Academic literature on the topic 'Fascism, spain'

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Journal articles on the topic "Fascism, spain"

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Saz, Ismael. "Fascism and empire: Fascist Italy against republican Spain." Mediterranean Historical Review 13, no. 1-2 (June 1998): 116–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518969808569739.

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Valencia-García, Louie Dean. "Pluralism at the Twilight of Franco’s Spain: Antifascist and Intersectional Practice." Fascism 9, no. 1-2 (December 21, 2020): 98–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-09010001.

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Abstract Since the late 1980s, the term ‘intersectionality’ has been used as a way to describe ways in which socially constructed categories must be considered in conjunction to better understand everyday oppression. This article presents a broad understanding of pluralism as antifascist practice, whilst studying antifascist publications in Spain during the 1970s, considering intersectional analysis and methodology. Many of the producers of these publications saw themselves as explicitly antifascist or at the very least part of a countercultural movement which challenged social norms promoted under the late fascist regime. By looking at these antifascist movements, using intersectional approaches, we can better understand how fascism itself functions and how it can be disentangled – as scholarship on fascism has largely ignored how intersectional analytical approaches might give us new insights into fascism.
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Kruizinga, Samuël. "The First Resisters: Tracing Three Dutchmen from the Spanish Trenches to the Second World War, 1936–1945." War in History 27, no. 3 (July 5, 2019): 368–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344519831030.

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About 700 Dutchmen joined the Republican forces in the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) to fight Franco specifically and fascism generally. After 1945, both surviving veterans and those writing their histories agreed that after their return, they continued their fight against fascism in Nazi-occupied Holland. This article presents a microhistory of the trajectory of three Dutchmen, and finds the links between Spain and resistance in these three cases neither obvious nor very strong. In doing so, this article highlights not only the wide varieties of anti-fascist experiences, but also emphasizes the twists in turns in how these were subsequently refashioned.
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Alcalde, Ángel. "War Veterans and Fascism during the Franco Dictatorship in Spain (1936–1959)." European History Quarterly 47, no. 1 (December 16, 2016): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416674417.

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This article argues that analysis and contextualization of the history of the Francoist veterans of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) leads to an understanding of Franco’s dictatorship as a fascist regime typical of the late 1930s and early 1940s. It reveals the congruence of the regime with the phenomenon of neo-fascism during the Cold War era. Drawing on a large range of archival and published sources, this article examines the history of the main Francoist veterans’ organization, the Delegación Nacional de Excombatientes (DNE) of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS (FET-JONS), between 1939 and 1959. The evolution of the Francoist veterans’ organizational structures and political discourses can be understood as part of a process of fascistization and defascistization, which provides rare insights into the overall relationship between fascism and war.
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Ortiz, David. "Fascism in Spain, 1923–1977." History: Reviews of New Books 28, no. 3 (January 2000): 121–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2000.10525493.

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Preston, Paul, and Stanley G. Payne. "Fascism in Spain 1923-1977." American Historical Review 106, no. 2 (April 2001): 651. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651753.

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BERTONHA, J. F. "O poder de polícia e a administração da Justiça: Estado e partido na Alemanha nazista e na Itália fascista." Passagens: Revista Internacional de História Política e Cultura Jurídica 13, no. 3 (October 1, 2021): 446–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15175/1984-2503-202113303.

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The aim of this article is to discuss the differences and similarities between the police and legal systems shaped during the Fascist dictatorships of Italy and Germany and their implications on the collapse of Fascism in 1943 and the survival of Naziism until 1945. The article also discusses the police and legal culture created under these regimes and its survival in the later period, with the consequent democratic deficit. The backdrop to this is a discussion on the relationship between police officers, judges, and militiamen within the regimes of Italian Fascism and Nazi Germany and the broader subject of the relationship between State and party in these regimes. As “case-control studies”, the examples of Spain, Brazil, and Japan will also be discussed.
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Rodrigo, Javier. "A fascist warfare? Italian fascism and war experience in the Spanish Civil War (1936–39)." War in History 26, no. 1 (September 12, 2017): 86–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344517696526.

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Initiated as an armament, strategic and diplomatic assistance, the fascist intervention in the Spanish Civil War soon made Italy a belligerent country in the conflict. Once the initial coup d’état plan had failed, the Corpo Truppe Volontarie (CTV) was created to help Franco, and also as a tool to build fascist Spain and, indeed, fascist Europe. This paper examines a crucial part of the Italian intervention in Spain, far from irrelevance or trivialization: a multi-faced combat and war experience.
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Venza, Claudio. "Toponomastica nostalgica. Il caso Granbassi a Trieste." HISTORIA MAGISTRA, no. 2 (November 2009): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/hm2009-002005.

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- The "Granbassi Case" exploded in Trieste after the decision of the Comunal council to re-name a public space in his honour. The honour of being a "fascist hero". Mario Granbassi (1907-1939) was a journalist of the «Piccolo», a local newspaper, but above all a propagandist of the fascist regime. He conducted a fortuitous radio transmission, in the early thirties, "Mastro Remo" aimed at children and young adults and founded a specialized weekly magazine. He died in Spain as a volenteer fighting on Franco's side and was awarded, not only the gold metal, but also the name of a street. A street that in 1946 resumed it's ancient name; that of Samuel Romanin, an historian wantingly canceled by the racial laws for being "non-arian". This past year has seen this continual controversy tighten between the council and the opponents who have written several letters and articles, organized press conferences and rallies in the contested site. The site consists of steps dedicated to Giuseppe Revere, a Trieste born jewish Mazzini follower.Key words: Granbassi, Trieste, the racial laws, toponymic, Fascism, Spanish Civil War.Parole chiave: Granbassi, Trieste, leggi razziali, toponomastica, fascismo, guerra civile spagnola.
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Griffin, Roger, and Rita Almeida de Carvalho. "Editorial Introduction: Architectural Projections of a ‘New Order’ in Fascist and Para-Fascist Interwar Dictatorships." Fascism 7, no. 2 (October 17, 2018): 133–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00702001.

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The three articles that follow are the second part of a special issue of Fascism devoted to case studies in ‘Latin’ architecture in the fascist era, the first part of which was published in volume 7 (2018), no. 1. The architecture of three clearly para-fascist regimes comes under the spotlight: those of Spain, Portugal, and Brazil, in each of which a genuine fascist movement was either absorbed into a right-wing dictatorship (as occurred under Franco) or disbanded by it while perceptibly retaining some fascist elements (as in the case of the Salazar and Vargas regimes). Once again, the juxtaposition of the articles reveals unexpected elements of internationalism, entanglements, and histoires croisées both sides of the Atlantic in the impact of the fascist experiments in Germany and Italy.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Fascism, spain"

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Johnson, Ashley C. "Healing the wounds of fascism : the American Medical Brigade and the Spanish Civil War /." Connect to online version, 2007. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2007/204.pdf.

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Filho, Fermin Vañó Ivorra. "Luiz Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre: o teatro de resistência sob os regimes fascistas ibéricos." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8150/tde-30082012-105108/.

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Luiz Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre: o teatro de resistência sob os regimes fascistas ibéricos tem como objetivo pesquisar e analisar a literatura dramática desses dois artistas e escritores contemporâneos, representantes de suas gerações literárias, que produziram peças originais, perturbadoras, mordazes, engajadas ideologicamente contra os regimes autoritários da península ibérica e, por esse fato, foram sistematicamente censurados. O trabalho tem como objeto a produção dramática de Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre entre os anos de 1944 e 1974, anos marcados pela repressão e censura do fascismo ibérico, assim como, pelo fim da segunda grande guerra, pela iminência da Guerra Fria, pela ameaça nuclear e pelo drástico cerceamento à liberdade durante os governos totalitários de Portugal e Espanha. Faremos observar alguns aspectos históricos, sociais e políticos da contínua decadência peninsular deste período, questões que aproximam ambos escritores ainda mais, e que enfaticamente influenciaram na formação dos temas, nas concepções artísticas e nas literárias dos dramas desses dois autores de povos vizinhos. Um panorama da vida e obra de cada autor, em seu respectivo contexto histórico, fez-se aqui necessário para vislumbrar o percurso realizado por cada um deles e o desenvolvimento de suas respectivas produções literárias. Testemunhas comprometidas com esse período fascista ibérico, Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre, ao término da II Guerra Mundial, no prelúdio literário de suas vidas, decidiram criar uma dramaturgia de vanguarda e resistência. Peças teatrais, frutos do inconformismo de uma época conturbada e repressora; obras características de um teatro que apostava em mudanças e, sobretudo, buscava alguma reação sinestésica de suas respectivas sociedades.
Luiz Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre: the theater of opposition under Iberian fascist regimes aims to research and analyze the dramatic literature of these two contemporary artists and writers, representatives of their literary generations, which produced original pieces, disturbing, spicy, ideologically engaged against the authoritarian regimes of the Iberian Peninsula, and this fact, systematically censored. The work is focused on the dramatic production of Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre between the years 1944 and 1974, years marked by the collective Iberian fascism, by the end of the Second World War, the imminence of the Cold War, the nuclear threat and the drastic curtailment of freedom during the totalitarian governments of Portugal and Spain. We will look at some historical, social and political decay of the continuous period of peninsular issues that bring both further and strongly influenced the formation of the themes of artistic and literary conceptions of the tragedies of these two authors of their neighbours. A wide panel of life and work of each author in their respective historical context, it was necessary to glimpse here the route taken by each of them and develop their literary productions. Witnesses committed to this Iberian fascist period, Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre, at the end of World War II, in the prelude of their literary lives, decided to create a vanguard and opposition theater. Plays, result of the nonconformity of a tumultuous and repressive time; works features a drama, which believed on changes and, especially, tried some synaesthetic reaction of their respective companies.
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Follmer, Carl R. "Envisioning the fascist "reality": ideology in the children's literature of Hitler's Germany and Franco's Spain." Diss., University of Iowa, 2016. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2207.

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This dissertation examines the fascist propaganda for children produced in Hitler’s Germany and the early years of Franco’s Spain. The central aim of this project is to identify the formation of fascist discourse and its construction of political “reality” (or what Kaja Silverman calls a “dominant fiction”) by German and Spanish propagandistic authors. I will also determine the extent to which the fascist thought formed in the works I am studying depends on the national context in which it appears. The fascist children’s literature produced in Germany and Spain provides a body of writing that will allow me to answer if there are literary elements specific to the historical moment and national context in which they were produced, or if fascist writing is the same from one country to the next. For the German context, I will begin by examining works written for children during the Weimar Republic (1918-1933). By placing works from Erich Kästner and Wolf Durian into a historical context, I read these books as cultural artifacts that express the views of their authors and reflect those of many democratic supporters of the Republic. Beginning with the first Nazi novels for children and youth that appeared in 1932, I proceed to trace the elements National Socialist authors chose to retain from their left-wing Weimar counterparts, and then put forth a model that explains the influence fascism had on children’s literature in Germany during this time. Once this model is established, I will compare and contrast this body of German writing with the children’s literature produced in Spain between 1939 and 1943, the immediate post-Civil War period, a time-frame that most historians view as the moment when fascist ideology flourished under the emerging Franquist regime. Taking the fascist children’s periodical Flechas y Pelayos (Arrows and Pelayos) as a case in point, I demonstrate the ways in which Franco’s government sought to nationalize the family unit in order to place the children of Spain in the service of the new regime. Finally, I conclude the project by synthesizing my findings of both fascist contexts as they pertain to the creation of “realities” in children’s literature and the subsequent formation of the role of the state.
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Johnson, Dawnielle. "Authors and Facism: A Cross-Cultural Analysis of Literary Resistance in Italy and Spain." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2005. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/773.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Foreign Languages and Literatures
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McCann, Joseph H. IV. "Imágenes Imaginarias: La Ficción de España Bajo Francisco Franco." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/637.

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Pavlaković, Vjeran. "Our Spaniards : Croatian communists, fascists, and the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10350.

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ALCALDE, Ángel. "War veterans and transnational fascism : from fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to Francoist Spain and Vichy France (1917-1940)." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/40810.

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Defence date: 1 June 2015
Examining Board: Professor Federico Romero, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Ángela Cenarro, Universidad de Zaragoza (External supervisor); Professor Lucy Riall, European University Institute; Professor Sven Reichardt, Universität Konstanz.
2016 recipient of the Ivano Tognarini Prize in Contemporary History.
This dissertation explores, from a transnational viewpoint, the historical relationship between war veterans and fascism in interwar Europe. Until now, historians have been roughly divided between those who assume that 'brutalization' (George L. Mosse) led veterans to join fascist movements, and those who stress that most ex-soldiers of the Great War became committed pacifists and internationalists. This dissertation overcomes the inconclusive debates surrounding the 'brutalization' thesis, by proposing a new theoretical and methodological approach, and offering a wider perspective on the history of both fascism and veteran movements. Drawing on a wide range of archival and published sources in five different languages, this work focuses on the interrelated processes of fascistization and transnationalization of veteran politics in interwar Europe. Firstly, it explains the connection between Italian Fascism and war veterans as the result of a process of symbolic appropriation of the notion of the 'veteran'. Then, it demonstrates that the cross-border circulation of the stereotype of the 'fascist veteran', and the diffusion of the 'myth of the fascist veterans', originating in the March on Rome, were crucial factors in the transnationalization of fascism and the fascistization of veteran politics in the 1920s. Furthermore, in the 1930s, networks of fascist veterans point to the existence of a transnational fascism, while new wars in Ethiopia and Spain strengthened the symbolic connection between veterans and fascism. Finally, the dissertation demonstrates that by 1939-1940, the fascist model of veteran politics was transferred into the new Spanish and French dictatorships. It is not 'brutalization', therefore, but rather a combination of mythical constructs, transfers, political communication, encounters, and networks within a transnational space that explain the relationship between veterans and fascism. Thus, this dissertation offers new insights into the essential ties between fascism and war and contributes to the theorization and conceptualization of transnational fascism.
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RODRIGO, Javier. "Prisoneros de Franco : campos de concentraciíon y trabajo forzoso en Espa?a, 1936-1947." Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5960.

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Defence date: 15 December 2004
Examining board: Prof. Miguel Ángel Ruiz Carnicer, Universidad de Zaragoza (co-supervisor) ; Prof. Luisa Passerini, Università di Torino (supervisor) ; Prof. Donatella della Porta, SPS Department, European University Institute ; Prof. Paul Preston, London School of Economics and Political Science
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Mleczak, Marcin. "Elity polityczne Hiszpanii frankistowskiej." Praca doktorska, 2021. https://ruj.uj.edu.pl/xmlui/handle/item/291032.

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In contemporary historiography the Franco Regime is still frequently viewed as a new form of a traditional Spanish feudalism. This interpretation was born during the Spanish Civil War and had been a propagandistic tool of the Republic. Due to this vision, until proclamation of the Republic in 1931, Spanish political regimes were simply series of oligarchic, intolerant (inquisitorial) and corrupted systems, dominated by aristocracy and clergy. New researches on period of the Restoration (1874-1931) highlighted it's characteristics differed from this simplistic formula. Political role of aristocracy was limited and relations of state-Church were complicated and occasionally conflictive. Undemocratic but liberal parliamentarism took form quite similar to other European countries that were more advanced economically and socially. Economic tensions of first decades of the 20th century destroyed the fragile structure of political power in Spain. Primo de Rivera's dictatorship (1923-1930) failed attempt of creation of the new corporative regime opened way to the Second Republic. In 1931 nearly all characteristics of the Restoration were passed away. Old monarchic parties were decomposed and mass mobilization took place of the practices of electoral corruption (caciquismo). New right-wigs political parties emerged in opposition to the reforms of the republican-socialist Government. Among them the most important was the CEDA, leaded by people connected to Catholic lay organizations - but ideologically the most creative was the tiny group of the authoritarian monarchists, Acción Española. Also, in this time first Spanish fascists groups time were born, which in 1933-1934 merged in Falange y las JONS. Republic period was also occasioned to revitalize the 19th counterrevolutionary movement, the carlism. Firstly, CEDA was center of political hope of the conservative electorate. But after failure in 1936 election, party's neutrality in question of political regime became to be seen as a sign of weakness. The role of the extreme right were growing in turbulent political months of the Popular Front government. In July 1936 a rebellion broke out in a part of the army. Conspiracy of generals aimed at curtail of left-wing excesses, but was not absolutely enemy of Republic. Nevertheless, the coup d'etat failed and became the bloody three-years Civil War. During the Civil War an idea of rectification of republican errors was translated into vision of creation of the New State. General Francisco Franco became head of state. His closes governmental collaborators were members of Second Republic right-wings parties which mutated into kind of coteries of new regime (political families). From 1936 to 1943 Spanish fascist tried to locate their party (from 1937 - FET y las JONS) in the center of dictatorship decision-making. After the war failure of the Axis powers, their scopes were more limited. The party apparatus had a vision to become the most powerful among various pressure groups, but even it was too ambitious. During first decades of his dominance, Franco equilibrated portion of ministries of each political family in kind of "limited pluralism" of the Civil War victors. In end of the fifties new political family - technocrats, actualized version of the authoritarian monarchism of Accion Espanola - became process of modernization of Spanish state. In 1969 their actions were finished with proclamation of Juan Carlos de Borbón as Franco's successor. Last six years of Franco's life was the time of various attempts to create a new right-wing groups for time after dictator death. All failed. Due to their weak position people of the regime must negotiate with the anti-francoist opposition. It was the first stage of the transformation (Transición) from which the democracy emerged in 1977. Process of decision making, power of the Head of State, and level of freedom in political debate were absolutely different in the Spain of Restoration and the Franco Regime. There is no serious reason to take the francoism as incarnation of before 1931 monarchy, even if there were some personal continuity between both systems.
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Kressel, Daniel Gunnar. "Technicians of the Spirit: Post-Fascist Technocratic Authoritarianism in Spain, Argentina, and Chile, 1945-1988." Thesis, 2019. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-8sth-b879.

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The focus of this dissertation is a distinctive post-fascist ideology that emerged during the Cold War era. Developed and first put to practice in Francisco Franco’s Spain during the 1950s and 1960s, this model for a market-oriented dictatorship, which I label Hispanic technocratic-authoritarianism, became a key ideological reference for the dictatorships of Juan Carlos Onganía in Argentina (1966-1970) and Augusto Pinochet in Chile (1973-1988). For its chief designers, this theory of state represented a noble dream of a “post-ideological” society marked by neoliberal economic development, firm social hierarchies, and most importantly, a project of spiritual “perfection.” Rather than a simple mimesis, this study points to a dynamic of constant transatlantic intellectual dialogue between what were, in essence, three attempts to foster an alternative “Hispanic” modernity, within three dissimilar historical settings. The venture to constitute a reactionary modernity, as a spiritual “third position” that would transcend the antagonistic “materialist” ideologies born at the time of the French Revolution, is as old as modernity itself. The present study explores a prominent case study of these ideological projects, in the Spanish speaking world. My point of departure is that there is a certain lacuna in the historical analysis on Latin America’s far-right ideology during the Cold War. Whereas historiography has fully scrutinized extreme neo-fascist revolutionary movements, military counterrevolutionary states, and populist authoritarianism in the region, there is a dearth of analytic work on the post-fascist technocratic ideologies of the 1960s. My analysis therefore underscores the role of the international Catholic Society Opus Dei as one conspicuous arena for the formulation of the technocratic-authoritarian ideology. Thus, my work accounts for the rise of the “technocrats” as a contingent historical phenomenon that mirrored the economic and cultural contexts of the Cold War era. Consciously setting out to replace what they thought was the failed fascist revolution of the 1930s, the ideologues I analyze formulated what they believed was a more sophisticated method of Catholic modernization - one comprising of a consumerist society protected from the harms of either parliamentarism or rationalism. Chapter 1 of the dissertation explores how, during the 1950s, Franco’s regime propagated a distinct post-fascist ideology of “Hispanism” via a transnational organization by the name of Instituto de Cultura Hispánica, and how this traditionalist ideology founds if most zealous interlocutors in Argentina and Chile. Chapter 2 hones in on Spain’s novel technocratic-authoritarian ideologies of the 1960s. Designed and implemented by members of the Secular Catholic Organization Opus Dei, this ideology soon became identified with Spain’s 1960s “economic miracle.” Chapter 3 explains how the Francoist ideologies made their way into the Argentine public sphere through two Argentine intellectual affiliations: the Ateneo de la República and the Cuadernos del Sur journal. These groups, I explain, began designing Argentina’s “post-ideological” society during the early 1960s. Chapter 4 explores how the regime of Juan Carlos Onganía (1966-1970) utilized the ideologies of the aforementioned affiliations, as well as several Francoist “development” tactics such as “poles of growth.” Chapter 5 depicts the impact of the Instituto de Cultura Hispánica and the Opus Dei on the Chilean far-right during the late-1960s leading to the regime of Augusto Pinochet. Like Onganía, Pinochet and his ideologues borrowed Francoist political myths for their purposes. Last, Chapter 6 analyzes the decline of the technocratic-authoritarian model. The circumstances of the late 1970s, I suggest, propelled the authoritarian ideologues to abandon the technocratic-authoritarian schemes and seek new forms of civic participation, thereby leading them to initiate unique “protected” democratic transitions.
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Books on the topic "Fascism, spain"

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Green, Nan. Spain against fascism, 1936-39: Some questions answered. London: History Group of the Communist Party, 1986.

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Paul, Preston. The politics of revenge: Fascism and the military in twentieth-century Spain. London: Unwin Hyman, 1990.

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Paul, Preston. The politics of revenge: Fascism and the military in twentieth-century Spain. London: Routledge, 1995.

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Díaz, Alfonso Lazo. Retrato de fascismo rural en Sevilla. Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla, Secretariado de Publicaciones, 1998.

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Riley, Dylan J. The civic foundations of fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870-1945. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010.

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Garrido, Alfonso Braojos. Sevilla 36: Sublevación fascista y represión. Brenes, Sevilla [Spain]: Muñoz Moya y Montraveta, 1990.

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Lawson, Don. The Abraham Lincoln Brigade: Americans fighting fascism in the Spanish Civil War. New York: T.Y. Crowell, 1989.

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Paz, Abel. 19 de juliol del "36" a Barcelona. Barcelona: Editorial Hacer, 1988.

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Republicano, Movimiento Social. MSR, la alternativa para el siglo XXI. Molins de Rei [Barcelona]: Movimiento Social Republicano, 2008.

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Ellwood, Sheelagh M. Spanish fascism in the Franco era: Falange Española de las Jons, 1936-76. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "Fascism, spain"

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Leeson, Robert. "Clerical Fascism: Portugal, Spain, and France." In Hayek: A Collaborative Biography, 357–70. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60708-5_10.

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Germani, Gino. "Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Regimes: Italy and Spain." In Authoritarianism, Fascism, and National Populism, 245–80. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429334559-12.

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Cabana, Ana, and Alba Díaz-Geada. "7. Exploring modernization: agrarian fascism in rural Spain, 1936-1951." In Agriculture in the Age of Fascism, 189–217. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.rurhe-eb.4.00008.

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Mates, Lewis H. "Practical Anti-fascism? The ‘Aid Spain’ Campaigns in North-East England, 1936–39." In British Fascism, the Labour Movement and the State, 118–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230522763_7.

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Prat, Marc. "The Labour Movement and Business Elites Under Waning Fascism: Spain 1939–1951." In Social Movements and the Change of Economic Elites in Europe after 1945, 239–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77197-7_13.

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Jaén, Isabel. "Fascism, Torture, and Affect in Postwar Spain: Memoria Histórica Narratives and Audience Empathy." In The Palgrave Handbook of Affect Studies and Textual Criticism, 803–26. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-63303-9_31.

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Keene, Judith. "Spain." In European Fascist Movements, 309–26. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429292378-16.

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Griffin, Roger. "Ramiro Ledesma Ramos, The Voice Of Spain." In Fascism, 190–91. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192892492.003.0105.

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Abstract It was in association with the Montreux conference of the Fascist International held in 1934 that Jose Antonio made his declaration that the Palange was not a fascist movement, one often quoted by scholars reluctant to recognize the existence of generic fascism. It is clear, however, from this speech, made three months later, that he was prepared to portray Falangism as a Spanish variant of fascism, recognizing that as ageneric phenomenon every national permutation of fascism would be unique.
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Preston, Paul. "Spain." In Fascism in Europe, 329–51. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003074779-15.

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Feu, Montse. "Aurelio Pego, Antifascist Satirical Chronicler." In Fighting Fascist Spain, 145–58. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043246.003.0009.

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Satirists were central contributors to the print protest in España Libre. They transformed the antifascist experience into a full narrative voice in the periodical. One of the main writers for España Libre, Aurelio Pego, articulated in his works sharp, humorous attacks on fascism that also helped turn exile into a livable experience. His insightful humor greatly appealed to exiles and it cultivated their will to resist while proclaiming the urgency of change after the international recognition of the Franco’s regime. Pego’s wit was incisive in countering fascist myth-making. With spirited chronicles, Pego also lampooned passive Americans and exiles because he thought they could do more to end fascism in Spain.
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Conference papers on the topic "Fascism, spain"

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Iborra, Alvaro, Manuel Villanueva, Felipe Benito, Pablo Sanz, and Guillermo Rodriguez Fabian. "C0045 Ultrasound-guided ultraminimally invasive plantar fascia release." In 2nd Rehabilitative Ultrasound Imaging Symposium in Physical Therapy, Madrid, Spain, 3–5 June 2016. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd and British Association of Sport and Exercise Medicine, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bjsports-2018-099763.9.

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Roldán-Ruiz, Alberto, Manuel J. Rodríguez-Aragón, Javier Álvarez-González, Samuel Fernández-Carnero, Daniel Rodríguez-Rodríguez, and José Luis Arias-Buría. "C0057 Sonoelastographic changes in the thoracolumbar fascia resulting from a low-free sugars diet in healthy patients." In 2nd Rehabilitative Ultrasound Imaging Symposium in Physical Therapy, Madrid, Spain, 3–5 June 2016. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd and British Association of Sport and Exercise Medicine, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bjsports-2018-099763.13.

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