Relevant bibliographies by topics / Fascism Youth movement Fascism

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Academic literature on the topic 'Fascism Youth movement Fascism'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 4 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Fascism Youth movement Fascism"

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Kallis, Aristotle. "Neither Fascist nor Authoritarian: The 4th of August Regime in Greece (1936-1941) and the Dynamics of Fascistisation in 1930s Europe." East Central Europe 37, no. 2-3 (March 25, 2010): 303–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x534504.

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The 4th of August regime in Greece under Ioannis Metaxas has long been treated by theories of ‘generic fascism’ as a minor example of authoritarianism or at most a case of failed fascism. This derives from the ideas that the Metaxas dictatorship did not originate from any original mass ‘fascist’ movement, lacked a genuinely fascist revolutionary ideological core and its figurehead came from a deeply conservative-military background. In addition, the regime balanced the introduction ‘from above’ of certain ‘fascist’ elements (inspired by the regimes in Germany, Italy and Portugal) with a pro-British foreign policy and a strong deference to both the Crown and the church/religion. Nevertheless, in this chapter, I argue that the 4th of August regime should be relocated firmly within the terrain of fascism studies. The establishment and consolidation of the regime in Greece reflected a much wider process of political and ideological convergence and hybridisation between anti-democratic/anti-liberal/anti-socialist conservative forces, on the one hand, and radical rightwing/fascist politics, on the other. It proved highly receptive to specific fascist themes and experiments (such as the single youth organisation, called EON), which it transplanted enthusiastically into its own hybrid of ‘radicalised’ conservatism. Although far less ideologically ‘revolutionary’ compared to Italian Fascism or German National Socialism, the 4th of August regime’s radicalisation between 1936 and 1941 marked a fundamental departure from conventional conservative-authoritarian politics in a direction charted by the broader fascist experience in Europe.
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Luxmoore, Matthew. "“Orange Plague”: World War II and the Symbolic Politics of Pro-state Mobilization in Putin’s Russia." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 5 (September 2019): 822–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.48.

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AbstractThis article examines the symbolic politics of three pro-state movements that emerged from the “preventive counterrevolution” launched by the Kremlin in response to Ukraine’s Orange Revolution. In 2005, youth movement Nashi played upon war memory at its rallies and branded the opposition “fascist”; in 2012, the Anti-Orange Committee countered opposition protests with mass gatherings at Moscow’s war commemoration sites; in 2015, Antimaidan brought thousands onto Russia’s streets to denounce US-backed regime change and alleged neo-Nazism in Kiev. I show how evocation of the enemy image, through reference to the war experience, played a key role in the symbolism of the preventive counterrevolution. Interviews with activists in these movements discussing their symbolic politics reveal an opposing victim/victor narrative based on an interplay of two World War II myths—the “Great Victory” and the “fascist threat.” Moving beyond approaches that view the Soviet and Russian World War II cult as a triumphalist narrative of the Great Victory over fascism, I conclude that its threat component is an understudied element.
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Baker, Catherine. "Croatia and the Rise of Fascism. The Youth Movement and the Ustasha during WWII." Europe-Asia Studies 71, no. 10 (November 26, 2019): 1759–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2019.1696051.

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Ponzio, Alessio. "Goran Miljan. Croatia and the Rise of Fascism: The Youth Movement and the Ustasha during WWII." American Historical Review 125, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 1107–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz523.

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Minkenberg, Michael. "The Renewal of the Radical Right: Between Modernity and Anti‐modernity." Government and Opposition 35, no. 2 (April 2000): 170–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00022.

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FIFTY-FIVE YEARS AFTER THE FALL OF FASCISM AND THE END OF THE Second World War, right-wing radical movements and parties are part of the political normalcy in many Western democracies. In the face of the twentieth-century experiences of fascism and state socialism, and their failures, this stubborn persistence seems at the same time anachronistic and frightening. While there is no shortage of explanations and interpretations of this phenomenon in an evergrowing body of literature, most studies focus on national trends and derive their criteria from country-specific histories and discourses. Serious comparative scholarship on the radical right is still in its infancy.This article is a plea for more comparative research on rightwing radicalism at the turn of the century. It begins by highlighting the three central dimensions of the problem. First, one must state that contemporary right-wing radicalism is an international phenomenon. Thus, more than before, comparative studies are needed both to analyse the international quality and to specify the nation-specific characteristics of the radical right in each country. Secondly, it must be borne in mind that contemporary right-wing radicalism is a modern phenomenon. It has undergone a phase of renewal, as a result of social and cultural modernization shifts in post-war Europe. Thus it is only vaguely connected with previous versions. Terms like ‘fascism’ or ‘neo-fascism’ which suggest a historical continuity from Munich to Mölln and Magdeburg in Germany, or from Vichy to Vitrolles in France, become increasingly obsolete. The third factor to bear in mind is that contemporary right-wing radicalism is a complex phenomenon. The ongoing specialization and compartmentalization in the social sciences, such as discourse analysis, party and electoral research, and youth sociology – to name but a few of the approaches applied to the radical right – fail to do justice to the complexity of the subject. Clearly, the many faces of right-wing radicalism require clear analytical distinctions, but ultimately they need to be approached in a truly interdisciplinary way.
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Clark, Roland. "Croatia and the Rise of Fascism: The Youth Movement and the Ustasha During wwii , written by Miljan, Goran." East Central Europe 46, no. 1 (April 4, 2019): 157–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04601009.

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Drábik, Jakub. "MILJAN, Goran. Croatia and the Rise of Fascism. The Youth Movement and the Ustasha during WWII. London; New York: I. B. Tauris, 2018, 278 s. ISBN 9781788312097." Historický časopis 68, no. 1 (October 15, 2020): 153–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31577/histcaso.2020.68.1.8.

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Antic, Ana. "Fascism under Pressure." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 1 (November 19, 2009): 116–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409347329.

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This article analyzes how the ideological discourse of the Croatian fascist movement (the Ustaša) evolved in the course of World War II under pressures of the increasingly popular and powerful communist armed resistance. It explores and interprets the way the regime formulated its ideological responses to the political/ideological challenge of the leftist guerrilla and its propaganda in the period after the proclamation of the Ustaša Independent State of Croatia in 1941 until the end of the war. The author demonstrates that the regime, faced with its own political weakness and inability to maintain authority, shaped its rhetoric and ideological self-definition in a direct dialogue with the Marxist discourse of the communist propaganda, incorporating important Marxist concepts in its theory of state and society and redefining its concepts of national boundaries and racial identity to match the communists’ propaganda of inclusive, civic national Yugoslavism. This massive ideological renegotiation of the movement’s basic tenets and its consequent leftward shift reflected a change in an opposite direction from the one commonly encountered in narratives of other fascisms’ ideological evolution paths (most notably in Italy and Germany): as the movement became a regime, the Ustaša transformed from its initial conservatism, traditionalism (in both sociopolitical and cultural matters), pseudo-feudal worldview of peasant worship and antiurbanism, anti-Semitism, and rigid racialism in relation to nation and state into an ideology of increasingly inclusive, culture-based, and nonethnic nationalism and with an exceptionally strong leftist rhetoric of social welfare, class struggle, and the rights of the working class.
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Shields, James G. "The Poujadist Movement: A faux 'fascism'." Modern & Contemporary France 8, no. 1 (February 2000): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/096394800113330.

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Rosenberg, Arthur. "Fascism as a Mass-Movement (1934)." Historical Materialism 20, no. 1 (2012): 144–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920612x634898.

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Abstract Arthur Rosenberg’s remarkable essay, first published in 1934, was probably the most incisive historical analysis of the origins of fascism to emerge from the revolutionary Left in the interwar years. In contrast to the official Comintern line that fascism embodied the power of finance-capital, Rosenberg saw fascism as a descendant of the reactionary mass-movements of the late-nineteenth century. Those movements encompassed a new breed of nationalism that was ultra-patriotic, racist and violently opposed to the Left, and prefigured fascism in all these ways. What was distinctive about the fascists in Italy and Germany was not so much their ideology (a pastiche of motifs that drew on those earlier traditions of the conservative and radical Right) as the use of stormtroopers to wage the struggle against democracy in more decisive and lethal ways. After the broad historical sweep of its first part, the essay looks at the factors that were peculiar to the Italian and German situations respectively, highlighting both the rôle of the existing authorities in encouraging the fascists and the wider class-appeal of the fascist parties themselves, beyond any supposed restriction to the middle-class or ‘petty bourgeoisie’.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Fascism Youth movement Fascism"

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Mann, Isabella. "Antifa? More Like Antifun! A Qualitative Analysis of the Modern Antifa Movement and the Politics of Fascism." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1112.

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In the calendar year since the election of President Donald J. Trump, there has been a marked intensification of activist demonstrations that have permeated mainstream American culture. Roughly one century after its inception, a group of powerful, semi-underground activists and organizers have resurrected a radical social movement called the Antifa network. Antifa, which is short for anti-fascist, originated in early 20th century Germany, Italy and Spain. The group has now been reborn in response to what Antifa members have identified as a strong and dangerous wave of fascist mentality in American politics. They will not rest until they have succeeded in suppressing and defeating every inkling of fascist sentiment from the American political landscape, regardless of what they must do to accomplish that goal. This thesis examines the intentions, motivations and actions of Antifa by dissecting what they are, who they are, and how they work. I will provide a brief history of the movement in its various recorded forms—both in the United States and Europe. In addition to examining the stated goals and behaviors of the movement, I will assess and evaluate Antifa’s ideology by analyzing several key pieces of writing from their resource archives. Primarily, my goal is to determine the ideological legitimacy of Antifa’s efforts against those they have deemed fascist, and the legitimacy of the claims that it is members of Antifa who are the real perpetrators of fascist action in the United States.
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Conway, Martin. "The Rexist movement in Belgium, 1940-1944." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c65f3221-b732-4789-b3fd-e8aa8045c52b.

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The Rexist movement led by Léon Degrelle was the principal francophone collaborationist grouping in German-Occupied Belgium during the Second World War. In the 1930s, the Rexists had been a movement on the Catholic right of the political spectrum who advocated the replacement of the outmoded parliamentary regime by a more authoritarian New Order which would enable a return to the spiritual values of the Catholic faith. Soon after the Belgian defeat of May 1940, they emerged as enthusiastic advocates of an agreement with the apparently victorious German invaders and in January 1941 Degrelle publicly declared his support for the Nazi cause. This resulted in a marked decline in popular support for Rex but did not bring it the German recognition which he craved. Only in the summer of 1941 with the formation of a Légion Wallanie which fought with some distinction alongside the German armies on the Eastern Front was the basis created for closer links between the German authorities and Rex. Subsequently, many Rexists were appointed by the Vehrmacht administrators of Belgium to positions of public responsibility and in January 1943 Degrelle announced the abandonment of his former belief in a unitary Belgian state in favour of the absorption of the francophone Walloons into a Germanic empire. During the latter war years, the Rexists were often the target of attacks by Resistance groups and the atmosphere of fear created by these attacks together with the opportunistic efforts of Degrelle to .forge an alliance with the SS led to a progressive radicalization of the movement. By 1944, the Rexists had become a beleaguered marginal grouping who increasingly resorted to violence to counter their many enemies and in September 1944 many Rexists fled from the Allied liberators to exile in the German Reich.
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Rubino, Francesca Luciana. "Successful Social Movements and Political Outcomes: A Case Study of the Women's Movement in Italy: 1943-48." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1158354694.

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von, Loë Stefano. "\(Nakano Seig\bar{o}\) and the Politics of Democracy, Empire and Fascism in Prewar and Wartime Japan." Thesis, Harvard University, 2011. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10010.

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The subject of this dissertation is the life and career of \(Nakano Seig\bar{o}\), a Japanese journalist and politician born in Fukuoka-city on the southwestern island of \(Ky\bar{u}sh\bar{u}\) in 1886. Initially a liberal and a democrat, Nakano became enamored with European-style fascist movements in the 1930s and tried to start a similar political mass movement in Japan. Advocating a hard-line \(vis-\grave{a}-vis\) America and England, Nakano supported Japan’s entry into WW2. As early as mid-1942, however, he understood that Japan could not win the war and demanded that the government sue for peace – a position that put him into direct opposition with Japan’s military. After being imprisoned briefly for his attempt to bring down the \(T\bar{o}j\bar{o}\) cabinet in the summer of 1943, Nakano committed ritual suicide in October of the same year. The dissertation focuses on Nakano’s enchantment with European fascist movements – Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in particular - and his attempts to launch a similar movement in Japan. Nakano’s attraction to fascism was, in part, a reaction to the international economic and political trends following the Great Depression but also reflected his life-long admiration for charismatic political leaders. His fascist leanings were also the result of a complex political calculation that aimed to exploit the appearance of the masses on Japan’s political stage. The thesis argues that Nakano’s attempt to launch a popular mass movement modeled on the European fascist movements failed both because Nakano’s parties (first the \(Kokumin D\bar{o}mei\), 1931-6 and then the \(T\bar{o}h\bar{o}kai\), 1937 – 1943) lacked ideological cohesion as well as truly totalitarian scope and because Nakano refused to resort to political violence as a means to achieve his political ends.
East Asian Languages and Civilizations
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Litvak, Jennifer Ashley. "The Competition for Influence: Catholic and Fascist Youth Socialization in Interwar Italy." Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1209428086.

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Jämte, Jan. "Antirasismens många ansikten." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-81637.

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This thesis contributes to the knowledge and understanding of the anti-racist movement in Sweden by describing its development from the early 1930s to the mid-2000s. It pays special attention to mapping and analyzing the ideas that have motivated anti-racist activities and their importance for mobilizing support and movement activity. Using the theoretical toolbox of the framing perspective, the strengths, weaknesses, possibilities and limitations of different anti-racist frames are discussed, as are the consequences of different types of intra-movement frame disputes and frame contests with external actors. By tracing and describing the historical development of the movement and different types of anti-racist frames, I create a typology of different anti-racist actors - what I call pragmatic, radical and moderate anti-racists. The activities of these types of actors are described throughout the long and winding history of the movement. In the thesis, the movement’s history is divided into four waves of protest. The movement’s roots stretch back to the 1930s and the struggle against Fascism and Nazism. It continues during the 1960s and onwards with the anti-apartheid movement, the 1980s mass mobilizations against domestic racist groups and the intensified struggles of the last decades against racist extremism, right-wing populism and various aspects of structural racism. Based on the typology, three cases are selected for further scrutiny. Pragmatic anti-racism is studied through the activities of Stoppa rasismen (Stop racism) in the 1980s, radical anti-racism through Antifascistisk aktion (Antifascist action, also known as AFA) during the 1990s and moderate anti-racism through Samling mot rasism och diskriminering (Gathering against racism and discrimination) at the turn of the millennium. By gaining access to extensive empirical material I have been able to follow each case from its first steps to its downfall. The material has been gathered from a variety of sources using different qualitative techniques. I have conducted semi-structured interviews with activists and analyzed protocols, pamphlets, journals, internal bulletins, mails, posters, speeches, web pages that have been disbanded, pictures, films and books. The analysis shows that the different types of actors face different challenges, and have different strengths and weaknesses when it comes to mobilizing consensus and fostering participation. However, the three actors have also faced common challenges when trying to mobilize against racism given the national context, the self-image of Sweden as a tolerant, open and egalitarian country and the dominant views of racism, which taken together has turned racism into a serious but fairly marginal problem. The analysis also shows the effects of frame disputes and frame contests with regard to diagnostic, prognostic and motivational aspects of framing. At times the dividing lines have led to a broadening of the movement and its work, creating a wide mobilization potential and a strong multitudinous movement. During other periods the differences have contributed to long and profound conflicts that have drained the organizations and activists of time, resources and energy. Instead of focusing on combating their opponents, the anti-racist groups have been engulfed in internal strife, which has severely fragmented, divided and weakened the movement and hindered mobilization – contributing to turning the movement into a dispersed “milieu” by the mid-2000s. The thesis concludes with a chapter discussing how the empirical applicability of the framing perspective can be improved.
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Guidi, Andreas. "Youth and generations between two empires. Changing sociabilities from Ottoman to Italian rule in Rhodes." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH081.

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Au début du XXème siècle, l'espace urbain de Rhodes est marqué par la coexistence de sujets Orthodoxes, Musulmans, Juifs et Catholiques. En 1912, l’Italie occupe ce centre d’une province ottomane. Après le Traité de Lausanne de 1923, l’occupation militaire italienne devient une administration civile et Rhodes devient ainsi un protectorat de l’état fasciste. L’historiographie a traité cet objet d’étude soit en se concentrant sur une seule des communautés confessionnelles, soit sur les structures gouvernementales, et elle montre une tendance à voir les dernières années d’administration Ottomane et l’administration italienne comme deux objets d’analyse séparés. Cette thèse offre une approche plus inclusive à travers la combinaison de sources de type, langue, et origine différente. Situé au carrefour entre histoire sociale et culturelle, le récit est centré sur les trajectoires de vie d’individus appartenant aux différentes confessions et sur leur rapport avec les institutions pendant le passage de la domination ottomane à la domination italienne. À part les changements de pratiques de gouvernance au sein des institutions, il est possible d’observer à cette époque des diverses innovations relatives à l’espace et aux formes de socialisation. Cette thèse interroge cette double échelle de transformation à travers une perspective inspirée par les études en sciences sociales autour de la notion de génération et jeunesse. L’étude porte sur les pratiques de démarcation et circulation de ressources entre les différentes générations d’une famille. De plus, la recherche inclut les configurations qui s’étendent au-delà des limites de la famille mais qui sont influencées par les rapport entre générations, comme l’école, les associations, les partis. Dans le contexte étudié, les institutions locales essaient de réguler la divergence produite par le fait que, dans la plupart des familles, les enfant sont socialisés différemment par rapport à leur parents. Cela aboutit à une communalisation et à une étatisation des ressources, deux tendances qui persistent avec des modalités et des motifs différents, de la période ottomane à l’italienne. Le but de ce processus est de domestiquer des formes de sociabilité et il se penche sur l’évocation de la « jeunesse » comme objet de cette domestication. Ainsi, le terme « jeunesse » sert à prescrire des normes de conduite et à légitimer l’intervention institutionnelle dans la régulation de la gestion des ressources
In the early twentieth century, the urban setting of Rhodes was characterized by the coexistence ofOrthodox, Muslims, Jews and Catholics. In 1912, this Ottoman provincial center was occupied by Italy.After the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, the Italian military occupation changed to a civil administration,and Rhodes became a protectorate of the Fascist state. The historiography has dealt with this settingeither by focusing on one confessional community, or on governmental structures, tending to see the lateOttoman and the Italian administration as two mutually exclusive objects of analysis. This dissertationoffers a more inclusive approach through the combination of sources of different origin, type, andlanguage. Situated at the crossroad of social and cultural history, the narrative is centered on lifetrajectories of individuals belonging to all confessions and their encounter with institutions from Ottomanto Italian rule. Next to changes in institutions and practices of governance, several innovations related tospaces and forms of socialization are observable in this period. This dissertation investigates such doublelevel of change through a perspective inspired by studies in social sciences about generations and youth.In other words, the study focuses on practices of demarcation and circulation of resources between thegenerations of a family. Additionally, figurations expanding outside the boundaries of a family – schools,associations, parties, etc. – but reflecting such generational interplay are taken into account. Since formost families children socialized differently from their parents, local institutions were concerned aboutregulating this divergence. The corresponding communalization and statalization of resources are trendspersisting, with different modalities and motives, from the Ottoman to the Italian period. This processaimed at domesticating forms of sociability, and it relied on evoking “youth” as the object of thisdomestication. Thus, the term “youth” served the purpose of prescribing norms of behavior andlegitimizing institutional intervention in regulating the management of resources
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SURDI, ELENA. "Antonio Rubino tra le pagine dei periodici per ragazzi: un artista ironico nel periodo fascista." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1670.

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Lo scrittore ed illustratore Antonio Rubino (1880-1964) fu artista di rilievo nel panorama letterario infantile del Novecento, prolifico nell’ideare opere connotate da forte ironia e da soluzioni espressive multimediali. La ricerca dà risalto a quanto pubblicato dall’artista sanremasco sulle pagine dei periodici per ragazzi nella prima metà del XX secolo, settore ad oggi privo di uno studio sistematico. Si tratta di un punto di vista favorevole a far emergere i contenuti trasmessi dall’autore al destinatario infantile, nonché a fare luce sul controverso rapporto con il fascismo e a tratteggiare l’evoluzione multimediale della sua produzione per l’infanzia. La definizione di una poetica rubiniana, che colga le matrici artistiche e le peculiarità ironiche della sua arte, conduce ad una riflessione educativa che interroghi la responsabilità assunta da Rubino nei confronti dell’infanzia lettrice.
The writer and illustrator Antonio Rubino (1880-1964) was a significant artist in the children’s literary panorama of the twentieth century. His works are connoted by strong irony and multimedia expressive solutions. This research is focused on Rubino’s works edited on children’s periodicals in the first half of the 20th century, a field that hasn’t been systematically studied yet by critics. This ideal point of view highlights the contents transmitted by the author to the young reader, underlines the relationship between the artist and the fascism and delineates the multimedia evolution of his children’s production. The analysis of the Rubino’s artistic thought, influenced by the contemporary trends, shows the peculiarities of his ironic style. It also guides to an educative consideration that examines the responsibilities of the author for young readers.
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Šafr, Jakub. "Kolaborační proud protektorátního prezidenta Emila Háchy." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192709.

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This thesis deals with the conservatively authoritarian collaboration movement led by the so-called State President of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, Emil Hácha, who belongs to the controversial figures of our modern history. The thesis is concerned with Hácha's ideological orientation as a radical conservative and with the historicist concept of the Czech statehood as the two main bases of his approach to collaboration on whose grounds the policy of actual cooperation with the Nazi occupiers was realised. In connection with Hácha's specific type of collaboration, emphasis is placed on his negative relationship with the first independent Czechoslovak Republic and its liberal democratic regime, and, on the other hand, on his friendly relationship with the Greater German Reich and supra-state systems in general. In order to demonstrate the practice of E. Hácha's policies, attention is paid to the President's and his supporters' loyal pro-German speeches, activities of the organisations founded by Hácha -- Národní souručenství (National Community) and Český svaz pro spolupráci s Němci (Czech Union for Cooperation with Germans) -- and Hácha's attitude towards the Czech resistance movement. The thesis also depicts the change of Hácha's leading position in the autonomous administration of the Protectorate in connection with the Nazi intentions that were put into practice in the Czech area from his election to the end of the war. Another aim of the thesis, in order to assess in detail the form of the President's pro-German cooperation, is to compare Hácha's group with the Czech fascist movement, and the collaborating journalists around E. Moravec. The primary focus is on the ideological conflict and political struggle for power among the collaborative movements, their different attitudes to the German occupation administration, and their exploitability by Nazi policies in the Protectorate. The final part of the thesis deals with opinions of contemporary society on E. Hácha's Protectorate policies, including reactions of the resistance at home and abroad. On this basis, the post-war statements given by the representatives of Hácha's collaboration movement to the National Court in the process of "national cleansing" are compared with their actual activities during the time of the occupation. The thesis draws from archive materials, contemporary printed sources, and scholarly literature that covers the topic of collaboration in the Protectorate.
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Turits, Michael. "Mimicry and movement: Fascism, politics, and culture in Italy and Germany, 1909-1945." 1994. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI9510547.

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The political term "totalitarian" (totaliltario) was coined by Italian Fascism in 1925, and adopted almost simultaneously as a pejorative by the regime's opposition. This language of the Italian stato totalitario was soon adopted by the theorists of National Socialism to describe the German totale Mobilmachung and totale Staat. Postwar discussions continued to categorize Fascism by its own "totalitarian" myth of identity--of the group, race, or nation as self-constituting subject. Some other, more politically ambiguous features, however, may be discerned in fascist discourse than this "totalitarianism" which served as both fascism's narcissistic boast, and its critique. First, fascist rhetoric attempted to exclude those mimetic elements which threatened its presumed autonomy, while repressing its own implicit mimetic structure. The fascist "chameleon" represents the symptomatic re-emergence of this repression, the eruption amid a discourse of identity and autonomy of a personified figure of mimicry and deceit. The first part of the dissertation examines various accusations, denials, and examples of political chameleonism in the writings of Sorel, Gramsci, Gadda, and Malaparte, and confronts this paradigm with that of the fascist "narcissist" or "peacock" (pavone). The camaleonte/pavone relation introduces a discussion of imitation, narcissism, and identification in Freud's theorization of individual and group identity, and leads to a more directly political consideration of the relation between chameleonism, fascism, and democracy. Second, "totalitarian" regimes also characterized themselves as states in motion, referring both their "dynamism" and "modernity," and to their promotion of communication and transportation media. But this term also implies a destructuring kinetic logic contradictory to the totalitarian goal of national identity. The second part of the dissertation describes the ambiguity of political "movement" in Bertolucci's filmic rendition of Italian Fascist architecture, in the Futurist "style of movement," and in the relation between Bewegung and Bewegtheit in Heidegger's Sein und Zeit. Despite what may be considered the critique of fascism begun in Sein und Zeit, Heidegger's overlooking of the ambiguity of the book's own "movement" illustrates the inconclusiveness of the gesture by which he, as well as those who have formally identified fascism and totalitarianism, have separated their own practice from their historical object.
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Books on the topic "Fascism Youth movement Fascism"

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Rossi, Pietro. Diario di un balilla: 1932-1936 : conoscere i fatti per scoprire qualche verità. Collegno (TO) [i.e. Torino]: R. Chiaramonte, 2003.

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Giampietro, Sepp de. Sie träumten von Freiheit: Verratene Jugend zwischen Liktorenbündel und Hakenkreuz. Bozen: Athesia, 2000.

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Grandi, Aldo. Autoritratto di una generazione: Interviste con Paolo Alatri ... [et al.]. Catanzaro: Abramo, 1990.

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L' epoca giovane: Generazioni, fascismo e antifascismo. Manduria (Taranto) [etc.]: P. Lacaita, 2002.

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Hlinkova mládež 1938-1945. Bratislava: Ústav pamäti národa, 2008.

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Shaping the new man: Youth training regimes in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. Madison, Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2015.

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Zwischen widerstand Anpassung: Der CVJM-Westbund im Dritten Reich. Asslar: Schulte & Gerth, 1985.

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Malkovski, Ǵorǵi. Bugarskata fašistička organizacija "Branik" vo Makedonija: 1941-1992 [i.e. 1944]. Skopje: Institut za nacionalna istorija, 1992.

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1950-, Fedele Santi, and Schirripa Vincenzo, eds. Per la pace in Europa: Istanze internazionaliste e impegno antifascista. Messina: Università degli Studi di Messina, 2007.

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Mertens, Michael John. Early twentieth century youth movements, nature and community in Britain and Germany. Birmingham: University of Birmingham, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Fascism Youth movement Fascism"

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Shaffer, Ryan. "An International Youth Movement, 1983–1990." In Music, Youth and International Links in Post-War British Fascism, 107–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-59668-6_4.

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Griffin, Roger. "Nazism as a Revitalization Movement." In Modernism and Fascism, 250–78. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230596122_10.

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Kersten, Joachim. "The Right-Wing Network and the Role of Extremist Youth Groupings in Unified Germany." In Fascism and Neofascism, 175–88. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-04122-7_10.

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Germani, Gino. "Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Regimes: Italy and Spain." In Authoritarianism, Fascism, and National Populism, 245–80. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429334559-12.

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Poole, Anne. "Oswald Mosley and the Union Movement: Success or Failure?" In The Failure of British Fascism, 53–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24758-5_4.

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Tamir, Dan. "Conclusion: A Hebrew Fascist Movement in Palestine." In Hebrew Fascism in Palestine, 1922–1942, 183–96. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73679-2_11.

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Macklin, Graham. "‘A plague on both their houses’: Fascism, Anti-fascism and the Police in the 1940s." In British Fascism, the Labour Movement and the State, 46–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230522763_4.

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Coupland, Philip M. "‘Left-Wing Fascism’ in Theory and Practice." In British Fascism, the Labour Movement and the State, 95–117. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230522763_6.

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Germani, Gino. "Political Traditions and Social Mobilization at the Root of a National Populist Movement: Argentine Peronism." In Authoritarianism, Fascism, and National Populism, 125–51. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429334559-7.

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Tamir, Dan. "Individuals Making a Movement: Short Biographies of Prominent Proponents of Hebrew Fascism." In Hebrew Fascism in Palestine, 1922–1942, 29–40. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73679-2_2.

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