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1
Saz, Ismael. "Fascism and empire: Fascist Italy against republican Spain." Mediterranean Historical Review 13, no. 1-2 (June 1998): 116–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518969808569739.
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Valencia-García, Louie Dean. "Pluralism at the Twilight of Franco’s Spain: Antifascist and Intersectional Practice." Fascism 9, no. 1-2 (December 21, 2020): 98–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-09010001.
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Abstract Since the late 1980s, the term ‘intersectionality’ has been used as a way to describe ways in which socially constructed categories must be considered in conjunction to better understand everyday oppression. This article presents a broad understanding of pluralism as antifascist practice, whilst studying antifascist publications in Spain during the 1970s, considering intersectional analysis and methodology. Many of the producers of these publications saw themselves as explicitly antifascist or at the very least part of a countercultural movement which challenged social norms promoted under the late fascist regime. By looking at these antifascist movements, using intersectional approaches, we can better understand how fascism itself functions and how it can be disentangled – as scholarship on fascism has largely ignored how intersectional analytical approaches might give us new insights into fascism.
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Kruizinga, Samuël. "The First Resisters: Tracing Three Dutchmen from the Spanish Trenches to the Second World War, 1936–1945." War in History 27, no. 3 (July 5, 2019): 368–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344519831030.
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About 700 Dutchmen joined the Republican forces in the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) to fight Franco specifically and fascism generally. After 1945, both surviving veterans and those writing their histories agreed that after their return, they continued their fight against fascism in Nazi-occupied Holland. This article presents a microhistory of the trajectory of three Dutchmen, and finds the links between Spain and resistance in these three cases neither obvious nor very strong. In doing so, this article highlights not only the wide varieties of anti-fascist experiences, but also emphasizes the twists in turns in how these were subsequently refashioned.
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Alcalde, Ángel. "War Veterans and Fascism during the Franco Dictatorship in Spain (1936–1959)." European History Quarterly 47, no. 1 (December 16, 2016): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416674417.
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This article argues that analysis and contextualization of the history of the Francoist veterans of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) leads to an understanding of Franco’s dictatorship as a fascist regime typical of the late 1930s and early 1940s. It reveals the congruence of the regime with the phenomenon of neo-fascism during the Cold War era. Drawing on a large range of archival and published sources, this article examines the history of the main Francoist veterans’ organization, the Delegación Nacional de Excombatientes (DNE) of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS (FET-JONS), between 1939 and 1959. The evolution of the Francoist veterans’ organizational structures and political discourses can be understood as part of a process of fascistization and defascistization, which provides rare insights into the overall relationship between fascism and war.
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Ortiz, David. "Fascism in Spain, 1923–1977." History: Reviews of New Books 28, no. 3 (January 2000): 121–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2000.10525493.
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Preston, Paul, and Stanley G. Payne. "Fascism in Spain 1923-1977." American Historical Review 106, no. 2 (April 2001): 651. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651753.
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BERTONHA, J. F. "O poder de polícia e a administração da Justiça: Estado e partido na Alemanha nazista e na Itália fascista." Passagens: Revista Internacional de História Política e Cultura Jurídica 13, no. 3 (October 1, 2021): 446–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15175/1984-2503-202113303.
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The aim of this article is to discuss the differences and similarities between the police and legal systems shaped during the Fascist dictatorships of Italy and Germany and their implications on the collapse of Fascism in 1943 and the survival of Naziism until 1945. The article also discusses the police and legal culture created under these regimes and its survival in the later period, with the consequent democratic deficit. The backdrop to this is a discussion on the relationship between police officers, judges, and militiamen within the regimes of Italian Fascism and Nazi Germany and the broader subject of the relationship between State and party in these regimes. As “case-control studies”, the examples of Spain, Brazil, and Japan will also be discussed.
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Rodrigo, Javier. "A fascist warfare? Italian fascism and war experience in the Spanish Civil War (1936–39)." War in History 26, no. 1 (September 12, 2017): 86–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344517696526.
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Initiated as an armament, strategic and diplomatic assistance, the fascist intervention in the Spanish Civil War soon made Italy a belligerent country in the conflict. Once the initial coup d’état plan had failed, the Corpo Truppe Volontarie (CTV) was created to help Franco, and also as a tool to build fascist Spain and, indeed, fascist Europe. This paper examines a crucial part of the Italian intervention in Spain, far from irrelevance or trivialization: a multi-faced combat and war experience.
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Venza, Claudio. "Toponomastica nostalgica. Il caso Granbassi a Trieste." HISTORIA MAGISTRA, no. 2 (November 2009): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/hm2009-002005.
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- The "Granbassi Case" exploded in Trieste after the decision of the Comunal council to re-name a public space in his honour. The honour of being a "fascist hero". Mario Granbassi (1907-1939) was a journalist of the «Piccolo», a local newspaper, but above all a propagandist of the fascist regime. He conducted a fortuitous radio transmission, in the early thirties, "Mastro Remo" aimed at children and young adults and founded a specialized weekly magazine. He died in Spain as a volenteer fighting on Franco's side and was awarded, not only the gold metal, but also the name of a street. A street that in 1946 resumed it's ancient name; that of Samuel Romanin, an historian wantingly canceled by the racial laws for being "non-arian". This past year has seen this continual controversy tighten between the council and the opponents who have written several letters and articles, organized press conferences and rallies in the contested site. The site consists of steps dedicated to Giuseppe Revere, a Trieste born jewish Mazzini follower.Key words: Granbassi, Trieste, the racial laws, toponymic, Fascism, Spanish Civil War.Parole chiave: Granbassi, Trieste, leggi razziali, toponomastica, fascismo, guerra civile spagnola.
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Griffin, Roger, and Rita Almeida de Carvalho. "Editorial Introduction: Architectural Projections of a ‘New Order’ in Fascist and Para-Fascist Interwar Dictatorships." Fascism 7, no. 2 (October 17, 2018): 133–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00702001.
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The three articles that follow are the second part of a special issue of Fascism devoted to case studies in ‘Latin’ architecture in the fascist era, the first part of which was published in volume 7 (2018), no. 1. The architecture of three clearly para-fascist regimes comes under the spotlight: those of Spain, Portugal, and Brazil, in each of which a genuine fascist movement was either absorbed into a right-wing dictatorship (as occurred under Franco) or disbanded by it while perceptibly retaining some fascist elements (as in the case of the Salazar and Vargas regimes). Once again, the juxtaposition of the articles reveals unexpected elements of internationalism, entanglements, and histoires croisées both sides of the Atlantic in the impact of the fascist experiments in Germany and Italy.
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Bailey, Bill. "One Man's Education: A Testimony to Internationalism." Harvard Educational Review 55, no. 1 (April 1, 1985): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.55.1.x093gh5891765250.
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Bill Bailey was working as a union organizer in Hawaii in 1936 when the Spanish Civil War broke out. Fascist troops led by Franco rebelled against Spain's democratically elected Republican government. The U.S. government declared a policy of nonintervention that prohibited the shipment of arms to the Republican Loyalists and banned travel to Spain. This policy contributed to the Fascist cause and outraged many Americans, including Bailey. Early in 1937, Bailey joined a group of American volunteers forming the Abraham Lincoln Battalion, an unpaid and nonprofessional troop of men and women who chose to fight with the International Brigade alongside the Republican Loyalists. In this article, the complexity of internationalism is expressed through Bailey's commitment to support the Spanish democracy, a decision in which he places the international cause of fighting fascism above his nation's choice not to participate. Bailey shares his memories of that period and describes his reasons for choosing the path that led him to Spain.
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Hamilton, Rosa. "The Very Quintessence of Persecution." Radical History Review 2020, no. 138 (October 1, 2020): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8359259.
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Abstract This article argues that a uniquely queer anti-fascism emerged in the early 1970s led by transgender and gender-nonconforming people and cisgender lesbians against postwar fascism in western Europe. In Britain, Germany, France, Italy, and Spain, queer anti-fascists drew on influences from Black Power, Women’s Liberation, and Marxism to connect fascism to everyday oppression under capitalism, white supremacy, and heteropatriarchy. Using oral histories, private collections, and against-the-grain archival research, this article is the first transnational study of queer anti-fascism and the first to view it as a discrete phenomenon. Queer anti-fascists showed what a radical and inclusive anti-fascism should look like, while their structural analysis of everyday fascism demonstrated why anti-fascism must mean social revolution. For them, queerness was necessarily antifascist: queer people’s common experience of oppression enabled them to understand and overthrow fascism and the existing order. Although they never disappeared, their marginalization by cisgender-heterosexual antifascists should warn antifascists today.
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González-Ruibal, Alfredo. "Excavating Europe’s last fascist monument: The Valley of the Fallen (Spain)." Journal of Social Archaeology 22, no. 1 (December 23, 2021): 26–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14696053211061486.
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Since 1945, most fascist monuments have disappeared or been deactivated in Western Europe. There is one in Spain, however, that remains fully operative: the Valley of the Fallen. The complex, devised by the dictator Francisco Franco, celebrates the Nationalist victory in the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), keeps the bodies of thousands of victims of the conflict, as well as the leading fascist ideologue and the dictator himself, and provides a material narrative that exalts the dictatorship. With the advent of democracy in 1978, the Valley remained unchanged, untouchable, and an important focus for fascist and extreme right celebrations, both national and international. However, with the new progressive government that came to power in 2018, it has become the object of an ambitious program of resignification in which archaeology has an important role to play. In this article, I describe how archaeological work undertaken at the Valley of the Fallen is contributing toward destabilizing the dictatorial narrative by opposing the monumental assemblage of fascism to the subaltern assemblage of those who built it.
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ROMERO, PACO. "Spain, from liberalism to Fascism, 1808-1977." Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans 5, no. 3 (December 2003): 375–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461319032000171821.
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Pimentel, Irene Flunser. "Comparative analysis of police dictatorships in Portugal and Spain." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 10, no. 3 (January 18, 2023): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-3-37-54.
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From 1932 onwards, with the arrival of the presidency of the Council of Portugal, António Oliveira Salazar created a new regime of civil dictatorship, which had both similarities and differences with the fascist regime in Italy and the National Socialist regime in Germany. The main similarity of these political regimes was the aggressive activity of the secret state police. In this study, the author will try, in its first part, to make a comparative study between the PVDE (Polícia de Vigilância e Defesa do Estado - State Surveillance and Defense Police, 1933-1945) and the political police apparatus of fascist Italy, nationalsocialist Germany and Franco’s dictatorship in Spain during World War II. With the defeat of Fascism and Nazism, two dictatorial regimes remained in the Iberian Peninsula, whose political police were related to each other. In a second part of this article the author compares Portuguese PIDE (Polícia Internacional de Defesa do Estado - Portuguese International Police, 1945-1969) and later DGS (Drirecção-Geral de Segurança - Directorate-General of Security, 1969-1974), on the one hand, and Spanish Seguridad (Dirección-General de Seguridad - Directorate-General for Security), on the other.
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Bernat, Ignasi, and David Whyte. "Postfascism in Spain: The Struggle for Catalonia." Critical Sociology 46, no. 4-5 (September 11, 2019): 761–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920519867132.
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The thousands of Spanish National Police and Guardia Civil sent to Barcelona in order to prevent the referendum legislated by the Catalan Parliament on 6 and 7 September 2017 raised major questions about the fragility of Spanish democracy. The subsequent display of police violence on 1 October and the imprisonment and criminalisation of political opponents for the archaic offences of ‘rebellion’ and ‘sedition’ looked even less ‘democratic’. Indeed, those events in Catalonia constitute a remarkable moment in recent European history. This article uses the literature on ‘postfascism’ (developed in this journal and elsewhere) to analyse this remarkable moment and develop its social connections to the parallel re-emergence of fascist violence on the streets and the appearance of fascist symbolism in mainstream politics in Spain. The literature on postfascism identifies contemporary fascism as a specifically cultural phenomenon, but generally fails to identify how the conditions that sustain the far right originate inside the state. In order to capture this historical turn more concretely as a process in which state institutions and processes of statecraft are intimately involved, we argue that the Spanish state is postfascist. The article offers a brief critique of the way the concept of postfascism has been deployed, and, through an empirical reading of the historical development of Spanish state institutions, it proposes a modified frame that can be used to understand the situation in Catalonia.
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NEWSINGER, JOHN. "BLACKSHIRTS, BLUESHIRTS, AND THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR." Historical Journal 44, no. 3 (September 2001): 825–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01002035.
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The object of this review is to examine recent developments in our understanding of Oswald Mosley's Blackshirts, of Eoin O'Duffy's Blueshirts, and of British and Irish participation in the Spanish Civil War. It argues that fascism can be understood as having three possible phases of development and considers British and Irish fascism from that standpoint. Debates about the nature of British fascism are considered, its attitude towards violence, towards anti-Semitism, towards women, and towards the coming of the Second World War. The review considers the reasons for the movement's failure. It goes on to examine the debate as to whether or not there actually was an Irish fascism in the 1930s. Finally, it discusses recent work on British and Irish participation in the International Brigades and on the performance of O'Duffy's volunteers in Spain.
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Lutz, James M. "Transnational Fascism in the Twentieth Century: Spain, Italy and the Global Neo-Fascist Network." Terrorism and Political Violence 33, no. 2 (February 17, 2021): 428–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2021.1883353.
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Rolston, Bill, and Amaia Alvarez Berastegi. "Exhuming memory: Miguel Hernández and the legacy of fascism in Spain." Race & Class 60, no. 1 (May 23, 2018): 38–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396818769011.
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Each March in Orihuela in the province of Valencia, Spain, there is a festival of mural painting in honour of local poet Miguel Hernández. For long the poet, who died in a fascist jail in 1942, had been publicly unacknowledged, but now his life, his work and his political involvement as a Republican political activist are openly displayed. How Hernández is remembered provides a powerful example of the struggles between memory and forgetting in post-Franco Spain. Faced with the contradiction of a Pact of Forgetting in 1977 and a Historical Memory Law in 2007, memory in Spain has to be carefully exhumed from under layers of fascist policies and culture.
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Rodrigo, Javier. "Fascism and violence in Spain: Aa comparative update." International Journal of Iberian Studies 25, no. 3 (September 1, 2012): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis.25.3.183_1.
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Ortiz, Michael P. "Spain! Why? Jawaharlal Nehru, Non-Intervention, and the Spanish Civil War." European History Quarterly 49, no. 3 (July 2019): 445–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419853688.
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This article analyzes British non-intervention in the Spanish Civil War through the lens of Indian anti-fascism. To date, non-intervention, Aid Spain campaigns, and appeasement have dominated the historiography of Britain and the Spanish Civil War. Prime Ministers Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain faced an impossible decision between supporting fascism or communism (as some in Britain understood it). In due course, they tried to contain the conflict. However, Indian intervention in the Spanish Civil War complicates this narrative of non-intervention. I contend that in addition to a difficult crisis for England, the Spanish Civil War was also an opportunity for Indian anti-colonialists to demonstrate their independence from the British Empire.
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Enjuto Rangel, Cecilia. "Nicolás Guillén y la Guerra Civil española." Periphērica 2, no. 1 (2022): 129–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5399/uo/peripherica.2.1.7.
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The poetry that emerges from the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) develops a poetic discourse, to motivate its readers to become active historical agents and witnesses, and to politically support the Republican cause. In España: Poema en cuatro angustias y una esperanza (Spain: Poem in Four Anguishes and One Hope) the Cuban poet Nicolás Guillén (1902-1989) defends a poetics of solidarity with Republican Spain, while also acknowledging the colonial and postcolonial history that problematizes this “transatlantic” aesthetic position. Particularly in the “Angustia primera” and in the last poem “La voz de la esperanza,” Guillén highlights the racial and cultural identity of the speaker to legitimize his solidarity with the Republican cause from the perspective of the Latin American subject, who feels their cultural roots and political convictions connects them to Spain. The four “anguishes” or poems reveal the Latin American alliance with anti-fascist Spain and lament the tragedy of the death of Federico García Lorca, while the last poem defiantly and optimistically underlines the ethical imperative to fight against fascism. In this essay, I analyze España: Poema en cuatro angustias y una esperanza by Guillén within the political, literary, and cultural context, of an avant-garde poetics and as part of his intellectual effort to support with his prose, especially his chronicles, the Republican cause.
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PAVLAKOVIĆ, VJERAN. "Vladko Maček, the Croatian Peasant Party and the Spanish Civil War." Contemporary European History 16, no. 2 (May 2007): 233–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307003815.
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AbstractIn summer 1936 Vladko Maček's priorities lay with rebuilding the Croatian Peasant Party after its six years of illegality under King Aleksandar's dictatorship in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Yet the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) was to have a polarising and radicalising effect on Croatian society. Both communists and supporters of the fascist Ustaša movement looked to Spain as a model for resolving the ‘Croat question’ at a time when Croats were becoming increasingly frustrated with Maček's passivity. As a propaganda war raged in the press of the radical left and right, the Croatian Peasant Party tried to ignore the conflict. Maček's failure to realise the impact of the war in Spain on the political situation in Croatia is indicative of some of his weaknesses as a leader in difficult times. The Croatian Peasant Party missed the opportunity to take a strong moral stance against fascism during the Spanish conflict, and Maček's fence-sitting from the 1930s onwards permitted the more extreme ideological movements in Croatia to take advantage of the rapidly changing conditions of a Europe engulfed in war.
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Suslova, Natalia. "THE EXHIBITION “REVOLUTIONARY SPAIN FIGHTING AGAINST FASCISM” AS A PRODUCT OF SOCIALIST REAL-IST CULTURE." Latin-American Historical Almanac 32, no. 1 (April 12, 2021): 195–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-32-1-195-207.
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The author explores the exhibition "Revolutionary Spain Fighting against Fascism" (1936–1939, Museum of the History of Religion, Leningrad), focusing on the approaches and methods used for construct-ing and representation of the images of "great family" (hero, mother, fa-ther) and enemy, who opposed them. These archetypes were widely re-produced in Soviet culture, most particularly in the novels and stories created in the genre of socialist realism. The museum narrative was a kind of political parable, in which "Revolutionary Spain" (the hero) struggled against the "church and fascism" (the enemy). The role of the stern, but loving and caring father-mentor belonged to Stalin, whose portraits appeared several times at the exhibition. Homeland was the mother, for whose freedom the Republicans (sons and daughters) fought. Not all the Republicans, but only Communists were the ones, who gained the victory in this war.
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Bashkin, Orit. "The Barbarism from Within—Discourses about Fascism amongst Iraqi and Iraqi-Jewish Communists, 1942-1955." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 400–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a7.
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This article looks at the changing significations of the word “fascist” within communist discourses in Iraq and in Israel. I do so in order to illustrate how fascism, a concept signifying a political theory conceptualized and practiced in Italy, Germany, and Spain, became a boarder frame of reference to many leftist intellectuals in the Middle East. The articles shows that communist discourses formulated in Iraq during the years 1941-1945 evoked the word “fascist” not only in order to discredit Germany and Italy but also, and more importantly, as a way of critiquing Iraq’s radical pan-Arab nationalists and Iraq’s conservative elites who proclaimed their loyalty to pan-Arabism as well. In other words, the article studies the ways in which Iraqi communist intellectuals, most notably the leader of the Iraqi Communist Party, Fahd, shifted the antifascist global battle to the Iraqi field and used the prodemocratic agenda of the Allies to criticize the absence of social justice and human rights in Iraq, and the Iraqi leadership’s submissive posture toward Britain. As it became clear to Iraqi communists that World War II was nearing its end, and that Iraq would be an important part of the American-British front, criticism of the Iraqi Premier Nūrī al-Saʿīd and his policies grew sharper, and such policies were increasingly identified as “fascist”. Within this context, Fahd equated chauvinist rightwing Iraqi nationalism in its anti-Jewish and anti- Kurdish manifestations with fascism and Nazi racism. I then look at the ways in which Iraqi Jewish communists internalized the party’s localized antifascist agenda. I argue that Iraqi Jewish communists identified rightwing Iraqi nationalism (especially the agenda espoused by a radical pan-Arab Party called al-Istiqlāl) as symptomatic of a fascist ideology. Finally, I demonstrate how Iraqi Jewish communists who migrated to Israel in the years 1950-1951 continued using the word “fascist” in their campaigns against rightwing Jewish nationalism and how this antifascist discourse influenced prominent Palestinian intellectuals
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Shubin, Alexander. "WHY THE SPANISH REVOLUTION IS GREAT." Latin-American Historical Almanac 32, no. 1 (April 12, 2021): 50–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-32-1-50-77.
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According to the author, the revolution in Spain of 1931-1939 can be at-tributed to the number of "great revolutions" along with the Great French and Great Russian Revolutions. This characteristic is not applied evalua-tively, but as characterizing the depth and impact on world processes. The author shows that the revolution in Spain in 1936-1937 reached the maxi-mum social depth for the twentieth century, extending democracy to the sphere of production, which became an unprecedented phenomenon. The author polemizes with those historians who see syndicalist social transfor-mations as the reason for the collapse of the industry of the Spanish Re-public. The author cites statistical and archival data that refute this myth and show that the industrial democracy sector contributed to the growth of arms production and the maintenance of production. What makes this revo-lution great is also the international significance of the events in Spain, which became the first major battle with fascism, the beginning of an epic that ended with the defeat of fascism in 1945 - although not in Spain. Ar-guing with Russian and Spanish historians, the author dwells on the ratio of internal and external factors during the war, provides factual data on the size of Soviet military aid and its dynamics, which allows us to assess its significance in the struggle in Spain and the weight of events in Spain for the pre-war situation. Due to its depth and international significance, the revolution of 1931-1939 occupies a significant place in the history of not only Spain and Europe, but also the world, its lessons remain important for the XXI century.
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BUCHANAN, TOM. "‘The Dark Millions in the Colonies are Unavenged’: Anti-Fascism and Anti-Imperialism in the 1930s." Contemporary European History 25, no. 4 (October 14, 2016): 645–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000394.
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The quotation in this title expresses a dilemma, as the ‘dark millions’ were likely to remain ‘unavenged’ so long as authors were asked to take sides on the Spanish Civil War rather than colonial oppression. Indeed, anti-fascism might well be thought of as, in a sense, antithetical to anti-imperialism. This article explores the relationship between anti-fascism and anti-imperialism, focusing on Britain and France. The first part looks at anti-imperialism in the era of the Popular Front; the second looks at how the tensions between anti-fascism and anti-imperialism were played out in the case of the major conflicts of the later 1930s in Abyssinia, Spain and China; the third discusses the imperialist assumptions of many anti-fascists. The article concludes by looking at the early phase of the Second World War.
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Brandariz García, José A. "Consequences of Post-Fascism in Security Policies in Spain." Security Dialogues /Безбедносни дијалози 2.1 (2015): 203–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.47054/sd152.10203bg.
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Alonso, Gregorio. "Antiauthoritarian youth culture in Francoist Spain: clashing with fascism." Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 21, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14636204.2020.1760438.
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Ban, Cornel. "Organizing State Intervention in an Authoritarian State: From Fascist Import Substitution to French Developmentalism in Postwar Spain." Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai Sociologia 66, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/subbs-2021-0001.
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Abstract The economics of the authoritarian regime of Francisco Franco in Spain are often narrowed to a bespoke form of fascism. This paper suggests that this regime’s rather inchoate economic regimes were in fact a series of experiments that blended varieties of statism and liberalism. Thus, a form of import-substitution industrialization colored by Italian fascist features (1939-1959) lasted fifteen years longer in Spain than in the country of importation. In contrast, a local version of French developmentalism (1964-1975) was largely in sync with what was being tried in France at the time. However, this French developmentalist template imbued with fiscal Keynesianism was layered with liberal economic projects, particularly in the monetary policy arena. But while fascist import substitution (the so called “autarky”) collapsed mostly due to its internal problems, Spain’s translation of French developmentalism was associated with economic growth and was only extensively damaged by the crisis of the global capitalist core ushered by the 1973 oil shock. Critically, while in the symbolic terrain of Spanish politics the liberal economic projects that accompanied the local translation of French developmentalism were always associated with reformist and even “dissident” elite circles, the stigma of developmentalism’ association with the core elites of authoritarianism removed developmentalism as a source of alternatives to the liberal economic reforms ushered by Spain’s transition to liberal democracy in the late 1970s and early 1980s.
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McGarry, Fearghal. "Irish newspapers and the Spanish Civil War." Irish Historical Studies 33, no. 129 (May 2002): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015510.
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Early in life I had noticed that no event is ever correctly reported in a newspaper, but in Spain for the first time, I saw newspaper reports which did not bear any relation to the facts, not even the relationship which is implied in an ordinary lie. I saw great battles reported where there had been no fighting, and complete silence where hundreds of men had been killed.George Orwell (1943)The Spanish Civil War was one of the most controversial conflicts of recent history. For many on the left, it was a struggle between democracy and fascism. In contrast, many Catholics and conservatives championed Franco as a crusader against communism. Others felt Spain was the beginning of an inevitable conflict between fascism and communism which had increasingly threatened the stability of inter-war Europe. Spain has remained a battleground of ideologies ever since. Many supporters of the Spanish Republic attribute its defeat to the failure of other democratic states to oppose fascism, a policy of appeasement which ultimately led to the Second World War; for others on the left, including Orwell, Spain came to symbolise the betrayal of socialism by the Soviet Union — a disillusioning suppression of liberty repeated in subsequent decades in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and elsewhere. Ireland was no less drawn to Spain than other European nations. Within months of the war breaking out, close to one thousand Irishmen were fighting among the armies of both sides on the frontlines around Madrid. But for most Irish people, influenced by the Catholic church and sensational newspaper reports of anticlerical atrocities, the ideological conflict was perceived to be between Catholicism and communism rather than left and right. The outbreak of the war was followed by an immense outpouring of popular sympathy for Franco’s Nationalists. During the autumn of 1936 the Irish Christian Front organised mass pro-Franco rallies which attracted the support of opposition politicians, clergymen and much of the public. The dissenting voices of support for the Spanish Republic emanating from the marginalised Irish left were ignored or, more often, suppressed. De Valera’s Fianna Fáil government expressed its support for Spain’s Catholics while, somewhat awkwardly, adopting a position of neutrality for reasons of international diplomacy.
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Duplá Ansuátegui, Antonio. "Augusto y el franquismo: ecos del Bimilenario de Augusto en España." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 27 (November 27, 2017): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2017.3968.
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Resumen: El objetivo de este artículo es analizar una serie de iniciativas concretas que tuvieron lugar en España entre 1938 y 1940 como eco local del Bimilenario de Augusto celebrado en Italia. En todos estos actos el protagonismo de Falange, uno de los principales partidos fascistas entonces, fue fundamental, tanto en la dirección política como en la organización práctica. Los falangistas mantenían relaciones con los dirigentes mussolinianos y uno de los temas preferidos en su propaganda era la hermandad italo-española, que se remontaba a su común pasado romano y católico. En los primeros años del nuevo régimen franquista, esta ideología clasicista, en particular en torno a la figura de Augusto y la antigua Roma imperial, contribuyo a la conformación de la nueva identidad nacional, basada en un pasado glorioso y dirigida por el nuevo líder carismático.Palabras clave: Bimilenario de Augusto, Roma antigua, fascismo, Falange, Franco, P. Galindo.Abstract: This paper aims to analyse several events in Spain between 1938 and 1940 as local echoes of the bimillenary of Augustus in Italy. In all these events a fundamental role was played by Falange, one of Spain’s leading fascist groups of the time, both in terms of intellectual direction and practical organisation. They had ties with the Mussolinian leaders and intellectuals, and one of the recurring themes in their propaganda was the fraternity between Italy and Spain which they dated back to a common, ancient Roman and Catholic past. In the first years of Franco’s new regime this classicist ideology, in particular the link with Augustus and ancient imperial Rome, contributed to the building of a new national identity, based on a glorious past and conducted by a new charismatic leader.Key words: Bimillenary of Augustus, ancient Rome, fascism, Falange, Franco, P. Galindo.
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Sanz Simón, Carlos. "Los enemigos de la patria. La representación del otro durante la Guerra Civil Española en los textos escolares del fascismo italiano (1936-1943)." Historia y Memoria de la Educación, no. 12 (May 27, 2020): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/hme.12.2020.25928.
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The Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) was a battlefield that, although it developed nationally, had a scope and participation that crossed the borders of Spain. The rebel side enjoyed the help of two foreign powers in challenging the Second Republic: Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. It would be precisely the latter that would invest a greater economic and logistical effort, due to how Mussolini saw in Spain a possible Mediterranean ally, one akin to his model of Italian fascism. The present investigation attempts to discover how the enemy – in this case the Republican side – was represented in the school textbooks of the last years of the Duce's dictatorship in Italy. The texts were consulted in the Centro di documentazione e ricerca sulla storia del libro scolastico e della letteratura per l’infanza - Museo Paolo e Ornella Ricca of the Università degli Studi di Macerata (Italy). The results show how the school manuals of the time, in subjects such as history, readings, geography or patriotic teachings, reflected an image of the republican side associated with tyranny, demonizing their intervention in the warlike conflict with narratives that exalt violence and anti-Catholicism and identifying them with Soviet communism and anarchy.
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Prof. P. Kannan. "‘Fascism In Catalonia’ In Merce Rodoreda’s Death In Spring- A Study." Knowledgeable Research: A Multidisciplinary Journal 2, no. 04 (November 30, 2023): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.57067/kr.v2i1.190.
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Merece Rodorera is a well-known Catalan writer of the twentieth century. Among Rodoreda's works, Death in Spring, translated in English in 2009, is hailed as a masterpiece. Rodoreda fled her nation and went into exile during the Spanish Civil War, later returning to her homeland after living in exile in France and Barcelona. During her exile, she authored Death in Spring, which was only published after her death. Rodoreda appears to have written this work in Catalan while in exile. She imagined what her motherland would have endured under Franco's fascist and authoritarian rule in Catalonia. Franco's fundamentalist regime enforced in Catalonia and Spain the policy of one language, one culture, and one nation. Rodoreda, as an expatriate, appears to depict the influence of fascism subtly via symbols and pictures. This research attempts to trace how fascism is represented in this literature. Death in Spring by Rodorada is a complicated work filled with rich and intense symbolism and imagery. The term itself is an illustration of this, as spring is a season of fresh birth rather than death. Life and death, courage and fear, desire and despair, young and old, good and evil, and spirit and body are all examples of binaries. There is a schism between beliefs, customs, and myths. It is clear in the writing of an exile. The novel is also a meta-fiction on the technique of novelization.
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Zygmont, Alexey. "“Martyrs for God and Spain”. National Martyrdom in Spain from the Civil War to the Historical Memory Law." Philosophy. Journal of the Higher School of Economics VII, no. 1 (March 31, 2023): 128–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/2587-8719-2023-1-128-164.
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The article considers the ideology of national martyrdom in 20th century Spain, especially the cult of “martyrs for God and Spain” spread during the period of Spanish Civil War (1939–1939) and the reign of caudillo Francisco Franco (1939–1975). The author reasons that, as a mechanism for legitimization and mobilization, the idea of martyrdom for the nation was one of the integral parts of Francoist regime. The origins of this idea are traced back to several sources: “old” national martyrdom of 19th century Spain, associated with its struggle for independence from France, the sacrificial culture of local groups such as the Carlist and Jesuits, the ideology of the fascist Spanish Phalanx and some theological concepts put forward by distinguished Roman Catholic bishops in Spain. Particular attention is given to the discourse of José Antonio Primo de Rivera, the founder of Spanish fascism, who cultivated a “spirit of sacrifice” and promoted the veneration of dead Falangists as martyrs. Theory and practice of martyrdom in the Civil War are examined in relation to its conceptualization as a “Crusade”, which contributed to the junction between the images of military hero and martyr. After the end of war, this militaristic ideology became routinized and more peaceful, although preserving its unifying force. The article's final section examines the issues associated with the Valley of the Fallen memorial and the recent politics of “demartyrization” as part of overcoming the legacy of dictatorial rule. The author concludes that as long as José Antonio's body remain at the center of the Valley, state policy on “historical memory” and the cult of martyrs would remain conceptually incomplete.
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Tonelli, Anna. "Teresa Noce: an Italian Professional Revolutionary Woman." History of Communism in Europe 11 (2020): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/hce2020114.
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The role of professional revolutionaries is usually reserved for men. One exception is Teresa Noce, a prominent Italian Communist leader in the (residual) quota reserved for women, who was the wife of Luigi Longo, but with an independence that made her existence an original example of militancy and activism. Both underground and within republican Italy, Noce never adapted to what already existed, but fought to subvert the order, especially in the face of exploitation and discrimination. A member of the ICP, Noce fought against fascism, transporting clandestine material, writing articles for anti-fascist papers, promoting strikes by rice weeders and labourers. In France, she directed partisan movements and, in Spain, she was a militant in voluntary groups against Francisco Franco. After the war, she was elected to the Parliament as a “Constituent Mother”. She also revolutionised the world of labour as the first female Secretary General of the textile trade union.
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Scamardo, Randal. "Alvah Bessie’s battle of words to save Spain from fascism." International Journal of Iberian Studies 29, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 173–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis.29.2.173_7.
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Brandes, Stanley. "Fascism and Social Anthropology: The Case of Spain Under Franco." Anthropological Quarterly 88, no. 3 (2015): 795–816. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/anq.2015.0034.
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Øystein Pharo, Helge. "Small State Anti-Fascism: Norway’s Quest to Eliminate the Franco Regime in the Aftermath of World War II." Culture & History Digital Journal 7, no. 1 (July 6, 2018): 008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2018.008.
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In the early postwar years Norway was among the most active in the campaign against Franco’s Spain, supporting the policy of keeping Spain out of the UN, and pushing for UN members to break off diplomatic relations with Spain. Within a few years the policy of ostracism was seen to fail as it appeared to strengthen rather than weaken the Franco regime. Spain was then gradually allowed into the warmth. Until the early 1950s Norway’s retreat from its 1946 position was very reluctant, and it was in 1949 the last Western European state to accept normalization. Spain retaliated with economic pressures, and by 1951 Norway had relented and joined in the general reestablishment of normal diplomatic relations, and in 1955 accepted the package deal that brought Spain into the UN. The article discusses the foreign policy concerns and the domestic political struggles that explain Norwegian policies, including the veto on Spanish NATO membership that was never given up.
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Zuckermann, Moshe. "“Islamofascism”. Remarks on a Current Ideologeme." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 351–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a5.
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The term “Islamofascism” for quite some time has had currency in polemical, but also in sober political discourses. However, it is clear that Islamic fundamentalism has very little, if anything, in common, in either origin or in form, with the historical phenomenon of fascism. If fascism is understood as what developed in certain historical constellations in Italy, Spain, and Hungary or as a specific exceptional form in German National Socialism, then it is something quite different from the movements of radicalized Islam. Islam, as a religion, is driven by different factors and follows goals very different from those of political fascism. One has to rigorously empty the political-scientifically established term “fascism” of content if one wants to make out superficial similarities. This must not be misunderstood: of course there is a modern (sometimes fanaticized) Arab nationalism; but as such it is not a substrate of Islam and thus does not substantially derive religiously from Islam. The Nazi (racial-biological) concept of the “national comrade” (Volksgenosse) has connotations different from those of membership in the Islamic Umma, which neither has anything do with an ideology of “blood” or race nor is determined by territorial presence, but rather includes Muslims living in the Diaspora—and in this respect is much more closely related to the Jewish-religious concepts of nation, people, and Diaspora than to the categories of the fascism that genuinely arose from Western modernism. It can therefore be assumed that the use of the term “Islamofascism” has little to do with an interest in analytical knowledge, but all the more with ideological polemics and political indoctrination.
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Nilsson, Mikael. "Swedish Catholicism and Authoritarian Ideologies: Attitudes to Communism, National Socialism, Fascism, and Authoritarian Conservatism in a Swedish Catholic Journal, 1922–1945." Fascism 5, no. 1 (May 26, 2016): 66–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00501004.
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This article investigates the attitude to communism, National Socialism, Fascism, and authoritarian conservatism in the Swedish Catholic Church’s journal Credo from 1922 to 1945. The comparative approach has made it possible to see how the journal distinguished between the various forms of authoritarian ideologies in Europe during this period. The article shows that the Catholic Church in Sweden took a very negative view of communism (the Soviet Union and the Spanish Republic) and strongly condemned it throughout the period, while it took a largely very positive stance towards Fascism (Italy) and Authoritarian Conservativism (Spain and Portugal). In the case of National Socialism (Nazi Germany) the attitude was more diverse. Credo was largely negative towards National Socialism but only because it was thought to threaten Catholics and Catholicism in Germany. However, Credo never criticized discrimination and genocidal violence against the Jews.
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Jang Moon Seok. "“Spain Today, Italy Tomorrow” ―Carlo Rosselli's Anti-Fascism and European Federalism―." Journal of European Union Studies ll, no. 34 (June 2013): 159–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18109/jeus.2013..34.159.
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Madden, Deborah. "Matilde de la Torre: A feminist socialist in Republican Spain." International Journal of Iberian Studies 36, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00092_7.
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A staunch advocate of socialist, feminist and Republican politics, Matilde de la Torre remains an enigmatic, elusive figure on the landscape of critical literature on Republican Spain. After winning a seat for Spain’s Socialist Party (PSOE) in the 1933 and 1936 elections, De la Torre dedicated her political career to defending trade unions, promoting women’s rights, denouncing war and fascism, and advocating for a democratic, Republican Spain. Throughout her lifetime, De la Torre published prolifically in the left-wing press and authored five book-length political commentaries, all of which dialogue with Spain’s tumultuous political structures and debates. The central themes of De la Torre’s career and output are outlined here, along with a discussion of recent scholarship.
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Morant i Ariño, Toni. "Falangist antisemitism in Spain 1933–1945." Nordisk judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 35, no. 1 (June 28, 2024): 129–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.142266.
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Spanish fascists held power for a lengthy period, yet their antisemitism remains underresearched. This article, drawing on periodicals and archival documentation, specifically examines the early years of the Falange until 1945. The period was characterised by a significant surge in antisemitic sentiment in Spain, accompanied by a growing presence of the alleged ‘Judaeo-Masonic conspiracy’. Representing the first in-depth approach in English, the text is divided into four parts. The first serves as an introduction to the outbreak of antisemitism and conspiracy theories within the political cultures of the Spanish illiberal right following the advent of democracy in 1931. The second focuses on fascism and its four most prominent figures up to 1936. The third analyses the Falange’s pronounced antisemitism during the Spanish Civil War, exploring both its internal and external influences. The fourth and final part addresses the fervently antisemitic stance of the Falange during the decisive years of the Second World War, navigating the tensions between Nazi antisemitic racism and Catholic anti-racist antisemitism.
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Kruizinga, Samuël. "Struggling to Fit in. The Dutch in a Transnational Army, 1936–1939." Journal of Modern European History 16, no. 2 (May 2018): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2018-2-183.
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Struggling to Fit In. The Dutch in a Transnational Army, 1936-1939 The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) possessed a transnational resonance that echoed far beyond the borders of the country in which it was fought. It drew thousands of foreign fighters to Spain where, as many believed, the future of Europe would be decided. Most of them fought on the side of the embattled Republican government against an uprising supported by international Fascism. Given the foreign fighters’ similar socio-economic backgrounds and shared anti-Fascist sentiment, historians have suggested that the «International Brigades», formed out of these foreign fighters, constitute a true transnational army. This article suggests, however, that many of these foreign fighters had real trouble forging a transnational connection with their fellow fighters. Focusing on Dutch Interbrigadiers, it further highlights how the specificities of Dutch political culture and the legal regime created in the Netherlands combined to create a unique set of circumstances that impeded Dutch foreign fighters’ abilities to effectively work together with their German colleagues in Spain and their post-Spanish Civil War efforts to resist the Nazi occupation of the Netherlands. This article suggests, therefore, that the International Brigades do not possess a single, distinctive and collectively transnational identity. Rather, they are made up of different identity layers that can, but need not, be mutually exclusive, and are linked to elements of different national and/or military cultures.
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Calderwood, Eric. "Franco's Hajj: Moroccan Pilgrims, Spanish Fascism, and the Unexpected Journeys of Modern Arabic Literature." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 132, no. 5 (October 2017): 1097–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2017.132.5.1097.
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Journey to Mecca (; al-Rihla al-Makkiyya; 1941), by the distinguished Moroccan historian and legal scholar Ahmad al-Rahuni, recounts a hajj, or pilgrimage to Mecca, sponsored by the fascist Spanish dictator Francisco Franco in 1937. Franco's support for the hajj was part of a vast propaganda effort to cast Franco's Spain as a friend of Islam and a defender of the cultural heritage of al-Andalus (medieval Muslim Iberia). Al-Rahuni's travel narrative blurs the line between Mecca and Spain by casting Spain's Islamic heritage sites as a metaphoric Mecca to which Muslims should make pilgrimage. The account thus highlights the collaboration between Spanish fascists and Moroccan elites. It also complicates the dominant scholarly narratives about modern Arabic literature, which have tended to focus on Egypt, the novel, and secular epistemologies. Al-Rahuni's text speaks, instead, to the persistence of Arabic prose genres that do not conform to a Eurocentric notion of literature.
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Alcalde, Ángel. "Matteo Albanese and Pablo del Hierro, Transnational Fascism in the Twentieth Century: Spain, Italy and the Global Neo-Fascist Network." European History Quarterly 47, no. 2 (April 2017): 322–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691417695979.
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Pedaliu, Effie G. H. "Matteo Albanese and Pablo del Hierro, Transnational Fascism in the Twentieth Century: Spain, Italy, and the Global Neo-Fascist Network." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 1 (January 2020): 214–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419896481d.
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Bartyzel, Jacek. "Nacjonalizm włoski — pomiędzy nacjonalitaryzmem a nacjonalfaszyzmem." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 4 (February 18, 2019): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.4.11.
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ITALIAN NATIONALISM: BETWEEN NATIONALITARIANISM AND NATIONAL-FASCISMThe subject of this article is the doctrine of Italian nationalism considered using the approach of the Polish italianist Joanna Sondel-Cedarmas. This doctrine found its most complete expression in the activity and journalism of Italian Nationalist Association Associazione Nazionalista Italiana; ANI, of which the main theorists and leaders were Enrico Corradini, Luigi Federzoni, Alfredo Rocco and Francesco Coppola. Although the organization was active relatively briefly, that is, for 13 years from 1910 to 1923, it played a key role in the transitional period between the parliamentary system and the fascist dictatorship. The historical role of ANI consisted in breaking with the nationalitarian ideology dominating in nineteenth-century Italy and related to the Risorgimento Rising Again movement, which was liberal, democratic and anti-clerical. Instead, ANI adopted integral nationalism, connected with right-wing, conservative, monarchist, anti-liberal and authoritarian ideology and favourable to the Catholic religion. However, in contrast to countries like France, Spain, Portugal or Poland, nationalism of this kind failed to retain its autonomous political position and organisational separation, because after World War I it encountered a strong competitor in the anti-liberal camp — fascism, which as a plebeian and revolutionary movement found a broader support base in the pauperised and anarchy-affected society. Nationalists, forced to cooperate with the National Fascist Party after the March on Rome and the coming to power of Benito Mussolini, modified their doctrine in the spirit of the national-fascist ideology. In spite of that, the nationalists active within the fascist system were preventing that system from evolving towards totalitarianism and defended the monarchy, as well as the independence of the Roman-Catholic Church.
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Roberts, David D. "Comment: Fascism, Single-Party Dictatorships, and the Search for a Comparative Framework." Contemporary European History 11, no. 3 (July 31, 2002): 455–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302003065.
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Salazar's Portugal, Franco's Spain, Mussolini's Italy and Hitler's Germany were roughly contemporaneous departures from what had come to seem the progressive democratic mainstream. Seeking greater authority and effectiveness, each revolved around a strong leader and a single party. So there was unquestionably a family resemblance among them, and comparison surely illuminates each. Moreover, it is useful to pinpoint the variables that account for the differences among them. By doing so, in fact, we can devise a comparative array, a scale of radicalisation, understood in the neutral sense as the extent of departure from the norm and/or the prior situation.