalist art movement, were the same that led to their being condemned as Fascists in the art criticism of the 1940s. Despite differences in their artistic styles, all three artists based their paintings in the 1930s on the life and land of specific locales in the Middle West. Each artist became associated with a particular region: Wood with Iowa, Benton with Missouri, and Curry with Kansas and later with Wisconsin. In their effort to celebrate the folk and tradition of these American regions, these artists relied heavily upon figurative styles and anecdotal narratives. They eradicated from their paintings the modernist styles such as Impressionism, Fauvism, and Cubism with which they had experimented in the 1910s and 1920s. Modernism, they now believed, was a difficult language, inaccessible to the ordinary public. Instead, these artists embraced a plain-speaking, folksy pictorial rhetoric.
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Whiting, Cécile. "American Heroes and Invading Barbarians: The Regionalist Response to Fascism." Prospects 13 (October 1988): 295–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300006761.

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The characteristics that contributed in the 1930s to the fame of A Grant Wood, Thomas Hart Benton, and John Steuart Curry, the three leaders of the Regionalist art movement, were the same that led to their being condemned as Fascists in the art criticism of the 1940s. Despite differences in their artistic styles, all three artists based their paintings in the 1930s on the life and land of specific locales in the Middle West. Each artist became associated with a particular region: Wood with Iowa, Benton with Missouri, and Curry with Kansas and later with Wisconsin. In their effort to celebrate the folk and tradition of these American regions, these artists relied heavily upon figurative styles and anecdotal narratives. They eradicated from their paintings the modernist styles such as Impressionism, Fauvism, and Cubism with which they had experimented in the 1910s and 1920s. Modernism, they now believed, was a difficult language, inaccessible to the ordinary public. Instead, these artists embraced a plain-speaking, folksy pictorial rhetoric.
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Raffaelli, Lara Gochin, and Michael Subialka. "Introduction: D’Annunzio’s Beauty, Reawakened." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 51, no. 2 (March 23, 2017): 311–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014585817698395.

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D’Annunzio’s uneven reception both within and outside of Italy is partially due to the close association between his work and Italian fascism. Yet his concept of beauty certainly exceeds the narrow confines of that association. His aesthetics is more than a (fascist) aestheticism. In this article we introduce the special issue on D’Annunzio’s beauty by articulating the complex, multifaceted role of the aesthetic in D’Annunzio’s works and thought. He idealizes art as a refuge against the levelling forces of modern capitalism, bourgeois society, democracy and massification. This positions him in between decadentism and modernism, on the one hand, and between the aestheticism of post-Kantian idealism and a heroic vision of nationalism, on the other. Ever an eclectic thinker and artist, D’Annunzio’s legacy remains rich, challenging, prolific: now, a century from the war in which he became a nationalist hero, is an ideal moment to return to the question of how these complex, conflicting elements emerge in D'Annunzio's seductive picture of beauty.
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Wyke, Maria. "Film Style and Fascism: Julius Caesar." Film Studies 4, no. 1 (2004): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/fs.4.4.

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In studio publicity, trade papers, reviews, articles, and educational materials, Joseph L. Mankiewiczs Julius Caesar (1953) was described and accepted as a faithful and mostly pleasing adaptation of Shakespearean drama to the Hollywood screen. As Variety accurately predicted, it achieved four Oscar nominations, one award for art direction and set decoration, high grosses, a hit soundtrack album, and several subsequent revivals. With the content more or less given, contemporary discussion focussed closely on how the verbal had been visualised, on how theatre had been turned into cinema – in short, on the film‘s style. It is with contemporary and subsequent readings of the film‘s style that this article is concerned, where, following David Bordwell, style is taken to mean ‘a films systematic and significant use of techniques of the medium’. But whereas Bordwell analyses film style directly in terms of an aesthetic history he considers to be distinct from the history of the film industry, its technology, or a films relation to society, I explore interpretations of one film‘s style that are heavily invested with socio-political meaning. If, in Bordwell‘s organic metaphor, style is the flesh of film, these readings of style explicitly dress that flesh in socio-political clothing. This analysis of Julius Caesar, then, is not another contribution to debates about adaptation, theatre on film, or Shakespeare on screen, but about the politics of film style.
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El-Ojeili, Chamsy. "Keywords." Counterfutures 6 (December 1, 2018): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v6i0.6384.

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The spectre of fascism currently haunts liberal democracy. This ‘keywords’ entry explores the expansion of Right-populism, white nationalism, and the alt-Right, examining the consolidation of a ‘post-fascist constellation’. I outline a five-featured ideal-type of fascism, before turning to explore post-fascism’s utopian dimensions, drawing on the work of Ernst Bloch. Against liberal attempts to mock, pathologise, or re-educate post-fascists, I argue we must attend to both the multitude of fears and the figures of a better world expressed within this formation of thought.
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Beilharz, Peter. "David Roberts meets the switchman: A footnote to the total work of art in European modernism." Thesis Eleven 152, no. 1 (May 14, 2019): 69–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513619852681.

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The scope of David Roberts’ book on the Total Work of Art is daunting. It stretches from the French Revolution through to the modernist avant-garde and its dissolution in totalitarianism. If Wagner is its chief leader and artistic animator, it also echoes back to Robespierre, Napoleon and Saint-Simon, and through at least to Bolshevism and Futurism, Stalinism and Italian Fascism. The total work of art totalizes the world of the artwork, but it also adds in the politics of the sublime, turns politics into art and negates both as independent spheres of existence at the same time. In this piece I offer some observations on the thinking of a key switchman in this story: Leon Trotsky.
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Carter, Nick, and Simon Martin. "The management and memory of fascist monumental art in postwar and contemporary Italy: the case of Luigi Montanarini’sApotheosis of Fascism." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 22, no. 3 (May 27, 2017): 338–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2017.1321933.

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Lane, Tora. "Totalitarism, realism och historisk ängslighet." Tidskrift för litteraturvetenskap 49, no. 2-3 (January 1, 2019): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.54797/tfl.v49i2-3.6646.

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Totalitarianism, Realism and the Anxiety of History This essay examines the problem of totalitarian art and totalitarianism by studying the relationship between art, society and history in realism, both as a historical literary practice and as an aesthetic doctrine that is till dominant today. Because the understanding of the development of society and art in Nazi Germany tends to dominate the understanding of totalitarianism, scholarly and popular discussions of ideology in totalitarian art has been dominated by a problematization of myth and utopia. However, this paper takes its starting point in Socialist Realism in order to trace the tendency towards a totalizing explanation of the world in terms of social and historical reality in realism. It also discusses the implications of the impact of realism on art in late modernity to further our understanding of the possible return of totalitarianism and fascism today.
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Möller-Sibelius, Anna. "Att läsa "fascistisk" poesi -och finna något annat." Tidskrift för litteraturvetenskap 49, no. 2-3 (January 1, 2019): 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.54797/tfl.v49i2-3.6667.

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Reading ”Fascist” Poetry – and Finding Something Else: Örnulf Tigerstedt’s Dualism in an Epistemological Perspective The Finland-Swedish poet Örnulf Tigerstedt (1900–1962) is known for his fascism, although he himself considered other concepts more adequate, such as Caesarism, monarchism and authoritarianism. Nevertheless, his reputation seems to both attract extreme right-wing readers of today and deter the majority of poetry readers. The aim of this article is to problematize the role of the reader and point out a dualistic pattern in Tigerstedt’s poetry, which complicates the picture. I want to raise questions about the ethics of reading poetry; how can we ensure that our reading does not become categorical and ideological when the poem itself is complex? My point of departure is epistemological rather than political, i.e. focus is on man’s possibilities and problems related to acquiring knowledge. I analyse two clusters of themes: war, power, violence and art, culture, form. My examples are taken from Vid gränsen (1928), Block och öde (1931), De heliga vägarna (1933) and Sista etappen (1940).
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Maulsby, Lucy M. "Giustizia Fascista." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 73, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 312–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2014.73.3.312.

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Designed by the architect most closely associated with fascism, Marcello Piacentini, the Palace of Justice was the largest building constructed in Milan in the interwar period. Piacentini intended that the building, with its extensive decorative program, would assert the state’s authority in Milan, the commercial and financial center of Italy and the birthplace of fascism, and serve as a permanent monument to the legal system that structured the fascist state. In Giustizia Fascista: The Representation of Fascist Justice in Marcello Piacentini’s Palace of Justice, Milan, 1932–1940, Lucy M. Maulsby examines the controversy surrounding the decorative program, which ultimately involved government officials at the highest levels, and argues that the building evinces a genuine uncertainty about how to translate fascist policy into a cultural program. The continued use of this building as the setting for the nation’s legal dramas raises questions about how and to what extent these symbols continue to embody the notion of justice in Italian society and culture today.
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Pal, Soumik. "Tracing the Kafkaesque in neoliberal India: No Smoking (2007)." Studies in South Asian Film & Media 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/safm_00047_1.

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This article looks at the film No Smoking (2007), as an example of a ‘Kafkaesque’ piece of art which, though a commercial failure, attempts an ingenious critique of the absurdity of the neoliberal order (and impending fascism). The article examines how the film explores the promises (and their non-fulfilment) of urban space and technology, surveillance, censorship, the rise of right-wing populism, and the negotiations of identity in the irrational neoliberal order.
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Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta. "Afterword: memory and the past: fascism, spectacle, history." Classical Receptions Journal 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2024): 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/crj/clad023.

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Abstract The Afterword addresses the efforts of Italian fascists to build an imaginary fascist community through the mythical appropriation of the past. It argues that fascism epitomized in a peculiarly contradictory and destructive manner the moderns’ reaction to what they perceived as the end of an era. The historical division between memory and history, established in the nineteenth century, engulfed the fascist movement and overlapped with other critical dichotomies that vexed Mussolini and his adepts as they pursued the revitalization of communal roots while simultaneously riding the train of change. The dualisms of community and society, tradition and modernity, and, at a more meta-level, sacred and profane confronted fascism with difficult dilemmas, eliciting responses that, as the contributors to this issue show, ultimately exposed fascism’s cultural incongruities and fallacies.
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Fleming, Robert Barry. "Anarchy, Racism, Storytelling, and Broken Politics." Harold Pinter Review 5, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 28–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/haropintrevi.5.2021.0028.

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ABSTRACT An intersectional exploration of the collision of the two public health crises of the COVID-19 pandemic and the reckoning with systemic racism after the revelations of the Breonna Taylor and George Floyd killings. The role of storytelling and art in a time of a distrust, disease, disinformation. and the ever-growing global movement toward authoritarianism and fascism. How it specifically has rooted in our country through the sowing of the seeds of confusion, chaos and white supremacist nihilism.
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Chace, W. M. "Avant-Garde Fascism: The Mobilization of Myth, Art, and Culture in France, 1909-1939." Common Knowledge 14, no. 3 (October 1, 2008): 499. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-2008-025.

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Soucy, Robert. ":Avant‐Garde Fascism: The Mobilization of Myth, Art, and Culture in France, 1909–1939." American Historical Review 113, no. 5 (December 2008): 1604–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.5.1604.

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Souillard, Sasha. "La Rivoluzione Macchiata: The Stained Revolution." Interdependent: Journal of Undergraduate Research in Global Studies 2 (2021): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33682/nv4g-se2u.

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Although graffiti gained popularity through the expansion of American pop culture, its origins are greatly embedded in Italian culture and history. Not only does the word graffiti come from the Italian word "graffiato" or "scratched "off", but some of the world's first graffiti was found in Pompeii's ruins. Over the last few years, Italy has been governed by right-wing coalitions that have implemented fascist practices once used by Mussolini. Given that there is little space for leftist ideas to emerge in the public space, Italians have used graffiti as a form of political activism and protest. Conversations surrounding fascism, racism, women's rights, immigration and the LGTBQ community have arisen within graffiti, allowing outsiders to better understand Italians' takes on these issues. This study investigates Italy's sociopolitical climate through graffiti as a form of art, and also sheds light on how graffiti provokes its audience. The graffiti found in Florence, Bologna, and Naples proves to be linguistically complex, and provokes observers both through heightened language and visuals. This study suggests that the majority of Italian sociopolitical graffiti belongs to students who are unable to take part in democracy based on their age or legal status. While often deemed a vandalistic act, graffiti has allowed Italian individuals to protest what is unjust, and make themselves heard in a society where their voices are being suffocated by right-wing political parties and their media.
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Papaeti, Anna. "Humour and the Representation of Fascism in Schweyk im zweiten Weltkrieg: Adorno contra Brecht and Hanns Eisler." New Theatre Quarterly 30, no. 4 (October 21, 2014): 318–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x14000669.

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Bertolt Brecht and Hanns Eisler's Schweyk im zweiten Weltkrieg occupies a key but under-recognized place in debates about humour in anti-fascist art in the late 1950s and early 1960s – debates largely dominated by Theodor W. Adorno's critique of Brecht's satirical plays on the Third Reich. In this article Anna Papaeti examines the artistic strategies and reception history of Schweyk im zweiten Weltkrieg in the context of such debates. Focusing in particular on Eisler's musical additions for the parodic ‘higher regions’ interludes, as well as on the controversies sparked by the 1959 West German premiere, she analyzes the play's role in stimulating key debates, showing how Brecht's play and Eisler's music attain a more complex and defensible position of resistance to fascism than was allowed in Adorno's critique. Anna Papaeti has a doctorate from King's College London, has worked at the Royal Opera House, London, and as Associate Dramaturg at the Greek National Opera, Athens. Her postdoctoral research includes a DAAD fellowship on Hanns Eisler (Universität der Künste, Berlin, 2010) and a Marie Curie Intra-European Fellowship (University of Göttingen, 2011–14) on the use of music by the Greek military junta. She has previously published in such journals as Opera Quarterly, Music and Politics, and The World of Music, and in edited scholarly volumes.
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Ioannidou, Eleftheria. "Greek theatre, electric lights, and the plumes of locomotives: the quarrel between the Futurists and the Classicists and the Hellenic modernism of Fascism." Classical Receptions Journal 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2024): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/crj/clad028.

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Abstract The controversy between the Futurists and the classicists over the Greek theatre of Syracuse remains largely overlooked within the scholarship concerned with the relationship between Futurism and Fascism. The Futurist movement launched a polemic against the staging of Aeschylus’ Libation Bearers in 1921, counterposing Greek tragedy to new forms of drama drawing on Futurist performance aesthetics and Sicilian popular theatre which, according to the Futurists, could express the spirit of the modern age. In a similar vein, the manifesto that F. T. Marinetti addressed to the Fascist government in 1923 advocated for the staging of modern Sicilian plays in the theatre of Syracuse. Contrary to Futurism, Italian Fascism turned to Greek models in creating new forms of popular theatre. Mussolini’s state supported the production of ancient drama throughout the ventennio, as evidenced by the consolidation of the Istituto Nazionale del Dramma Antico (INDA) in 1925. The theatre of Syracuse should be viewed as a field of antagonism between the different versions of modernism represented by Futurism and Fascism. By examining the convergences and divergences of Futurist and Fascist visions of theatrical renewal, this article highlights not only the Hellenic character of Fascism’s modernism but also the role of Fascism in transforming classical traditions.
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Prica, Vladana Putnik, and Nenad Lajbenšperger. "On the wings of modernity: WWII memorials in Yugoslavia." An Eastern Europe Vision, no. 59 (2018): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/59.a.8qpzrs1o.

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Memorial sites dedicated to the National Liberation War, revolution and the victims of fascism have played an important role in the cultural and political life of the socialist Yugoslavia. The changing political course of Yugoslavia from 1948 influenced its cultural strategy. This reflected the artists’ sensibility and tendency towards abstract sculpture, which culminated during the 1960s and 1970s. In this essay we will examine the influx of modern art and architecture on the aesthetics of the memorials from the era. We will also focus on their contemporary representation as an important part of cultural heritage.
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