Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Fascism Youth movement Fascism / Journal articles

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Fascism Youth movement Fascism.

Journal articles on the topic 'Fascism Youth movement Fascism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Fascism Youth movement Fascism.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Kallis, Aristotle. "Neither Fascist nor Authoritarian: The 4th of August Regime in Greece (1936-1941) and the Dynamics of Fascistisation in 1930s Europe." East Central Europe 37, no. 2-3 (March 25, 2010): 303–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x534504.

Full text

Abstract:

The 4th of August regime in Greece under Ioannis Metaxas has long been treated by theories of ‘generic fascism’ as a minor example of authoritarianism or at most a case of failed fascism. This derives from the ideas that the Metaxas dictatorship did not originate from any original mass ‘fascist’ movement, lacked a genuinely fascist revolutionary ideological core and its figurehead came from a deeply conservative-military background. In addition, the regime balanced the introduction ‘from above’ of certain ‘fascist’ elements (inspired by the regimes in Germany, Italy and Portugal) with a pro-British foreign policy and a strong deference to both the Crown and the church/religion. Nevertheless, in this chapter, I argue that the 4th of August regime should be relocated firmly within the terrain of fascism studies. The establishment and consolidation of the regime in Greece reflected a much wider process of political and ideological convergence and hybridisation between anti-democratic/anti-liberal/anti-socialist conservative forces, on the one hand, and radical rightwing/fascist politics, on the other. It proved highly receptive to specific fascist themes and experiments (such as the single youth organisation, called EON), which it transplanted enthusiastically into its own hybrid of ‘radicalised’ conservatism. Although far less ideologically ‘revolutionary’ compared to Italian Fascism or German National Socialism, the 4th of August regime’s radicalisation between 1936 and 1941 marked a fundamental departure from conventional conservative-authoritarian politics in a direction charted by the broader fascist experience in Europe.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Luxmoore, Matthew. "“Orange Plague”: World War II and the Symbolic Politics of Pro-state Mobilization in Putin’s Russia." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 5 (September 2019): 822–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.48.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis article examines the symbolic politics of three pro-state movements that emerged from the “preventive counterrevolution” launched by the Kremlin in response to Ukraine’s Orange Revolution. In 2005, youth movement Nashi played upon war memory at its rallies and branded the opposition “fascist”; in 2012, the Anti-Orange Committee countered opposition protests with mass gatherings at Moscow’s war commemoration sites; in 2015, Antimaidan brought thousands onto Russia’s streets to denounce US-backed regime change and alleged neo-Nazism in Kiev. I show how evocation of the enemy image, through reference to the war experience, played a key role in the symbolism of the preventive counterrevolution. Interviews with activists in these movements discussing their symbolic politics reveal an opposing victim/victor narrative based on an interplay of two World War II myths—the “Great Victory” and the “fascist threat.” Moving beyond approaches that view the Soviet and Russian World War II cult as a triumphalist narrative of the Great Victory over fascism, I conclude that its threat component is an understudied element.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Baker, Catherine. "Croatia and the Rise of Fascism. The Youth Movement and the Ustasha during WWII." Europe-Asia Studies 71, no. 10 (November 26, 2019): 1759–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2019.1696051.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Ponzio, Alessio. "Goran Miljan. Croatia and the Rise of Fascism: The Youth Movement and the Ustasha during WWII." American Historical Review 125, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 1107–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz523.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Minkenberg, Michael. "The Renewal of the Radical Right: Between Modernity and Anti‐modernity." Government and Opposition 35, no. 2 (April 2000): 170–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00022.

Full text

Abstract:

FIFTY-FIVE YEARS AFTER THE FALL OF FASCISM AND THE END OF THE Second World War, right-wing radical movements and parties are part of the political normalcy in many Western democracies. In the face of the twentieth-century experiences of fascism and state socialism, and their failures, this stubborn persistence seems at the same time anachronistic and frightening. While there is no shortage of explanations and interpretations of this phenomenon in an evergrowing body of literature, most studies focus on national trends and derive their criteria from country-specific histories and discourses. Serious comparative scholarship on the radical right is still in its infancy.This article is a plea for more comparative research on rightwing radicalism at the turn of the century. It begins by highlighting the three central dimensions of the problem. First, one must state that contemporary right-wing radicalism is an international phenomenon. Thus, more than before, comparative studies are needed both to analyse the international quality and to specify the nation-specific characteristics of the radical right in each country. Secondly, it must be borne in mind that contemporary right-wing radicalism is a modern phenomenon. It has undergone a phase of renewal, as a result of social and cultural modernization shifts in post-war Europe. Thus it is only vaguely connected with previous versions. Terms like ‘fascism’ or ‘neo-fascism’ which suggest a historical continuity from Munich to Mölln and Magdeburg in Germany, or from Vichy to Vitrolles in France, become increasingly obsolete. The third factor to bear in mind is that contemporary right-wing radicalism is a complex phenomenon. The ongoing specialization and compartmentalization in the social sciences, such as discourse analysis, party and electoral research, and youth sociology – to name but a few of the approaches applied to the radical right – fail to do justice to the complexity of the subject. Clearly, the many faces of right-wing radicalism require clear analytical distinctions, but ultimately they need to be approached in a truly interdisciplinary way.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Clark, Roland. "Croatia and the Rise of Fascism: The Youth Movement and the Ustasha During wwii , written by Miljan, Goran." East Central Europe 46, no. 1 (April 4, 2019): 157–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04601009.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Drábik, Jakub. "MILJAN, Goran. Croatia and the Rise of Fascism. The Youth Movement and the Ustasha during WWII. London; New York: I. B. Tauris, 2018, 278 s. ISBN 9781788312097." Historický časopis 68, no. 1 (October 15, 2020): 153–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31577/histcaso.2020.68.1.8.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Antic, Ana. "Fascism under Pressure." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 1 (November 19, 2009): 116–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409347329.

Full text

Abstract:

This article analyzes how the ideological discourse of the Croatian fascist movement (the Ustaša) evolved in the course of World War II under pressures of the increasingly popular and powerful communist armed resistance. It explores and interprets the way the regime formulated its ideological responses to the political/ideological challenge of the leftist guerrilla and its propaganda in the period after the proclamation of the Ustaša Independent State of Croatia in 1941 until the end of the war. The author demonstrates that the regime, faced with its own political weakness and inability to maintain authority, shaped its rhetoric and ideological self-definition in a direct dialogue with the Marxist discourse of the communist propaganda, incorporating important Marxist concepts in its theory of state and society and redefining its concepts of national boundaries and racial identity to match the communists’ propaganda of inclusive, civic national Yugoslavism. This massive ideological renegotiation of the movement’s basic tenets and its consequent leftward shift reflected a change in an opposite direction from the one commonly encountered in narratives of other fascisms’ ideological evolution paths (most notably in Italy and Germany): as the movement became a regime, the Ustaša transformed from its initial conservatism, traditionalism (in both sociopolitical and cultural matters), pseudo-feudal worldview of peasant worship and antiurbanism, anti-Semitism, and rigid racialism in relation to nation and state into an ideology of increasingly inclusive, culture-based, and nonethnic nationalism and with an exceptionally strong leftist rhetoric of social welfare, class struggle, and the rights of the working class.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Shields, James G. "The Poujadist Movement: A faux 'fascism'." Modern & Contemporary France 8, no. 1 (February 2000): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/096394800113330.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Rosenberg, Arthur. "Fascism as a Mass-Movement (1934)." Historical Materialism 20, no. 1 (2012): 144–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920612x634898.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Arthur Rosenberg’s remarkable essay, first published in 1934, was probably the most incisive historical analysis of the origins of fascism to emerge from the revolutionary Left in the interwar years. In contrast to the official Comintern line that fascism embodied the power of finance-capital, Rosenberg saw fascism as a descendant of the reactionary mass-movements of the late-nineteenth century. Those movements encompassed a new breed of nationalism that was ultra-patriotic, racist and violently opposed to the Left, and prefigured fascism in all these ways. What was distinctive about the fascists in Italy and Germany was not so much their ideology (a pastiche of motifs that drew on those earlier traditions of the conservative and radical Right) as the use of stormtroopers to wage the struggle against democracy in more decisive and lethal ways. After the broad historical sweep of its first part, the essay looks at the factors that were peculiar to the Italian and German situations respectively, highlighting both the rôle of the existing authorities in encouraging the fascists and the wider class-appeal of the fascist parties themselves, beyond any supposed restriction to the middle-class or ‘petty bourgeoisie’.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

GOODFELLOW, SAMUEL HUSTON. "Fascism as a Transnational Movement: The Case of Inter-War Alsace." Contemporary European History 22, no. 1 (December 14, 2012): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777312000495.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe idea of fascism spread quickly and transnationally in the inter-war era. Fascist groups identified themselves as sharing fundamental characteristics and ideas. At the same time, they distorted fascism for their own purposes, adapting it to their specific contexts. As a border region, Alsace provides a number of examples of fascist groups claiming solidarity with fascism, yet distinguishing themselves from each other. Looking at fascism as a transnational phenomenon provides insight into the evolution of fascist ideology and will help explain why it is so difficult to define.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Hohler, Susanne. "Russian Fascism in Exile. A Historical and Phenomenological Perspective on Transnational Fascism." Fascism 2, no. 2 (2013): 121–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00202002.

Full text

Abstract:

Based on the example of Russian fascism in Harbin, Manchuria, this paper demonstrates how the concept, ‘transnational’ can relate to fascism in three ways: as a transnational phenomenon, as a transnational movement and in terms of the study of fascism from a transnational perspective, focusing on the relations and exchanges between fascist movements and how fascism crossed borders. One way of approaching implementing this perspective is to focus on the appropriation and adaptation of fascist bodies of thought into various local contexts. This paper argues that in this context the studies in fascism from a transnational perspective can profit from by focusing on a contemporary understanding of fascism instead of a priori academic definitions. Harbin fascists perceived fascism as a universal idea, which assumed distinct manifestations depending on the particularities of each nation. Therefore in the view of contemporaries fascism also constituted a transnational movement. In a second step this paper reflects on the question to what extend fascist studies could also benefit from the extension from a transnational to a transcultural perspective to better grasp the diverse influences on various manifestation of fascism and deepen our understanding of change and entanglements between fascist movements as well as their respective environments on a global scale.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Framke, Maria, and Jana Tschurenev. "Umstrittene Geschichte." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 40, no. 158 (March 1, 2010): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v40i158.401.

Full text

Abstract:

This article traces the complexity of anti- and post-colonial answers to Fascism and Nazism by looking at debates about fascism in India. By avoiding the often employed Euro-centrist approach of a generic concept of fascism, it tries to decentralize European experience. After reconstructing those post-colonial historiographical arguments which use the term ‘fascism’, we examine the historical reception of Fascism and Nazism in the anti-colonial movement. In doing so, the article first outlines the debates about Hindutva as a Fascist ideology and subsequently analyses Indian discussions about Italy, Germany and European Fascism in the 1930ies.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Sondel-Cedarmas, Joanna. "Criticism of “fascist nostalgia” in the political thought of the New Right." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 3 (December 28, 2018): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.3.6.

Full text

Abstract:

CRITICISM OF “FASCIST NOSTALGIA” IN THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE NEW RIGHTThe article analyses the way in which the Italian New Right perceived fascist traditions as cultivated by the Italian Social Movement Movimento Sociale Italiano. The New Right that was shaped in the period of student protests and marches in the 1960s and 1970s among the youth environment of the MSI strived for the ideological renewal of this party, in particular seeking to discard the so-called “Fascist Nostalgia” that had been dooming it to political exclusion. The party principally rejected Julius Evola’s integral traditionalism, which had been a point of reference for neo-fascist circles, and castigated the absence of contemporary cultural and ideological patterns of the Italian far right. Under the infl uence of the French idea of “Nouvelle Droit”, the Italian New Right was meant to be a metapolitical programme that assumed expanding of the traditional electorate with a simultaneous and direct impact on the civil society through taking up contemporary social and cultural topics, as well as fi ghting traditional dichotomy of the right and the left.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Goldstein, Ivo. "Nationalism and Terror: Ante Pavelić and Ustasha Terrorism from Fascism to the Cold War. By Pino Adriano and Giorgio Cingolani. Trans. Riccardo James Vargiu. Budapest: CEU Press, 2018. 458 pp. Bibliography. Index. Plates. Photographs. $70.00, hard bound. - Croatia and the Rise of Fascism: The Youth Movement and the Ustasha during WWII. Goran Miljan. By London: I.B. Tauris, 2018. x, 278 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Illustrations. Photographs. $95.00, hard bound." Slavic Review 78, no. 4 (2019): 1053–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2019.271.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Mulazzani, Marco. "Holiday colonies for Italian youth during Fascism." Architectures of the Sun, no. 60 (2019): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/60.a.zseopkaa.

Full text

Abstract:

Thousands of summer colonies were created for youth in Fascist Italy (1922–1943). Most were temporary structures set up to assist children only during the daytime; dozens became the concrete symbol of the totalitarian project undertaken by Fascism to shape “new Italians” starting from childhood. Actually the colonies promoted by the organizations of the regime, state agencies and industrial companies, due to a lack of precise “models” of reference for the architects involved, present a highly varied expressive panorama, reflecting the complexity of the architectural debate in those years and the difficulties that faced any truly modern approach to architecture.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Holmes, Douglas R. "Fascism at eye level." Focaal 2019, no. 84 (July 1, 2019): 62–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2019.840105.

Full text

Abstract:

Fascism in our time is emerging not as a single party or movement within a particular nation-state but rather as a dispersed phenomenon that reverberates across the continent nested within the political contradictions of the European Union. Rather than focusing on a specific group to determine whether it is or is not “fascist,” we must look at how diverse parties and movements are linked together in cross-border coalitions revealing the political ecology of contemporary fascism and the intricate division of labor that sustains it. Underwriting contemporary fascism is an “illiberal” anthropology that can colonize every expression of identity and attachment. From the motifs and metaphors of diverse folkloric traditions to the countless genres of popular culture, fascism assimilates new meanings and affective predispositions.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Ferrarini, Fabio. "‘Mediterraneo baltico’: Italian Fascist propaganda in Finland (1933–9)." Modern Italy 25, no. 4 (September 25, 2020): 389–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2020.51.

Full text

Abstract:

This article focuses on Italian Fascist propaganda in Finland. Federico Finchelstein (2010) characterised fascism as a global-transnational doctrine with diverse reformulations, ramifications and permutations. Therefore, the Finnish case-study is useful in the analysis of Mussolini's twin struggle against Soviet Communism and the increasing Nazi threat in the Baltic in the 1930s and 1940s. This article will examine how Mussolini tried to keep in touch with Finnish fascists after Hitler's rise to power. Organisations and groups like the Lapua Movement and the Finnish Patriotic People's Movement were inspired by Italian Fascism and the success of the March on Rome encouraged their hope that they could take power in Finland. The ultimate failure of Finnish fascism has ensured the continued marginalisation of fascism as a research subject in the Finnish academic tradition. Yet, as Roger Griffin suggests, studies of peripheral and failed fascisms can also contribute important insights for understanding both the ‘centre’ of fascism, as well as modern nationalist extremist movements. Fascism as an international political phenomenon cannot be understood from rigidly national interpretative frameworks.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Banaji, Jairus. "Fascism as a Mass-Movement: Translator’s Introduction." Historical Materialism 20, no. 1 (2012): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920612x632791.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis Introduction to Rosenberg’s essay starts with a brief synopsis of his life, then summarises the key arguments of the essay itself before looking briefly at the twin issues of the social base of the fascist parties (wider than just the ‘petty bourgeoisie’) and the passive complicity/compliance of ‘ordinary Germans’, as the literature now terms whole sectors of the civilian population that were defined by their apathy or moral indifference to the horrors of the Nazi state.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Jackson, Paul Nicholas. "Debate: Donald Trump and Fascism Studies." Fascism 10, no. 1 (June 24, 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-10010009.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Since coming to prominence, Donald Trump’s politics has regularly been likened to fascism. Many experts within fascism studies have tried to engage with wider media and political debates on the relevance (or otherwise) of such comparisons. In the debate ‘Donald Trump and Fascism Studies’ we have invited leading academics with connections to the journal and those who are familiar with debates within fascism studies, to offer thoughts on how to consider the complex relationship between fascism, the politics of Donald Trump, and the wider maga movement. Contributors to this debat are: Mattias Gardell, Ruth Wodak, Benjamin R. Teitelbaum, David Renton, Nigel Copsey, Raul Cârstocea, Maria Bucur, Brian Hughes, and Roger Griffin.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Roberto, Michael Joseph. "The Origins of American Fascism." Monthly Review 69, no. 2 (June 3, 2017): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-069-02-2017-06_3.

Full text

Abstract:

What can a class analysis tell us about fascism's national particularities and early forms? Why was there no mass movement for a separate fascist party in the United States? The lessons of several now-forgotten works of scholarship from the 1930s are critical to our understanding of American fascism—not only for what they tell us about its history, but also about how to fight it today.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Cammelli, Maddalena Gretel. "Fascism as a style of life." Focaal 2017, no. 79 (December 1, 2017): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2017.790108.

Full text

Abstract:

In the European context, where the rise of right-wing movements and parties indicates the emergence of an integral Europe, Italy represents a country where the fascist past grants these political formations significant identitarian security. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted with a contemporary neofascist movement called CasaPound active in Italy, this article proposes to take seriously the activists’ definition of themselves as “third-millennium fascists.” This article examines the network that CasaPound has built around its movement to analyze the presence fascist political culture currently maintains. Following militants’ interpretations of fascist ideology and practice, which oscillates between violence and death on one side and emotions and community on the other, third-millennium fascism appears to be a style of life deeply rooted in violent acts and death.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Kuck, Jordan. "Renewed Latvia. A Case Study of the Transnational Fascism Model." Fascism 2, no. 2 (2013): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00202005.

Full text

Abstract:

This article examines the lesser-known authoritarian regime of Kārlis Ulmanis, the Vadonis [Leader] of Latvia from 1934-1940, as a case study of transnational fascism. Specifically, by investigating the nature of Mazpulki [Latvian 4-H] – an agricultural youth organization modeled on American 4-H which became during the Ulmanis regime a sort of unofficial ‘Ulmanis Youth’ institution – and its international connections, and particularly with Italy, the article contends that we should view the Ulmanis regime as having been part of the transnational fascist wave that swept over Europe in the period between the two world wars. The article also makes the historiographical point that the transnational fascism model offers key analytical methods for interpreting fascism’s syncretic nature, especially in the case of those regimes which had some recognizable features of ‘generic’ fascism but which have previously been categorized as merely authoritarian. Future studies of such regimes will expand our understanding of the nature of and links between the many varied manifestations of interwar fascism.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Wolff, Elisabetta Cassina. "The meaning and role of the concepts of democracy and corporatism in Italian neo-fascist ideology (1945–1953)." Modern Italy 16, no. 3 (August 2011): 295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2010.524887.

Full text

Abstract:

While caution, tactics and compromise characterised the political practice of the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement in post-war Italy, a section of the Italian press took a less guarded approach to the 20-year regime (Fascism) and to fascism as a political idea (fascism). A lively debate began immediately after the death of Mussolini; Italians sympathetic to fascism opposed the new Italian republican settlement and their opinions were freely expressed in newspapers and magazines. Neo-fascism in Italy was represented by three main ideological currents (left-wing, moderate and right-wing), and this article gives an account of the different views of the issues of democracy and corporatism that were held by fascist loyalists. An extensive number of articles published in the period 1945–1953 are used as primary sources.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Bonde, Hans. "The Struggle for Danish Youth: Fascism, Sport, Democracy." International Journal of the History of Sport 26, no. 10 (August 2009): 1436–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523360903057484.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Cavagnini, M. Giovanni. "‘Reckless youth’. Cardinal Maffi and Fascism (1919–31)." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 19, no. 2 (February 5, 2014): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2014.871126.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Annovi, Gian Maria. "Fictions of Youth: Pier Paolo Pasolini, Adolescence, Fascism." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 22, no. 1 (January 2017): 128–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2016.1242298.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Peters, Michael A. "The return of fascism: Youth, violence and nationalism." Educational Philosophy and Theory 51, no. 7 (September 27, 2018): 674–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00131857.2018.1519772.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

ORLOW, DIETRICH. "Fascists among themselves: some observations on west European politics in the 1930s." European Review 11, no. 3 (July 2003): 245–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798703000267.

Full text

Abstract:

Historians have long found it difficult to deal with fascism as a generic, Europe-wide, political phenomenon. The historiographic pendulum has swung from including virtually every right-wing movement under the label of fascism to denying altogether that generic fascism ever existed. Neither approach is historically valid. The fascists did not see themselves as a species of Conservatives; they looked upon themselves as a unique, international political phenomenon. Moreover, many of their non-fascist contemporaries accepted this claim. Both were right and, for this reason, it is necessary to renew efforts to delineate the ideological and stylistic parameters of generic fascism. An important aid in understanding fascism as a generic phenomenon is the analysis of the relations between the German Nazis and French and Dutch fascists in the years from 1933 to 1939, a topic that has been little studied until now.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Thorpe, A. "British Fascism, the Labour Movement and the State." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 495 (February 1, 2007): 281–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel462.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Schmitt, Oliver Jens. "Approaching the Social History of Romanian Fascism." Fascism 3, no. 2 (October 27, 2014): 117–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00302005.

Full text

Abstract:

This article explores fascist mobilization in Romania on a regional and local level. Focusing on the south-western Romanian county of Rîmnicu Vâlcea it combines qualitative analysis with the quantitative analysis of approximately 1,350 members of the Legionary Movement. Vâlcea provides an example of a district which was not a fascist stronghold: the fascist leader Corneliu Zelea Codreanu failed to establish a stable organizational network. Only when the local bishop actively supported small circles of young village intellectuals did fascist mobilization gain momentum. The overwhelming peasant majority of members joined the movement rather late (1937). This article concludes that there were differences between village intellectuals who believed in an ideological community of creed and peasant members who strove for social revolution.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Alonso, Gregorio. "Antiauthoritarian youth culture in Francoist Spain: clashing with fascism." Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 21, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14636204.2020.1760438.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

BRASKÉN, KASPER. "Making Anti-Fascism Transnational: The Origins of Communist and Socialist Articulations of Resistance in Europe, 1923–1924." Contemporary European History 25, no. 4 (October 14, 2016): 573–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000424.

Full text

Abstract:

Conventionally, the starting point of socialist and communist resistance to fascism in Europe and the creation of a European ‘culture of anti-fascism’ is dated to the 1930s in the context of the establishment of the Third Reich in 1933 and the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936. The hypothesis of the article is that the initiatives and debates of 1923 played a pivotal role in the creation of the transnational anti-fascist movement that transferred cultures of anti-fascism across borders in Europe and the world. The aim of the article is to analyse the first, but hitherto forgotten, efforts to make anti-fascism a transnational phenomenon in the early 1920s. Further, the article will discuss whether there are clear continuities or discontinuities in the anti-fascist articulations of 1923 and the ones created after 1933.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Loughlin, James. "Northern Ireland and British fascism in the inter-war years." Irish Historical Studies 29, no. 116 (November 1995): 537–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140001227x.

Full text

Abstract:

During the civil rights campaign of the late 1960s the perception of the Stormont government as fascist was widespread among nationalists—a perception expressed in Nazi salutes and the chant ‘S.S.—R.U.C.’ when confronting the police. The historical reference this perception embodied, however, was less than comprehensive. In particular, it obscured the attraction that fascism and movements inspired by fascism had for many people in Britain and Ireland in the inter-war years; and while fascism did not give rise to a movement of major importance in Northern Ireland, it nevertheless had a more significant presence there than has sometimes been thought. For instance, Robert Fisk's view that the only fascists in the north were Italian émigrés, grouped in Belfast and Derry, is inaccurate. In fact at various times in this period there existed branches of the British Fascists (B.F.), representatives of Sir Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (B.U.F.), together with a brief but significant initiative on Northern Ireland by the leader of the Blueshirt movement in the Irish Free State, General Eoin O'Duffy. Unlike the local representatives of Italian fascism, who confined their activities chiefly to greeting visiting Italian dignitaries and maintaining links with the homeland, these groups were very much concerned with domestic politics. Fascism in Northern Ireland, however, has other claims to attention than those occasioned by their activities alone, for it also serves to illuminate the neglected area of B.U.F. attitudes to Ireland in general.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

TAMIR, DAN. "FROM A FASCIST'S NOTEBOOK TO THE PRINCIPLES OF REBIRTH: THE DESIRE FOR SOCIAL INTEGRATION IN HEBREW FASCISM, 1928–1942." Historical Journal 57, no. 4 (November 12, 2014): 1057–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000053.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACTApart from Italian fascism and German National-Socialism – the most famous fascisms of the interwar era – considerable research has been conducted during the past two decades about generic fascism: fascist groups, movements, and parties in other countries. In Israel, while the Revisionist Zionist movement has been continually accused by its political rivals of being fascist, these accusations have not yet been examined according to any comparative model of fascism. Relying on Robert Paxton's model of generic fascism, this article examines how one of its components – the drive for closer integration of the national community – was manifested in the writings of seven Revisionist activists in mandatory Palestine: Itamar Ben Avi, Abba Aḥime'ir, U. Z. Grünberg, Joshua Yevin, Wolfgang von Weisl, Zvi Kolitz, and Abraham Stern. Their writings between the years 1922 and 1942 reveal a strong drive for social integration, similar to that manifest in other fascist movements of the interwar era.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Tamir, Dan. "Some Thoughts about Hebrew Fascism in Inter-war Palestine." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 63, no. 4 (2011): 364–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007311798293629.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractDuring the 1920s and 1930s, fascist movements and groups flourished all around the world. Relying on Robert Paxton's postulate that the emergence of a fascist movement is an inherent part of modern societies with mass politics, this article examines the probable existence of such a fascist movement in the Hebrew society in Palestine of the time. After a short introduction of concepts of generic fascism and a review of the current state of research into the subject, the article discusses some aspects and characteristics of generic fascism which are specifically significant to this case study.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Renton, David, and Julie V. Gottlieb. "Feminine Fascism: Women in Britain's Fascist Movement, 1923-1945." American Historical Review 106, no. 5 (December 2001): 1881. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2692895.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Thurlow, R. C. "Feminine Fascism: Women in Britain's Fascist Movement, 1923-45." English Historical Review 117, no. 472 (June 1, 2002): 746–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.472.746.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Lassner, Phyllis. "Feminine fascism: women in Britain's fascist movement 1923-45." Women's History Review 11, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020200200626.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Gullace, N. F. "Review: Feminine Fascism: Women in Britain's Fascist Movement 1923-1945 * Julie V. Gottlieb: Feminine Fascism: Women in Britain's Fascist Movement 1923-1945." Twentieth Century British History 13, no. 3 (March 1, 2002): 320–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/13.3.320-a.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Sonnessa, Antonio. "The 1922 Turin Massacre (Strage di Torino): Working Class Resistance and Conflicts within Fascism." Modern Italy 10, no. 2 (November 2005): 187–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500284242.

Full text

Abstract:

SummaryThis article explores the reasons why Turin's Fascists launched a violent offensive against the local labour movement two months after the Fascist seizure of power. The article demonstrates that the residual resistance of the working class to Fascism was the major reason behind the Turin massacre. However, it also investigates other decisive factors for the violence of December 1922: the conflict between the national Fascist leadership and Turin Fascism and within the Turin fascio itself. The article challenges the interpretation, best exemplified by Renzo De Felice, that the Fascist violence was spontaneous, carried out by undisciplined squadristi without the approval of Mussolini and the Fascist leadership. Rather, it argues that there existed significant levels of planning and a high degree of toleration by the Turinese and national Fascist leaderships and the local authorities. Using Turin as a case study, the article provides a clearer view of the tensions existing within the Fascist movement in the months after the seizure of power. It analyses how Turin Fascism was riddled by factional disputes and how its attempts to gain control of the major political and economic institutions of the city were frustrated by the opposition of the local authorities and industrialists, backed by Mussolini's government. The events of the months preceding and following the strage also afford insights into the conflicts within Fascism over the future role squadrism and violence was to play in the Fascist movement now Mussolini was head of government.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Wien, Peter. "Arabs and Fascism: Empirical and Theoretical Perspectives." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a4.

Full text

Abstract:

The article establishes an interpretive framework for Arab responses to fascism during the 1930s and World War II. Promoters of the Islamofascism paradigm refer to this period as simply a manifestation of the allegedly illiberal inclinations of a vast majority of Arabs and Muslims. They present Arab expressions of sympathy for fascism as conditioned by alleged authoritarian or totalitarian structures inherent in the Islamic religion. In a more nuanced interpretation, Arab reactions to fascism form a phenomenon that can only be understood in the local and chronological contexts of decolonization, in which fascism was a model and reference as a tool of social disciplining with the ultimate goal of getting rid of colonial control. According to this framework, totalitarian references in political discourse were a means to an end that was widespread at the time. Other, equally nuanced interpretations see pro-fascist trends in Middle Eastern states—as they became manifest in party platforms, uniformed youth organizations, or collaboration schemes with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy—as manifestations of global fascism as a ‘type’. According to this reading, totalitarian and racial ideological systems and leader- and discipline oriented forms of social organization have to be understood as representations of a worldwide trend comparable to Marxist or Capitalist ideology. Examples from India and Latin America provide a comparative framework for this. Neither of the two latter approaches subscribes to a thesis of an Arab “Sonderweg” in the adoption of fascism. Reactions in the Arab world in particular and in Muslim societies in general did not differ substantially from those in other colonial societies.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Berry, David. "‘Fascism or Revolution!’ Anarchism and Antifascism in France, 1933–39." Contemporary European History 8, no. 1 (March 1999): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399000132.

Full text

Abstract:

French anarchists were careful to distinguish between the Popular Front's leaders - the politicians - and its working-class supporters. They enthused over ‘the fraternity, the solidarity and the strength of the working class’ manifested in the extra-parliamentary antifascist movement of 1934–35. They took an active, and in some respects a leading part, in that movement. This article assesses the French anarchists' contribution to the antifascist movement and their critique of ‘Popular Frontism’. It also asks to what extent the anarchist movement can be said to have succeeded or failed in its objectives, and examines the ideological debates which the experiences of 1936–39 provoked between different anarchist currents over revolutionary strategy and tactics.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Valencia-García, Louie Dean. "Pluralism at the Twilight of Franco’s Spain: Antifascist and Intersectional Practice." Fascism 9, no. 1-2 (December 21, 2020): 98–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-09010001.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Since the late 1980s, the term ‘intersectionality’ has been used as a way to describe ways in which socially constructed categories must be considered in conjunction to better understand everyday oppression. This article presents a broad understanding of pluralism as antifascist practice, whilst studying antifascist publications in Spain during the 1970s, considering intersectional analysis and methodology. Many of the producers of these publications saw themselves as explicitly antifascist or at the very least part of a countercultural movement which challenged social norms promoted under the late fascist regime. By looking at these antifascist movements, using intersectional approaches, we can better understand how fascism itself functions and how it can be disentangled – as scholarship on fascism has largely ignored how intersectional analytical approaches might give us new insights into fascism.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Arbeit, Miriam R., Sarah L. F. Burnham, Duane De Four, and Heather Cronk. "Youth Practitioners Can Counter Fascism: What We Know and What We Need." Journal of Youth Development 15, no. 5 (September 22, 2020): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jyd.2020.936.

Full text

Abstract:

Fascist, White nationalist, and misogynist groups are actively recruiting adolescent followers both online and in person. Youth development practitioners can play an important role in mitigating the influence of fascist ideologies on young people’s behavior and reducing the proliferation of youth-perpetrated harassment and violence. In this paper, we present a theoretical integration that draws on empirical research from multiple disciplines and youth development best practices to examine how youth practitioners can counter fascist recruitment of youth. There is much that youth development researchers and practitioners already know and do, or have the capacity to learn and do, that can mitigate the threat of fascist recruitment and deter young people from developmental trajectories leading them towards harmful ideologies and actions. In order to support youth development practitioners in effectively embodying this potential, we detail 3 sets of activities: (a) immunizing youth to reduce susceptibility to fascist recruitment, (b) intervening in fascist recruitment of specific youth, and (c) counter-recruiting youth into community organizing for social justice. For each set of activities, we describe the goals of each component, propose concrete actions it may entail, and highlight existing research and best practices in the field that can be applied to this current challenge. We then propose next steps in research–practice integration to further improve relevant strategies and point to existing resources for supporting youth in resisting fascist recruitment.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Jackson, William D. "Fascism, Vigilantism, and the State: The Russian National Unity Movement." Problems of Post-Communism 46, no. 1 (January 1999): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.1999.11655819.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

CULLEN, STEPHEN M. "The Fasces and the Saltire: The Failure of the British Union of Fascists in Scotland, 1932–1940." Scottish Historical Review 87, no. 2 (October 2008): 306–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0036924108000176.

Full text

Abstract:

The history of Britain's main manifestation of inter-war fascism, Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists [BUF], continues to be a hotly contested field of study. A new biography of Mosley, work on gender and the BUF, and the incorporation of new models of generic fascism have made important contributions to the historiography of the BUF. However, until recently, almost no historical consideration of the BUF's career in Scotland had been attempted. But work by Tony Milligan and Henry Maitles has opened up the topic of fascism in Scotland between the wars. This article seeks to build on these contributions, and examines two groups of factors that led to the failure of fascism in Scotland. The inability of the BUF to find political space in Scotland, allied to internal organisational weaknesses, compounded by the indifference of the English fascist movement to the BUF in Scotland created flaws that characterised the Scottish BUF from the outset. These weaknesses were exacerbated by the failure of the BUF to understand the Scottish dimensions of politics, such as the cross-cutting appeal of Scottish nationalism, and religious tensions. Finally, anti-fascist opposition proved to be especially problematic for the Scottish BUF.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Dogliani, Patrizia. "Environment and leisure in Italy during Fascism." Modern Italy 19, no. 3 (August 2014): 247–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2014.940152.

Full text

Abstract:

While vacation colonies, camps for children and young people, well-equipped beaches and playgrounds, and the first national parks were conceived in Italy during the Liberal period, it was not until the late 1920s/1930s that they were created and transformed by the Fascist regime. This article will analyse the purposes of the use of the environment and protected areas by Fascist organisations during the Fascist regime by different social groups and classes. It will try to answer several questions: how did Fascist mass organisations (youth organisations such as the Opera Nazionale Balilla (ONB) and Gioventò Italiana del Littorio (GIL), leisure organisations like the Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro (OND), sports associations) relate to environmental space? Which popular activities were conceived for open-air, urban and national parks? How did the relationship between outdoor leisure and the environment develop in the ‘new’ middle class in the 1930s? How did Fascism conceive of the relationship between human beings and nature? The Nazi regime and the US New Deal were the strongest models at that time in terms of the politics of land conservation and leisure time. Did Fascism look to those experiments; did Fascism find its own modern ‘conservative’ relationship with the environment? This article will try to answer some of these questions, mindful of the lack of studies on Italy in comparison with the expanding historiography on the German and American cases.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Kaiser, Max. "‘Jewish Culture is Inseparable From the Struggle Against Reaction’: Forging an Australian Jewish Antifascist Culture in the 1940s." Fascism 9, no. 1-2 (December 21, 2020): 34–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-09010003.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract In the immediate postwar period Jewish communities worldwide sought to draw political lessons from the events of the Holocaust, the rise of fascism and the Second World War. A distinctive popular Jewish left antifascist politics developed as a way of memorialising the Holocaust, struggling against antisemitism and developing anti-racist and anti-assimilationist Jewish cultures. This article looks at the trilingual magazine Jewish Youth, published in Melbourne in the 1940s in English, Yiddish and Hebrew, as a prism through which to examine Jewish antifascist culture in Australia. Jewish Youth featured an oppositional political stance against antisemitism and fascism, tied often to Holocaust memorialisation; a conscious political and cultural minoritarianism and resistance to assimilation; and a certain fluctuating multilingualism, tied to its transnational situatedness and plurality of audiences.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Gentile, Emilio. "Mussolini's charisma." Modern Italy 3, no. 02 (November 1998): 219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949808454805.

Full text

Abstract:

SummaryMussolini was the prototype of twentieth-century charismatic dictators. His personal charisma antedated the founding of Fascism and the formal construction of collective charisma through the movement and the personality cult. First forged in the socialist movement, Mussolini's charisma assumed a new guise when he became a supporter of Italy's intervention in the First World War. He acquired an aura for the third time as Fascist leader. There were always tensions between the Duce and Fascism as the latter embodied the collective charisma of a movement. Nevertheless, Fascist ideology and culture incorporated the idea of the charismatic leader as a focus and source of authority on the model of the Catholic Church. Although it was difficult by the 1930s to distinguish between the believer's exaltation and courtly adulation, Mussolini exercised a personal charisma for many Fascists even after his death.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!