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McCollum, Jonathon C. "Carlyle, Fascism, and Frederick : from victorian prophet to Fascist ideologue /." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2007. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd2044.pdf.
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Cammelli, Maddalena Gretel. "Millenial fascism : contributo ad un'antropologia del fascismo del terzo millenio." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0717.
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Cette thèse d'anthropologie étudie le phénomène du fascisme du troisième millénaire représenté en Italie par le mouvement CasaPound. À travers l'étude ethnographique de ce mouvement né à Rome en 2003, cette thèse pose la question de la « frontière qui sépare l'homme fasciste du non-fasciste ». D'après ses militants, le fascisme semble être une manière de vivre, un comportement par rapport à l'existence, un « ressenti du monde ». Sa compréhension doit donc aller au-delà de l'analyse politique, pour saisir ces aspects de l'expérience, de l'émotivité, de l'appartenance, qui sont prépondérants dans les témoignages des fascistes du troisième millénaire. Le fascisme du troisième millénaire apparaît comme un phénomène impossible à cerner et à expliquer dans le cadre de voies logiques et de conséquence. Sa logique semble représentée par l'absence d'une cohérence interne. La rationalité semble ne pas être l'instrument adapté pour saisir la complexité du phénomène fasciste et en conséquence pas non plus pour proposer une stratégie à même d'affronter sa perpétuation à travers les décenniesThis anthropological thesis studies the phenomenon of third millenium fascism represented in Italy by the movements Casapound. Through an ethnographic study of this movement born in Rome in 2003, this dissertation enquires about the exosttence of a "boundary dividing the fascist from the non-fascist man". Militants of this movement see fascism as a way of living, an existential attitude, a "feeling of the world". Its understanding has thus to go farther than a simple political analysis, to grasp those aspects of experience, emotivity, membership, which are preponnderant in fascists'staements. Third millennium fascism seems thus a phenomenon beyond the simple logical and consequential ways of analysis. Its logic seems represented by the absence of an internal coherence. Rationality seems not to be the right tool neither to grasp the complexity of fascist phenomenon, nor to propose a strategy for facing the persistence of fascism in European history
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Renton, Dave. "The attempted revival of British fascism : fascism and anti-fascism, 1945-51." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14777/.
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The thesis is divided into six sections. The Introduction discusses the themes of the dissertation, notably fascism, anti-fascism and Britain in the 1940s. It reviews the existing literature and outlines the method used. The first chapter examines the legacy of the inter-war years and the impact of internment on the fascists. It analyses the British League of Ex-Servicemen and Women and the Mosley book clubs, which came together to form the Union Movement. The chapter ends in 1951 with Oswald Mosley's decision to leave Britain, a symbol of the failure of British fascism. The second chapter stresses the homogeneity of fascist thinking and the common possession of core ideas, including elitism, racism, and anti-socialism. It suggests that fascist parties also acted in a similar way, they glorified their leaders and encouraged anti-semitism and violence. The chapter argues that postwar fascism recruited especially well among members of the middle class. However, even within this group, only a tiny minority was attracted towards fascism. The third chapter examines the history of the non-fascist organisations, including Labour, the Communist Party and the 43 Group. The chapter also evaluates anti-fascist methods, which involved exposing the fascists, heckling their speakers and turning over fascist platforms. The fourth chapter describes the moment at which fascists and anti-fascists opposed each other in the street. It suggests that the various state agencies, including the police, the Home Office, the law departments and MI6, worked with fascism, or did nothing to prevent its growth. Finally, the Conclusion discusses the obstacles which the fascists faced, including the legacy of the war and the Holocaust, and the success of the Conservative Party after 1945. It also suggests that anti-fascism also played significant part in the fascists' defeat.
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Hodgson, Keith. "Fascism, anti-fascism and the British Left, 1919-1939." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.507174.
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Baldoli, Claudia. "Italian fascism in Britain : the Fasci Italiani all'Estero, the Italian communities, and fascist sympathisers during Grandi Era (1932-1939)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1688/.
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The activity of the Italian Fasci Abroad provides a new perspective on the nature of both Italian and European fascism, as well as on Italy's foreign policy during the 1930s. This thesis focuses on the means employed by the Fasci in the transformation of Italian communities in Great Britain into 'little Fascist Italies'. It argues that fascistisation of Italian emigrants became effective from 1932 and seemed to succeed in creating a corporativist and totalitarian community from 1935-36, until the international crisis of 1938-39 brought that Fascist dream to an end. The Ethiopian war and Italy's alliance with Germany were the most crucial events in the development of the Fasci in their relationship with both the Italian communities and the British government. The thesis also concentrates on the relationship between Italian and British fascism. Until the end of 1934 both the Fasci and the embassy established regular contacts with the British Union of Fascists; in the same period, BUF propaganda reflected the belief that British fascism was part of universal fascism, and that Rome was its origin. BUF's shift from Italophilia to admiration for National Socialism in 1935, and the contemporary unleashing of an aggressive anti-British propaganda in Italy coincided with a worsening in Anglo-Italian fascist relations. Consequently, the Italian Ambassador to London Dino Grandi strengthened his collaboration with British Conservative Italophiles, who worked with the Italian embassy in an attempt to support the cause of Italy and to improve Anglo-Italian relations. The divergence between Grandi's and the Italophiles' beliefs on the one hand and Italy's anti-British propaganda and foreign policy on the other were evident especially from 1938. The attitude of the Fasci Abroad reflected this divergence. Despite the increased centralisation of the Fasci under the control of the foreign ministry from 1938 onward, the Fasci in Britain continued to share Grandi's views on Italian foreign policy. The Fascist press in Britain, strongly anti-British during the Ethiopian war, became pro-British at the beginning of 1938. Grandi saw himself as the man who could prevent war, until Mussolini declared his mission in London at an end in July 1939.
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Kharazmi, Sam. "Svarta skjortor och svarta kjolar : En undersökning om fascistiska suffragetter och British Union of Fascists kvinnosyn." Thesis, Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-51772.
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Denna uppsats ämnar finna de faktorer som drev före detta suffragetter till att ansluta sig till den fascistiska organisationen British Union of Fascists (BUF), samt redogöra för organisationens syn på kvinnors och kvinnors roll i samhället. BUF grundades 1932 och var den största och mest framstående fascistiska gruppen i Storbritannien under mellankrigstiden. I samband med att organisationen nådde sin höjd i mitten av 1930-talet blev den ökänd för sina våldsamma möten och konfrontationer med politiska motståndare. De våldsamma metoderna som fascisterna använde skulle alienera dem från den breda brittiska politiken. När BUF proklamerade sitt stöd för Adolf Hitlers Nazityskland kom organisationen att fördömas av både den brittiska allmänheten och de etablerade partierna. British Union of Fascists skulle motsätta sig andra världskriget och uppmanade regeringen att förbjuda organisationen och arresterade många högtuppsatta medlemmar 1940. Fascismen var känd för att ha en patriarkal, traditionalistisk och reaktionär syn på kön och kvinnor. Men trots detta lyckades organisationen attrahera tidigare suffragetter. Så hur kunde de som tidigare kämpat för jämställdhet gå med i en rörelse som motsatte sig jämställdhet? Vilken syn hade BUF på kvinnan och kvinnorollen? För att svara på detta har jag studerat och analyserat ideologisk text skrivna av organisationens grundare och ledare Oswald Mosley samt andra fascistiska medlemmar. Jag har också använt mig av tillgänglig forskning från etablerade professorer och historiker för att nå en slutsats. Resultatet visar att British Union of Fascists hade en mycket traditionalistisk och reaktionär syn på kvinnan och kvinnorollen. Svaghet betraktades och beskrivs som feminint och manlighet betraktades och beskrivs som styrka. BUF ansåg att kvinnan rent naturligt föredrog hemmet framför arbete och att moderskapet var kvinnans högsta kallelse i livet. Fascisterna betraktade kvinnors framgångar i kampen för jämställdhet som samhällets degeneration och förfall. Resultaten visar även att det fanns många faktorer som drev de tidigare suffragetterna till British Union of Fascists. Vilka faktorer som var avgörande beror på suffragetten i fråga. I min forskning har jag hittat tre exempel på tidigare suffragetter som gick med i BUF. Dessa var Norah Dacre Fox, Mary Sophia Allen och Mary Richardson. De faktorer som fick Norah Dacre Fox att ansluta sig till BUF var primärt möjligheten för sig och sin partner att få politiska karriärer. Fox hävdade att BUF var suffragettrörelsens arvtagare men jag har inte hittat några bevis för att detta var en primär faktor som fick henne att gå med i organisationen. De faktorer som fick Mary Sophia Allen att gå med i BUF var sannolikt krigsutbrottet 1939. Allen var sedan tidigare en beundrare av Adolf Hitler vilket troligtvis fick henne att motsätta sig ett krig mot dennes regim. Hon tjänstgjorde även under första världskriget och var troligtvis väl medveten om krigets fasor, något som kan ha bidragit till att hon motsatte sig ett nytt krig. De faktorer som fick Mary Richardson att gå med BUF var att hon ansåg att organisation och fascismen som ideologi var det enda som kunde rädda landet från stagnation. Richardson såg också mycket i BUF som påminde henne om suffragettrörelsen, och som en militant suffragett i sin ungdom kan BUFs militarism och paramilitära aktioner ha varit attraktiva. Det är därför troligt att de faktorer som fick Richardson att gå med i fascisterna var en kombination mellan att tro på dem som en politisk kraft såväl som deras militanta tillvägagångssätt. Richardson lämnade organisationen efter interna bråk och kom att anklaga organisationen för att i själva verket motarbeta kvinnors rättigheter. Strävan efter jämlikhet kan därför mycket väl ha varit en bidragande faktor till att hon anslöt sig till fascisterna, men jag har inte hittat några bevis som uttryckligen pekar på detta.This essay revolves around the fascist organization British Union of Fascists (BUF) and their view on women and women’s role in society. It also examines former suffragettes who joined the organization, with the goal of establishing which factors contributed to them seeking membership in the organization. Founded in 1932, the BUF was the largest and most prominent fascist group in the United Kingdom during the interwar period. Reaching its peak in the mid-1930s, the organization would become infamous for violent rallies and clashes with political opponents. The violent methods of the fascists would alienate them from mainstream British politics. And the organization would be condemned by both the British political establishment and British public after pleading their allegiance to Adolf Hitlers Nazi Germany. The British Union of Fascists would oppose the second world war, prompting the government to ban the organization and arresting numerous high-ranking members in 1940. Fascism was known for having a patriarchal, traditionalist and reactionary view on gender and women. But despite this fact, the organization managed to attract former suffragettes. So how come that those who fought for equality between the sexes would join a movement that opposed the same? How did British Union of Fascists view women and the female role? To answer this, I have studied, and analysed ideological text written by the organizations founder and leader Oswald Mosley, alongside other fascist members. I have also used available research by established professors and historians to reach a valid conclusion. The result shows that the British Union of Fascists had a highly traditional and reactionary view on women. Weakness was viewed and described as feminine, while masculinity was viewed and described as strength. The group regarded the home as women’s natural habitat, and childbirth as their highest calling in life. The fascists viewed women’s recent achievements in the struggle for equality as the degeneration and downfall of society. The results also shows that there were numerous factors that drove the former suffragettes, each depending on the suffragette in question. In my research I have found three examples of former suffragettes who joined the BUF. These were Norah Dacre Fox, Mary Sophia Allen and Mary Richardson. The factors that made Norah Dacre Fox join the BUF was primarily the possibility of herself and her partner to gain political careers through the organization. Fox did argue that she viewed the BUF as successors to the suffragette movement, but I have not found any evidence that proves that this was a primary factor for her joining the BUF. The factors that made Mary Sophia Allen join the BUF were most likely the outbreak of the second world war. She was an admirer of Adolf Hitler which probably made her oppose a war against his regime. She also served during the first world war, something that might have contributed to her opposing a new war due the horrors of warfare. Mary Richardson joined the BUF because she believed that the organization and the ideology of fascism were needed to save to country from its downfall. Richardson also saw a lot in the BUF that remined her of the suffragette movement, and as a militant suffragette in her youth the BUFs militarism and paramilitary actions might have been attractive. It is therefore likely that the factors that made Richardson join the fascists were a combination between agreeing with their views on the degeneration of British society as well as their militant actions. Richardson did leave the organization after a falling-out with its leader, and she would accuse the group of working against women’s rights. The pursuit of equality might very well have been a contributing factor for joining, but I have not found any evidence that explicitly points to this.
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Nicolodi, Fiamma. "The Italian Fascism." Bärenreiter Verlag, 2012. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A71799.
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Anastasakis, Othon Evangelos. "Authoritarianism in 20th century Greece : ideology and education under the dictatorships of 1936 and 1967." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1304/.
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This study examines the authoritarian ideology and educational policy of two dictatorial regimes of 20th century Greece: the Metaxas' dictatorship of 1936-1941 (the 4th of August regime); and the military junta of 1967-1974 (the 21st of April regime). Although viewed comparatively, the regimes in question are shown to have been different, due to crucial differences stemming from their contemporary international and domestic settings. Moreover, their ideologies were shaped by the way dictatorial rulers perceived and interpreted their reality. Influenced by the inter-war fascist context, the 4th of August regime tried to accommodate a radical fascist rhetoric to a nationalistic and traditionalist set of beliefs. Metaxas' perception of reality was exemplified in his educational policy, through which the dictator unsuccessfully tried to mobilise from above the youth, on the imported model of the fascist youth movements. The 21st of April regime contrasted sharply with the post-war international liberal environment, while its ideology was marked by the distinct and often contradictory mentalities of the colonels. The contradictions and inconsistencies of the military mind were reproduced at the educational level, as the military rulers attempted to demobilise a highly organised youth, to reverse the previous liberal educational reforms and to appoint loyalists to key posts. So, while the 4th of August saw the legitimation of its authority in the use of an openly authoritarian discourse and the mobilisation of the youth, the 21st of April regime, by contrast, torn by the conflicting mentalities of its military rulers, sought legitimacy through clientelistic networks of support and the demobilisation of the youth.
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Schonbach, Morris. "Native American Fascism during the 1930s and 1940s a study of its roots, its growth, and its decline /." New York : Garland Pub, 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/12419923.html.
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Rizi, Fabio Fernando. "Benedetto Croce and Italian fascism." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56264.pdf.
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Jankowski, P. F. "'Fascism' in Marseille, 1936-1944." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384791.
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Rivalta, Clea. "Representing fascism in the Italian post-fascist novel (1945-1965) : Alberto Moravia, Vitaliano Brancati and Vasco Pratolini." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/62033/.
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In this thesis I intend to analyse a selection of novels written between circa 1945 and 1965, which take the Fascist milieu as their subject. My aim is to investigate how the national past was revisited and reconstructed from the perspective of the newborn Italian Republic. The choices adopted by the selected writers in featuring a relatively 'new' kind of character, the 'Fascist', not only reveal the position of a single author in dealing with Fascism, but are linked to a wider process of manipulation, transmission and sometimes creation of a precise stereotype. The latter, even though revisited differently by each author, shows comparable features and recurrent themes and reveals a complex combination of continuity and reaction in the writers' relationship with the national past. A comparative approach aims to show how the representation of Fascism which emerges from the novels under examination, is related to and/or distant from other readings of the regime (namely political, psychoanalytical, sociological) in the first years after its fall, and it will lead to an analysis of the relationship of the writers with ideology and commitment in general. The thesis focuses on the presence of Fascist characters associated with and described through sexuality and erotic power relations, and the relationship between mass and the individual, which constitute a recurring and not yet fully explored theme in Italian post-war fiction. The thesis is structured in four parts. Part one explores the phase of transition from the regime to the Republic and the relationship between Fascism and fiction during and after the regime. It goes on to explore the representation of the figure of the Duce in literature and some works which combine sexuality and the representation of the regime, such as some novels by Carlo Emilio Gadda and Corrado Alvaro. Part two analyses the novel, Il conformista, by Alberto Moravia and some aspects of his relationship with Fascism. It investigates his representation of Fascism through homosexuality, the negative depiction of anti-Fascism, and the use of psychoanalysis as a key to understanding Fascism. Part three analyses Vitaliano Brancati's work, with a focus on his novel Il bell'Antonio, and the ironic connection between Fascism and gallismo. The chapter investigates the relationship between eros and passivity in the framework of the will to power of Fascism. Part four explores the work of Vasco Pratolini and it is divided in two sections. The first section focuses on the character of 'La signora' in Cronache di poveri amanti, an old lesbian woman who, according to many scholars, symbolizes the Duce. The second section of this chapter examines Un eroe del nostro tempo, a novel in which the character of the 'young Fascist' is represented in the context of post-1945 Italy. It deals with the problem of transition to post-Fascism of a generation who grew up under Fascism and is unprepared to face the new social and political system. This research into the representation of Fascism aims to offer new perspectives into the socio-cultural transformation and transmission of ideas as well as to reveal new affinities and diversities between some major Italian writers. Moreover, this thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of a delicate and controversial historical period, such as that of post-'45 Italy, and to the history of the rhetorical tropes that underlie representations of the Italian national self in contemporary literature.
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Pasero, Annalisa. "Fascism and the Bedouin of Cyrenaica." Thesis, University of Reading, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241352.
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McBride, Michelle. "From indifference to internment : an examination of RCMP responses to nazism and fascism in Canada from 1934 to 1941 /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq23157.pdf.
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Thomas, Ashley James. "Fascism and three modernists : an examination of the fascism of Ezra Pound, Wyndham Lewis and T.S. Eliot /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09art545.pdf.
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Lechner, Stefan. ""Die Eroberung der Fremdstämmigen" Provinzfaschismus in Südtirol 1921-1926 /." Innsbruck : Wagner, 2005. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/62554065.html.
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Mitchell, Andrew Martin. "Fascism in East Anglia : the British Union of Fascists in Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex, 1933-1940." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3071/.
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This thesis examines five key issues relating to the emergence and development of the British Union of Fascists in Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex between 1933 and 1940. Firstly, it provides an analytical account of the B. U. F.'s involvement in the East Anglian `tithe war' during 1933-1934, which pays particular attention to fascist motivation, the extent of Blackshirt anti-tithe activism, and the various constraints limiting the impact of the Mosleyite interventionist strategy. Secondly, the B. U. F. 's anti-war policy and the government's implementation of Defence Regulation 18B (IA) are discussed in a regional context. Evidence from the three counties is used to give qualified endorsement to revisionist arguments, which maintain that the Blackshirt Peace Campaign boosted recruitment and attracted disaffected pro-appeasement middle class Tories. Reasons are also put forward to explain why the 18B round-up of B. U. F. adherents in eastern England proceeded in such an inconsistent manner. Thirdly, the size and social characteristics of the local Blackshirt support base are investigated. Approximate recruitment levels for active and non-active members in Norfolk, Suffolk and provincial Essex between 1934 and late 1938 are calculated, and detailed analysis of a sample of 230 Mosleyites from the area affords a valuable insight into the social class and occupational structure of the local movement. Fourthly, this thesis considers the protean nature of the B. U. F. 's appeal from both a `regional ' and `national' perspective by consulting the oral and written testimonies of 22 `East Anglian' and 75 other Blackshirt adherents. Finally, the various external and internal factors hampering the B. U. F. 's progress in the three counties are discussed within the framework of a conjunctural model of fascist political success. A number of key constraints, including unfavourable socio-economic conditions, a lack of `political space', internal deficiencies and state management of domestic fascism, marginalised the local Blackshirt movement.
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Warren, Alec J. "Britain's Green Fascists: Understanding the Relationship between Fascism, Farming, and Ecological Concerns in Britain, 1919-1951." UNF Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/755.
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This study explores the relationship between fascism, fascist ideas, and environmental consciousness in Britain during the pre- and post-World War II decades. In examining this topic, two main questions arise. First, why did fascist intellectuals support environmentally conscious ideas, and how did they relate these positions to their political ideologies? Second, why were many environmentally conscious thinkers during this period attracted to fascism? This thesis will also address several related issues regarding fascism and environmental consciousness. These issues include what role environmental concerns played in the British Union of Fascist’s platforms and in fascism’s public appeal, and how that role changed as the party’s needs and goals changed. This project also addresses how former members of the BUF drew attention to environmental issues after World War II, and how such ideas related to broader environmental discussions taking place in Britain at the time.
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Ronayne, Anne. "Close encounters : surrealism, women and anti-fascism." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.414911.
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Gottlieb, Julie V. "Women and fascism in inter-war Britain." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272407.
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Winberg, Martin. "Battling at two fronts. Friendship, loyalty and fascism in Requiem for a Malta Fascist by Francis Ebejer." Thesis, Växjö universitet, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5325.
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A discussion about the role of fascism and the influence it has on the relations between the protagonist Lorenz and the characters Paul, Elena and Kos in Requiem for a Malta fascist by the Maltese author Francis Ebejer, as well as a brief historical background as to why Malta ended up in their de facto tangibly decisive situation during the Second World War. The discussion also treats subjects like loyalty and priority and how these are affected in a time of national and international crisis.
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Kothé, Marc U. "Brown fascism and red fascism : analogies, schemas, and the transfer of the Nazi image onto the Soviet Union, 1940-1946." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1269526984.
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Nastri, Massimiliano. "The deep blue line : Irish fascism and the relations between the Free State, the Vatican and Fascist Italy, 1929-1934." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678208.
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This work examines the general question of Irish Fascism, considering the Blueshirts as evidence of the crises within the government party, Cumann na nGaedheal (CG), and of its attempt at resolving them. With a European perspective, it intends to demonstrate how CG's political crisis was comparable to the inter-war one when, confronted by increasing level of people's participation and mass militancy, European liberal-conservative parties feared for the established order, its social bases and the freedoms associated with a restrictive interpretation of the constitution. With an Irish perspective, this work snows the plurality of nationalist traditions and their adaptive capabilities to provide a version of history useful and meaningful for political practice. In this regard CG's crisis was due to a paralyzing dichotomy of traditions, O'Higgins' Statist defence of a bourgeois hierarchy - big farmers, big landowners, free marketers - and Collins' legacy of pro-Treaty populist republicanism. That dichotomy corresponded to the instable alliance between social and political groups, the Catholic hierarchy, former Unionist, IPP supporters, ex-1916 insurgents. Both sides held an elitist approach that weakened the democratic adaptability of the party. The elitist defence of the social status quo enshrined in the Treaty drifted into the neutralization of politics (emergency legislation, rumours of a coup) and, once in opposition, the formation and hiring of a self-defence paramilitary force. This thesis contends that refutations of Irish Fascism overstated ideological correctness at the expense of fascism's pragmatic ambiguity, its violence conservative and revolutionary in terms of order.
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Bastarache, Martin J. "Nishida Kitaro and the Question of Japanese Fascism." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20203.
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There has been considerable debate within the field of Japanese intellectual history with respect to the influence of Nishida Kitarō (1870-1945) on the ideological foundations and philosophical justification of Japanese fascism. One of the most influential Japanese thinkers of the twentieth century and widely considered to be the father of modern Japanese philosophy, his contemporary relevance is considered to be at risk should these accusations be true. As such, contemporary scholars have attempted to show how Nishida’s philosophy was decidedly anti-fascist, and that he was in fact opposed to the actions of the wartime regime. However, as this thesis will argue, by considering Nishida’s philosophy within the larger historical context of global modernity one can see that his contemporary relevance lies in just that which allows one to consider his thought as fascist, his critique of modernity. Nishida was reacting to the transforming social and cultural landscapes that had followed the modernization of Japan initiated by the Meiji Restoration (1868). As a result, he attempted to posit a transhistorical ideal of Japanese culture, embodied concretely in the Emperor that could withstand the social abstractions of modernity. However, it was ultimately his failure to grasp his own conditions of possibility in the very modernity that he was critiquing that pushed his thought increasingly to the right, helping to fuel and legitimize the emerging fascist ideology.
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Bevington, Oliver David. "David Jones's contemporary response to fascism, 1938-1941." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/3f2ed792-ac3b-40e6-9ef4-408ada6cc6f8.
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Longo, S. "Culture, tourism and fascism in Venice 1919-1945." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2005. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1416334/.
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The thesis engages with recent debates surrounding the relationship between culture, ideology and politics in Venice under Italian Fascism. It aims to establish if the Fascist project for the 'nationalization of the masses' through culture was successfully promoted in Venice, or whether local economic interests were afforded a higher priority by the town authorities. It argues that local elites were not primarily concerned with the endorsement of Fascist ideology through cultural politics but considered exhibitions, plays, concerts and festivals to be the route to boosting economic growth through the development of the tourist industry. The thesis examines the ways in which the Venetian municipality was able to work with the Fascist regime, co-operating with national political directives provided these did not contradict the primary objective of restructuring and reviving the Venetian economy. Cultural policies in Venice were thus less a vehicle for Fascist ideology than a pragmatic means of injecting new life into the flagging post-war economy through the development of new forms of 'cultural tourism'. Festivals, exhibitions and traditional events were placed at the service not of the Fascist programme of mass cultural mobilisation, but of local business and political elites whose interests ultimately depended upon the revitalization of commercial tourism and the economic and social rejuvenation of the Veneto region. The familiar image of a 'totalitarian' state penetrating deep into all aspects of society is in need of serious qualification and a more realistic interpretation of Fascism in Venice must take account of the complex and sometimes ambiguous relationship between the national interest, as constructed by ideologically-driven Fascist organs and agencies, and the requirements of institutions and elites at the local level.
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Faramelli, Anthony. "Revolution, fascism and resistance : from Fanon to Zapatismo." Thesis, Kingston University, 2014. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/32216/.
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This thesis explores the relationship between revolution and fascism. While subjectivities produced by revolution are assumed to be inherently antifascist, through a sustained analysis of contemporary theories of revolution and the theory and praxis of Frantz Fanon, this thesis will argue that revolution's bio- politics, Prometheanism and accelerated temporality inevitably cause revolutionary projects to reproduce the very fascistic structures they intended to dismantle. This thesis will conclude with an analysis of zapatismo, the theoretical praxis of the zapatistas in Chiapas, Mexico. Arguing against reading zapatismo as a classic Marxist revolutionary system or Orientalizing it within anthropological terms, this thesis will demonstrate how zapatismo functions as what Felix Guattari terms a “metamodel”, and opens up a system of revolutionary change that is achieved through a practice of constant resistance. As it is used in this thesis, fascism is explicitly not limited to statist manifestations of totalitarian regimes, what will be termed “macro” fascisms. Rather fascism represents any form of domination of one group over another. This is explicitly not limited to totalitarian states, but also located within smaller social groups and individuals, what Deleuze and Guattari termed “microfascisms”. The term fascism is intended to have an affective response and through its use this thesis intends to illicit a critical reading that would make an internal diagnostic mechanism, a mechanism for movements to analyse the ways in which power operates within the movement, integral to all revolutionary projects.
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Jordan, Jason L. "On the Merits of Fascism: A Manifesto Novel." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1458597083.
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Blohmé, Erik. "Nordic Fascism : Investigating the Political Project Behind Bollhusmötet." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444542.
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This thesis investigates the political project behind the infamous tennis hall meeting, commonly referred to as Bollhusmötet, that took place in February of 1939 in Uppsala, Sweden. Gathering in the local tennis hall, the members of the Uppsala Student Union decided to send a resolution to the Swedish king protesting the reception of Jewish refugees into Sweden in the wake of the 1938 November Pogrom. The protest was widely influential, spurring similar resolutions at other universities and arguably influencing Swedish refugee policy on a national level. The event itself was orchestrated by a group of nationalist students as part of a political project aiming to establish a Nordic power bloc with Sweden as the central power. This political milieu rejected the geopolitics of both England and Germany to promote a specific form of Nordic fascism. Antisemitism was a central part of their ideology, both regarding short- and long-term goals, and antisemitism was also the ultimate motive behind the tennis hall meeting. The architects of these events joined the mainstream conservative milieu in 1940 as part of a strategy to abolish the Swedish political system from within and restructure the Swedish state according to a fascist model bearing many similarities to national socialism.
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Cogni, Manuele. "Italian anti-fascism and the Spanish Civil War." Thesis, University of Reading, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.659020.
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The Spanish civil war was widely seen by contemporaries as part of the international struggle against fascism, but for the Italian anti-fascist volunteers fighting in defence of the Spanish republic the war also represented the first stage in the liberation of Italy. Approximately 5,000 Italian anti-fascists volunteered to fight for the Republic during the course of Spanish Civil War (1936-39). While the Comintern played a major role in organising the foreign volunteers in Spain, each national group brought its own concerns and aspirations to Spain. For the Italian volunteers, most of whom were exiles (juorusciti), the war was seen a means of re-establishing a link with the Italian masses by reinforcing their claim to represent an alternative national identity. They saw themselves as the representatives of an alternative, virtuous Italy which was inspired by the "Risorgimento popolare" and a re-working of the Risorgimento myth. The Italian anti-fascist press and radio broadcasts depicted the volunteers as the heirs to the volontarismo of the 19th century and used the popular heroes of the Risorgimento - especially Giuseppe Garibaldi - as symbols of the nationalist and internationalist struggle. The myth of the republican-democratic traditions of the Risorgimento served as a unifying force and Garibaldinismo was used to create an amorphous political shell which could contain mutually exclusive political forces. Very little space in the historiography has been dedicated to the Italian anti-fascists in Spain. This gap is significant as a study of the motives for the Italian anti-fascist participation in the Spanish conflict, and what the conflict represented to the main anti-fascist parties, deepens our understanding of the meaning of anti-fascism in the latter half of the 1930s, and the elements which drew the diverse anti-fascist parties together.
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Arvidsson, Adam. "Marketing modernity : Italian advertising from fascism to postmodernity /." London : Routledge, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb401228431.
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PRIORELLI, GIORGIA. "The idea of nation in Fascism and Falangism." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201176.
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The main goal of this research is to compare Italian and Spanish
Fascism in an organic and systematic manner on the basis of a guiding
idea - the idea of the nation and its evolution - never used in such a
comparison before.
The premise on which the thesis is based is that the myth of the
nation embraced all aspects of the Fascist phenomenon since its
origins. Starting from this assumption, it is not only possible but very
useful on the heuristic level to resort to the idea of nation and its
evolution as a parameter to compare diverse Fascist experiences.
Hence the choice to use the ideological construction of the nation as
the ‘property’ of comparison: namely the yardstick to identify
affinities and differences between the ‘objects’ to be compared, which
in this case are the Fascist and Falangist political-ideological
components within Mussolini’s and Franco’s regimes respectively.
The timeframe of this research dates from the early 1930s to the
early 1940s. It was decided to focus on this historical period, because
it was a decade of great political effervescence both in Italy and in
Spain, as well as internationally. In fact, although the Italian Fascist
Party had already existed for some time - while the Spanish one was
taking its first steps - the decade saw a significant acceleration in the
process of the two States’ fascistization. This was due both to
endogenous factors, the most glaring examples of which were
Mussolini’s decision to launch Italy into a quest for empire, as well as
the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War; and also to exogenous factors,
primarily the appearance on the European scene of National-socialist Germany led by Hitler. The study concludes in the biennium 1942-
1943. It was in 1942 that the project of Falangist nationalization of the
Spaniards effectively ended. This was akin to what happened in Italian
Fascism the following year, when Grandi’s Order of the Day on July
25 not only heralded the collapse of Mussolini’s regime, but also the
shattering of the dream to realize a great Fascist nation.
The research was conducted mainly on primary sources. Firstly,
the texts and certain discourses of doctrinal value of the main leaders
and theorists of Fascism and Falangism were studied systematically.
Secondly, press sources were examinated; specifically, all the issues
of the most important theoretical periodicals related to the two
countries’ Fascist movements. Along with press sources, programme
documents of the Pnf and the Falange, some diaristic sources and
normative texts were also analysed. As for secondary sources, there
was a constant interaction with the works of the most prominent
contemporary Italian and Spanish historians of Fascist and Falangist
phenomena. The analysis of articles appearing in the main Italian,
Spanish and international magazines on contemporary history in the
last thirty years completed the overview of sources for this work.
This thesis develops following a narrative thread in four scans,
each relating to a particular phase in the evolution of the idea of nation
in Fascist ideology. The first chapter analyses the origins of the idea
of nation in Fascism and Falangism, and the ways in which it was
articulated in the destruens and costruens phase of the two
movements. The second examines the theme of empire and whether it
represented a natural outpouring of the nationalist ideology of the Pnf
and the Falange. The third investigates the nature of the relationship
between nation and race. Finally, the fourth chapter highlights the
Fascist and National-syndicalist positions on the ‘New European
Order’ that, at the end of the 1930s, appeared to be on the verge of coming to fruition; and the role that, according to the camicie nere and
the camisas azules, Italy and Spain should have played in it.
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Arikan, E. Burak. "The extreme right-wing parties in Eastern and Western Europe : a comparison of the common ideological agenda." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294441.
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Visser, Myda Marista. "Die ideologiese grondslae en ontwikkeling van die blanke fascistiese bewegings in Suid-Afrika, 1945-1995." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2000. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-08022006-105452.
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La, Licata Fabrizio. "Il Fascismo Ibleo: Politica e Sindacato." Doctoral thesis, Università di Catania, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10761/1162.
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Il seguente lavoro si colloca all interno del filone di studi sui fascismi periferici e prova a ricostruire la ventennale vicenda fascista dell area iblea.
L attenzione è rivolta alla provincia rossa, culla del socialismo per eccellenza, che si sfrangia sotto i colpi di squadristi e fascisti.
All interno del fascismo periferico ibleo, sono presenti dei particolarismi locali: il fascismo di Ragusa si può definire pennavariano, dal nome del suo leader, Filippo Pennavaria; quello di Modica è di stampo notabiliare; quello di Vittoria è, invece, nelle mani della borghesia agraria, impersonata dalla potente famiglia Iacono.
Tutti questi particolarismi sono percossi da ataviche beghe paesane e lotte intestine, che non contribuiscono a migliorare il rapporto tra la popolazione e le istituzioni del regime. I dissapori presenti nella classe dirigente si intensificano allorquando Ragusa sarà elevata a capoluogo di provincia nel 1927.
Se il partito si affermò con rapidità, ben diversa fu l evoluzione del sindacato fascista, che dovette confrontarsi con la fitta rete associativa già esistente e intenzionata a mantenere inalterata la propria autonomia.
Vengono analizzati in maniera particolare i sindacati dell industria, volgendo lo sguardo al settore minerario-asfaltifero e i sindacati dell agricoltura, nella doppia configurazione dei datori di lavoro e dei prestatori d opera.
Inoltre, un ampio spazio è dedicato alle attività sindacali: tesseramento, assistenza, contrattazioni, ecc.
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Levin, Fanny. "Racisme et antisémitisme dans la presse italienne à l'époque fasciste (1922-1943) : entre propagande politique et journalistique." Thesis, Grenoble, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011GRENH019.
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Le problème du sort des Juifs en Italie est sans doute l'un des aspects les plus tragiques du totalitarisme fasciste. Depuis une vingtaine d'années, l'historiographie antisémite s'est grandement étoffée, s'attachant au fur et à mesure davantage aux caractères spécifiques du fascisme italien. L'étude entreprise dans cette thèse se place dans une perspective d'histoire politique et culturelle, puisqu'il s'agira de mettre à jour, à travers l'étude de la propagande, les caractéristiques du fascisme italien, afin de saisir la nature et la fonction du racisme et de l'antisémitisme en Italie. Les sources principales sur lesquelles se basent notre recherche sont trois quotidiens nationaux publiés à Milan. De par leur notoriété, mais surtout leur engagement quotidien à représenter les Juifs et les peuples colonisés comme une réalité stéréotypée et méprisable, ils furent en première ligne dans la dynamique de persécution. Laboratoire de la doctrine raciale, manuel pédagogique, terrain d'investigation sur la présence des Juifs en Italie, rouage de l'administration policière, ils ont largement contribué à l'élaboration d'une culture raciste et antisémite qui relançait le débat sur les valeurs de l'identité nationaleThe problem of the fate of the Jews in Italy is doubtless one of the most tragic aspects of the fascist totalitarianism. Since about twenty years, anti-Semitic historiography has greatly expanded, focusing on progressively more to the specific characteristics of Italian fascism. The study undertaken in this thesis is placed in a context of political and cultural history, since it will be to update, through the study of propaganda, the characteristics of Italian fascism to understand the nature and function of racism and anti-Semitism in Italy. The main sources on which to base our research are three national daily newspapers published in Milan. Of their celebrity, but also their daily commitment to represent the Jews and the colonized peoples as a stereotypical reality and despicable, they were at the forefront of the dynamics of persecution. Racial doctrine laboratory, teaching manual, field of investigation on the presence of Jews in Italy, train of the police administration, they have greatly contributed to the development of a culture of racism and anti-Semite who relaunched the debate on values of national identity
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Di, Rosa Aladino. "Citizen Mussolini : British Conservatives and Italian Fascism, 1922-1929 /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1986. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ard599.pdf.
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Wolfreys, James Charles Laurence. "The emperor's new clothes : fascism and the Front National." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.262064.
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Dunnett, Jane Deborah. "The mito americano and Italian literary culture under fascism." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.430966.
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Kessler, Henry A. "The Palazzo della Civilta Italiana: From Fascism to Fendi." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1429640180.
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Cai, Zhipeng [Verfasser], and Nicola [Akademischer Betreuer] Spakowski. "Fascism in Republican China: a study of conceptual history." Freiburg : Universität, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1238605494/34.
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Lisiecki, Chet. "Lyric Poetry, Conservative Poetics, and the Rise of Fascism." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/18532.
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As fascist movements took hold across Europe in the 1920s and 1930s, there emerged a body of lyric poetry concerned with revolution, authority, heroism, sacrifice, community, heritage, and national identity. While the Nazi rise to power saw the deception, persecution, and brutalization of conservatives both in the Reichstag and in the streets, these themes resonated with fascists and conservatives alike, particularly in Germany. Whether they welcomed the new regime out of fear or opportunism, many conservative beneficiaries of National Socialism shared, and celebrated in poetry, the same ideological principles as the fascists.
Such thematic continuities have made it seem as though certain conservative writers, including T. S. Eliot, Stefan George, and Hugo von Hofmannsthal, were proto-fascist, their work cohering around criteria consonant with fascist ideology. My dissertation, however, emphasizes the limits of such cohesion, arguing that fascist poetry rejects, whereas conservative poetry affirms, the possibility of indeterminacy and inadequacy. While the fascist poem blindly believes it can effect material political change, the conservative poem affirms the failure of its thematic content to correspond entirely to material political reality. It displays neither pure political commitment nor aesthetic autonomy, suspending these categories in an unresolved tension.
Paul de Man's work on allegory hinges on identifying a reading practice that addresses this space between political commitment and aesthetic autonomy. His tendency to forget the immanence of history, however, is problematic in the context of fascism. Considering rhetorical formalism alongside dialectical materialism, in particular Adorno's essay "Lyric Poetry and Society," allows for a more rounded and ethical methodological approach. The poetic dramatization of the very indeterminacy that historically constituted conservative politics in late-Weimar Germany both distinguishes the conservative from the fascist poem while also accounting for its complicity. Fascism necessitated widespread and wild enthusiasm, but it also succeeded through the (unintentional) proliferation of political indifference as registered, for example, by the popularity of entertainment literature. While the work of certain conservative high modernists reflected critically on its own failures, such indeterminacy nonetheless resembles the failure to politically commit oneself against institutionalized violence and systematic oppression.
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Saito, Nádia. "A formação do facismo no Japão de 1929 a 1940." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-29082012-092205/.
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A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar a experiência japonesa e a aplicabilidade do conceito fascismo ao período compreendido entre a Grande Crise do fim dos anos 1920 e o fechamento total dos partidos e dos sindicatos. O caso japonês é, muitas vezes, tratado como desprezível, por se referir a uma experiência fora dos perímetros ocidentais e, também, traz consigo uma forma de esquivar-se de cada particularidade dentro de uma universalidade. O Japão, após a implantação do capitalismo em fins do século XIX, passa por diversas transformações orientadas pela mesma lógica de reprodução. A partir das distinções do caso japonês e de generalizações do conceito fascismo, foi possível perceber a unidade dos processos político-sociais. O resultado de uma arquitetura de dominação, desde a esfera social até os movimentos políticos da economia, foi exposto neste trabalho.This study aimed to analyze the Japanese experience and the concept of \"fascism\" due the period between the Great Crisis of the late 1920s and the total closure of parties and unions. The Japanese case is often treated as negligible, because it refers to an out of the western perimeter, and also brings with it a way to dodge every particular within a universality. Japan, after the capitalism introduction in the late nineteenth century, goes through several transformations driven by the same logic of reproduction. From the Japanese case distinctions and generalizations of the concept of \"fascism\", it was possible to make out the unity of political and social processes. The result of an architecture of domination was exposed in this work, from the social sphere to the political movements of the economy.
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Filho, Fermin Vañó Ivorra. "Luiz Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre: o teatro de resistência sob os regimes fascistas ibéricos." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8150/tde-30082012-105108/.
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Luiz Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre: o teatro de resistência sob os regimes fascistas ibéricos tem como objetivo pesquisar e analisar a literatura dramática desses dois artistas e escritores contemporâneos, representantes de suas gerações literárias, que produziram peças originais, perturbadoras, mordazes, engajadas ideologicamente contra os regimes autoritários da península ibérica e, por esse fato, foram sistematicamente censurados. O trabalho tem como objeto a produção dramática de Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre entre os anos de 1944 e 1974, anos marcados pela repressão e censura do fascismo ibérico, assim como, pelo fim da segunda grande guerra, pela iminência da Guerra Fria, pela ameaça nuclear e pelo drástico cerceamento à liberdade durante os governos totalitários de Portugal e Espanha. Faremos observar alguns aspectos históricos, sociais e políticos da contínua decadência peninsular deste período, questões que aproximam ambos escritores ainda mais, e que enfaticamente influenciaram na formação dos temas, nas concepções artísticas e nas literárias dos dramas desses dois autores de povos vizinhos. Um panorama da vida e obra de cada autor, em seu respectivo contexto histórico, fez-se aqui necessário para vislumbrar o percurso realizado por cada um deles e o desenvolvimento de suas respectivas produções literárias. Testemunhas comprometidas com esse período fascista ibérico, Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre, ao término da II Guerra Mundial, no prelúdio literário de suas vidas, decidiram criar uma dramaturgia de vanguarda e resistência. Peças teatrais, frutos do inconformismo de uma época conturbada e repressora; obras características de um teatro que apostava em mudanças e, sobretudo, buscava alguma reação sinestésica de suas respectivas sociedades.Luiz Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre: the theater of opposition under Iberian fascist regimes aims to research and analyze the dramatic literature of these two contemporary artists and writers, representatives of their literary generations, which produced original pieces, disturbing, spicy, ideologically engaged against the authoritarian regimes of the Iberian Peninsula, and this fact, systematically censored. The work is focused on the dramatic production of Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre between the years 1944 and 1974, years marked by the collective Iberian fascism, by the end of the Second World War, the imminence of the Cold War, the nuclear threat and the drastic curtailment of freedom during the totalitarian governments of Portugal and Spain. We will look at some historical, social and political decay of the continuous period of peninsular issues that bring both further and strongly influenced the formation of the themes of artistic and literary conceptions of the tragedies of these two authors of their neighbours. A wide panel of life and work of each author in their respective historical context, it was necessary to glimpse here the route taken by each of them and develop their literary productions. Witnesses committed to this Iberian fascist period, Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre, at the end of World War II, in the prelude of their literary lives, decided to create a vanguard and opposition theater. Plays, result of the nonconformity of a tumultuous and repressive time; works features a drama, which believed on changes and, especially, tried some synaesthetic reaction of their respective companies.
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Caron, Giuseppe Rafael. "Discursos de Benito Mussolini: permanências e mudanças (1919-1922)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2015. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/12876.
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This research, under the guidance of Prof. Dr. Antonio Pedro Tota, has as theme the ideology modification of Italian fascism from 1919 to 1922. The objective is to observe through Benito Mussolini's speeches the transformation of fascism before the seizure of power through of March on Rome. This work respond the following questions: Which led the Italian fascism to change in that short period of time? and What was fascism movement? As methodology was analyzed the speeches given by Duce in the years before the fascist government. The two of the leading historians of fascism, Renzo de Felice and Emilio Gentile together with Frances Speech analysis provided the theoretical basis for this research. As a result, we point out the need of fascism in negotiating with your audience, adapting to their realities, in addition, we can observe the increasing approximation of fascism with Italian culture
Esta pesquisa, sob orientação do Prof. Dr. Antonio Pedro Tota, tem por tema as modificações ideológicas do fascismo italiano entre os anos de 1919 a 1922. Seu objetivo é observar, por meio dos discursos de Benito Mussolini, as transformações que o fascismo estava sofrendo antes da tomada do poder através da Marcha sobre Roma. Este trabalho pretende responder às seguintes perguntas: O que levou o fascismo italiano a se modificar nesse curto espaço de tempo? e O que foi esse fascismo movimento? . Como metodologia foram analisados os discursos pronunciados pelo Duce nos anos que antecedem o governo fascista. O trabalho de dois dos principais historiadores do fascismo, Renzo de Felice e Emilio Gentile, associado às técnicas da Escola Francesa de Análise do Discurso, serviram de fundamentação teórica a esta pesquisa. Como resultado, apontamos a necessidade do fascismo em negociar com o seu público, adaptando-se assim a suas realidades. Além disso, iremos observar a identificação cada vez maior do fascismo com a cultura italiana
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Susser, Leslie. "Fascist and anti-fascist attitudes in Britain between the wars." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.480715.
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Tilles, Daniel. "'Jewish decay against British revolution' : the British Union of Fascists' antisemitism and Jewish responses to it." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2012. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/3f8d58cc-857b-44b3-5d27-f89d441c61cf/8/.
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Research into the British Union of Fascists (BUF) has treated antisemitism largely as an artificial addition to the party's programme, forced upon it by various circumstances. Scholars have thus focused almost exclusively on its causes and implications, rather than the antisemitism itself: the forms that it took, the ways in which it was expressed, and its relationship to the party's ideology. Through comprehensive analysis of the BUF's discourse, as well as of the discussions that took place within the party, this thesis reveals that anti-Jewish sentiment was, in fact, openly expressed at the very highest levels of the movement from the outset and, moreover, that it formed an integral and authentic aspect of its doctrine. This reflected its central position in the fascist philosophy of the BUF's founder and leader, Oswald Mosley, who was not, as is often argued, a reluctant antisemite. In fact, he played the principal role in the formulation and promulgation of this aspect of policy. More broadly, Mosley's antisemitism is shown to be indicative of ‘generic' fascism's exclusionary ultranationalism, which dictates intolerance of distinctive out-groups deemed incompatible with the fascist vision of a pure, homogenous society, and whose removal is regarded as a necessary prerequisite to bring about national rebirth. This did not, however, mean that the BUF's position on the Jewish question was at all imitative, and this study will demonstrate the extent to which it was founded upon longstanding native traditions of anti-Jewish thought. With regard to the second subject of this thesis, Jewish responses to the BUF, historical accounts have tended to focus only on the most visible forms of activity, and above all the type of confrontational anti-fascism that was favoured by many young, working-class Jews, particularly in London's East End. By exploring a much wider range of Jewish analyses and actions, this study presents a more nuanced and variegated picture. In doing so, it demonstrates that, rather than exacerbating divisions within Britain's heterogeneous Jewish community, the threat of fascism actually drew it closer together in its defence, bringing to the surface a shared sense of Anglo-Jewish identity. Finally, although revealing the breadth and effectiveness of Jewish opposition to British fascism, this study refutes the widely held notion that Jewish actions played any part in pushing the BUF and Mosley towards an antisemitic position.
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Pugh, Peter Richard. "A political biography of Alexander Raven Thomson." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2003. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3427/.
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This thesis has been an attempt to isolate the contribution that was made to the fascist movements of Sir Oswald Mosley by Alexander Raven Thomson. Despite featuring in most studies of Mosley's fascist enterprises, until this study little was known of his life and thus the proper context for his work had been lost. In this attempt to analyse Raven Thomson a chronological structure has been adopted. Special attention has, however, been placed on his developing thought in response to Oswald Spengler's prognosis for the future of Europe, before and after his acceptance of fascism in both its inter-war and post-war incarnations. This has enabled new insights into his Corporate State ideas within fascism and the anti-Semitic campaign within which he was an active participant, both of which had been the source of previous academic interest. Unlike other studies in this field which present the reader with either an examination of Mosley fascism to 1940 or British fascists after the war, this study bridges this artificial gap and thus seeks to illustrate the continuity of fascism in Britain. This longer period of study allows for wartime internment and Raven Thomson's part in the revival of fascism to be fully discussed. The result is a biography that attempts to place the subject within its proper context.
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Holland, Ailsa. "The city of dreams and the city of stern reality : British literature and the experience of Vienna in the 1930s." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268633.
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Iguchi, Gerald Scott. "Nichirenism as modernism imperialism, fascism, and buddhism in modern Japan /." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3222992.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 20, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 314-328).