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Journal articles on the topic 'Fascism'
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1
Levy, Carl. "Fascism, National Socialism and Conservatives in Europe, 1914-1945: Issues for Comparativists." Contemporary European History 8, no. 1 (March 1999): 97–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399000156.
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This article reviews recent literature on comparative fascism. It first examines the definition of fascism (the fascist minimum). The discussion of comparative fascism that follows focuses on the relationship between fascists and conservatives. It also analyses the comparability of various fascisms and National Socialism.
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Bolt, Mikkel. "Senfascismens æstetisering af (den hvide) arbejderklasse." Tidskrift för litteraturvetenskap 49, no. 2-3 (January 1, 2019): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54797/tfl.v49i2-3.6637.
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Late Fascism’s Aestheticization of the (White) Working Class: Notes for a Communist Art Theory
The article presents a double take on what I propose to call late fascism in order to distinguish between the inter-war fascist movements and contemporary fascist parties and politicians. Firstly, I follow Walter Benjamin’s analysis of fascism as a question of aestheticization. Fascism is just as much a question of culture and ideology as a question of politics, and we need to map the specific fascist culture that contemporary fascist politicians produce. Secondly, I connect this analysis of fascist culture to an analysis of the specific class composition of late fascism, arguing that late fascism operates through a process of reverse victimization where a privileged white working class comes to see itself as threatened.
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TAMIR, DAN. "FROM A FASCIST'S NOTEBOOK TO THE PRINCIPLES OF REBIRTH: THE DESIRE FOR SOCIAL INTEGRATION IN HEBREW FASCISM, 1928–1942." Historical Journal 57, no. 4 (November 12, 2014): 1057–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000053.
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ABSTRACTApart from Italian fascism and German National-Socialism – the most famous fascisms of the interwar era – considerable research has been conducted during the past two decades about generic fascism: fascist groups, movements, and parties in other countries. In Israel, while the Revisionist Zionist movement has been continually accused by its political rivals of being fascist, these accusations have not yet been examined according to any comparative model of fascism. Relying on Robert Paxton's model of generic fascism, this article examines how one of its components – the drive for closer integration of the national community – was manifested in the writings of seven Revisionist activists in mandatory Palestine: Itamar Ben Avi, Abba Aḥime'ir, U. Z. Grünberg, Joshua Yevin, Wolfgang von Weisl, Zvi Kolitz, and Abraham Stern. Their writings between the years 1922 and 1942 reveal a strong drive for social integration, similar to that manifest in other fascist movements of the interwar era.
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Bartolini, Francesco. "Architettura e fascismo. Temi e questioni storiografiche." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 78 (October 2009): 125–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-078007.
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- Architecture and Fascism. Issues and interpretative perspectives examines the historical debate regarding Fascist architecture which has been ongoing over the last decade. In particular, it analyses some interpretative issues that have proven most interesting both for political historians and architectural historians: the existence of a «totalitarian style», the relationship between the Fascist regime and architects, the ideological connotation of urban and rural landscape, the legacy of the Fascist experience on the Italian Republic.Key words: Italian Architecture, Fascism, Totalitarianism, Urban and Rural History, Rome.Parole chiave: architettura italiana, fascismo, totalitarismo, storia urbana e rurale, Roma.
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Toscano, Alberto. "A Test of Names: Franco Fortini and Primo Levi on the Language of Anti-Fascism." CounterText 9, no. 2 (August 2023): 236–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/count.2023.0307.
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The 1960s and 1970s witnessed intense debates over the definition of fascism and the practice of anti-fascism among Italian communist and left-wing intellectuals. This article explores the political problem of how to name fascism, and the related issue of anti-fascist language, by homing in on the writings of poet and critic Franco Fortini – who debated the question of the ‘new fascism’ with Pier Paolo Pasolini – and the multiple efforts by Primo Levi to rethink the meaning of anti-fascism in the face of fascism's capacity to mutate under changing historical and political conditions.
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Henne, Steffen. "Revolution and Eternity." Fascism 3, no. 1 (April 12, 2014): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00301003.
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The conference ‘Revolution and Eternity – Fascism’s Temporality’ discussed the complex and meta-historical topic of ‘time and temporality’ with regards to the fascist experience of time, and ways of temporal thinking and acting with reference to German National Socialism, and fascism in Italy and Romania. The various papers examined specific national forms of fascism from the perspective of the concepts of political order and temporality (e.g. fascist interpretations of temporal dimensions – future, present and past). The conference revealed that the fascist view of time was based on specific (chrono)political practices (archaeology, filmmaking etc.) and that the inhumane politics of fascism were embedded in temporal paradigms that combined contradictory ideas of revolutionary acceleration with the eternal standstill of time.
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Hogg, James. "“Fascism Can Only Grow in Secrecy”: Greek and Yugoslavian Anti-Fascism in Melbourne’s “Long 1960s”." Labour History 126, no. 1 (May 2024): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/labourhistory.2024.8.
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Studies of post-war anti-fascism in Australia have recently generated new insights into the continuities and transformations of post-war fascist and anti-fascist organisations. However, despite this upsurge in scholarship, the 1960s remain neglected. This article revises this absence through a case study of the Committee for the Restoration of Democracy in Greece (CRDG), the Yugoslav Settlers’ Organisation (YSA), and its successor, The Committee for Democracy in Australia (CDA). It draws on press reports, left-wing publications, and security files to suggest the anti-fascisms of Melbourne in the 1960s were influenced by a parallel politics of anti-imperialism. It shows how both organisations were influenced by the historical experience of resisting fascism, particularly the concept of a “united front” that facilitated a pan-left struggle against fascism and wider systems of oppression and domination. In doing so, this article contributes to the growing historiography on varieties of anti-fascism and their overlap with related emancipation movements.
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Schargel, Sergio, and Julia de Oliveira Góes Guimarães. "Between Antifascism and Antifa: A Conversation with Mark Bray, Author of Antifa." Revista Brasileira de História 43, no. 92 (April 2023): 305–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1806-93472023v43n92-19.
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ABSTRACT Antifa, by Mark Bray, innovated in a field of study with wide coverage: fascism. Bray dared to look at the other and forgotten side: anti-fascism. In his book Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook, Bray deals not with anti-fascism as mere opposition to fascism, but with a tradition of political combat that dates back to the beginnings of Mussolini’s Fascism. It is noticeable in Antifa, and even in the interview that follows, the combination between the two universes of the author. Bray, an academic historian at Dartmouth College, analyzes historical and contemporary fascisms, as well as the evolution of the concept of fascism over the last century and the equally secular struggle of anti-fascists. But this is not just a book of academic or historiographical analysis. The militant side of the author (one of the organizers of Occupy Wall Street) emerges, especially in the dozens of interviews with anti-fascists around the world.
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LUZZATTO, SERGIO. "The Political Culture of Fascist Italy." Contemporary European History 8, no. 2 (July 1999): 317–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399002088.
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Mabel Berezin, Making the Fascist Self. The Political Culture of Interwar Italy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), 264 pp., ISBN 0-801-43202-2.Simonetta Falasca-Zamponi, Fascist Spectacle. The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini's Italy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 303 pp., ISBN 0-520-20623-1.Emilio Gentile, The Sacralization of Politics in Fascist Italy, trans. Keith Botsford (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1996), 208 pp., ISBN 0-674-78475-8; originally published as Il culto del littorio. La sacralizzazione della politica nell'Italia fascista (Rome-Bari: Laterza, 1993), 326 pp., ISBN 8-842-04384-2.Giorgio Israel and Pietro Nastasi, Scienza e razza nell'Italia fascista (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1998), 408 pp., ISBN 8-815-06736-1.Karen Pinkus, Bodily Regimes. Italian Advertising under Fascism (Minneapolis-London: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), 268 pp., ISBN 0-816-62562-XAdolfo Scotto di Luzio, L'appropriazione imperfetta. Editori, biblioteche e libri per ragazzi durante il fascismo (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1996), 301 pp., ISBN 8-815-05559-2.
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Ferrarini, Fabio. "‘Mediterraneo baltico’: Italian Fascist propaganda in Finland (1933–9)." Modern Italy 25, no. 4 (September 25, 2020): 389–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2020.51.
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This article focuses on Italian Fascist propaganda in Finland. Federico Finchelstein (2010) characterised fascism as a global-transnational doctrine with diverse reformulations, ramifications and permutations. Therefore, the Finnish case-study is useful in the analysis of Mussolini's twin struggle against Soviet Communism and the increasing Nazi threat in the Baltic in the 1930s and 1940s. This article will examine how Mussolini tried to keep in touch with Finnish fascists after Hitler's rise to power. Organisations and groups like the Lapua Movement and the Finnish Patriotic People's Movement were inspired by Italian Fascism and the success of the March on Rome encouraged their hope that they could take power in Finland. The ultimate failure of Finnish fascism has ensured the continued marginalisation of fascism as a research subject in the Finnish academic tradition. Yet, as Roger Griffin suggests, studies of peripheral and failed fascisms can also contribute important insights for understanding both the ‘centre’ of fascism, as well as modern nationalist extremist movements. Fascism as an international political phenomenon cannot be understood from rigidly national interpretative frameworks.
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Griffin, Roger. "Ghostbusting Fascism?" Fascism 11, no. 1 (May 13, 2022): 59–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10041.
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Abstract This article seeks to exorcise some of fascism’s more haunting taxonomic horrors by focusing on the multiple ‘phantasmagorical’ aspects of comparative fascist studies which thwart attempts to achieve definitive resolutions of such nebulous and contested issues as its relationship to the radical right. It first considers the lasting traumatic effect on collective memories resulting from the catastrophic scale of inhumanity and casualties generated by the Third Reich and the war needed to destroy it. It argues that the dark psychological shadow cast by World War II, along with Marxist essentialism and the speculative component of all conceptualization, has made mapping the relationship between fascism and the contemporary radical right particularly fraught not just with ideological controversy but even subliminal psychological factors that subvert objectivity. It then suggests how the difficulties such issues pose to modelling the relationship can be overcome by the consistent application of widely agreed ideal types of the key phenomena to establish the intricacies of fascism’s morphological adaptation to postwar realities and its often subtle interactions with new non-fascist forms of right. On this basis a complex but comprehensible and heuristically researchable relationship between fascism and the radical right looms into view which is spectral in a sense that owes more to natural science than the supernatural.
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Toscano, Alberto. "Capitalism without Capitalism." Res Publica. Revista de Historia de las Ideas Políticas 23, no. 3 (October 13, 2020): 365–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/rpub.71030.
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This article explores the theorisation of fascism across Žižek’s oeuvre, from the 1980s to the present. It situates his Lacanian response to the problematic category of ‘totalitarianism’ in its original Yugoslav context, foregrounding the critical function of the aesthetic praxis of over-identification, embodied by the Neue Slowenische Kunst and Laibach, in Žižek’s reflections. The article explores the manner in which Žižek provides distinctive answers to the classic topoi of critical theory’s confrontation with fascism: the typology and taxonomy of fascisms; the nature of fascist fantasy; the perverted utopian content and popular impact of fascism. Above all, it investigates the central place that the theorisation of fascism has in Žižek’s reformation of ideology-critique, especially in terms of the lessons it harbours about the functioning of the social law and the unconscious under capitalism.
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Wymer, Andres. "Punching Nazis? Preaching as Anti-Fascist Resistance." International Journal of Homiletics 3, no. 1 (September 7, 2018): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/ijh.2018.39452.
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In this essay I examine contours of fascism and anti-fascism through which we must interpret the current political climate in the USA. I suggest that anti-fascist preaching is a necessary response to fascism and proto-fascism, and I press for more aggressive, illiberal homiletical responses in the age of Trump. In order to meet a minimal definition of homiletical anti-fascist resistance, as I define it, preachers and homileticians need to actively, explicitly preach and lead in ways that intentionally render churches dangerous places for racist, fascist or proto-fascist expression – and perhaps simultaneously render them havens for those who are the targets of racism, fascism and proto-fascism. If Christian preaching had been intentionally and explicitly anti-racist and anti-fascist throughout the past century, the present political situation in which we find ourselves and the scars of fascism which haunt our country and the world might look much differently today.
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Solovyeva, А. "ANTIQUITY IN THE CINEMA OF ITALY AS AN ELEMENT OF THE PROPAGANDA OF FASCISM." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 6(72), no. 2 (2020): 166–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2020-6-2-166-173.
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The article is devoted to the study of the development of Italian cinema in the period of fascism. The author draws attention to the Italian film industry in the first quarter of the twentieth century. The article describes the process of monopolization of Italian film studios and its influence on the cinema of the fascist period. «Quo Vadis», «Cabiria» are considered in comparison with fascist films «Nerone», «Scipione l’africano». The author studies how the ancient heritage was used in films of the early twentieth century and in fascist films. This comparison illustrates how antique plots were used in the propaganda of politics and how films about antiquity performed the ideological function of legitimizing fascism in Italy during the fascism’s period.
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Hedinger, Daniel. "Universal Fascism and its Global Legacy. Italy’s and Japan’s Entangled History in the Early 1930s." Fascism 2, no. 2 (2013): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00202003.
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In the early 1930s, fascism emerged as a global phenomenon. In Europe, Mussolini’s Italy was the driving force behind this development, whereas in Asia the center of gravity lay in the Japanese Empire. But the relationship between Japan and the mother country of fascism, Italy, in the interwar period has been hardly examined. The following article thus focuses on the process of interaction and exchange between these two countries. Moreover, the question of Japanese fascism has previously been discussed from a comparative perspective and thereby generally with a Eurocentric bias. In contrast, this article adopts a transnational approach. Thus, the question under consideration is not whether Japan ‘correctly’ adopted Italian Fascism, so to speak, but rather the extent to which Japan was involved in the process of fascism’s globalization. I will show that the pattern of influence in the early 1930s was certainly not limited to a single West-East direction and that fascism cannot be understood as a merely European phenomenon. This article begins by describing the rise and fall of universal fascism in the period from 1932 to 1934 from a global perspective. It secondly explores the legacies of fascism’s global moment and its consequences for the subsequent formation of the Tokyo-Rome-Berlin Axis when, following the end of an utopian phase, a more ‘realistic’ phase of global fascist politics began, with all its fatal consequences.
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Bernstein, Sanders Isaac. "On the Uses and Abuses of Fascism." American Literary History 35, no. 1 (February 1, 2023): 445–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajac242.
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Abstract This essay reviews Bruce Kuklick’s Fascism Comes to America: A Century of Obsession in Politics and Culture (2022). It discusses how the book contributes to ongoing debates about defining fascism by offering a wide-ranging historical survey of the term’s use in the US and by, ultimately, questioning the term’s analytic value. Fascism Comes to America tracks the concept in the US over the past century, drawing on journalism, mass entertainment, and academic scholarship to illuminate its many contradictory applications. Considering both evolving uses of fascism leading up to World War II and its enduring legacy since, Kuklick’s historical survey posits that fascism has become little more than one of the “political swear words,” a sign of contempt without consistent descriptive content. It suggests scholars should consider jettisoning the term. While valuable for its rigorous scholarship, Fascism Comes to America does, though, overlook how fascism’s polysemy might resolve to more specific and consistent uses within distinct traditions within America. Rather than succeeding as an argument for why scholars should abandon the concept of fascism in a US context, Fascism Comes to America succeeds in illuminating how important it is to historicize one’s use of it.[T]o name something “fascist” is both a matter of analytic value and politics. For Bruce Kuklick, . . . the analytic value of the term fascism should be called into question.
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Sumah, Stefan, and Anze Sumah. "Questioning on Several Forms of Fascism." Academicus International Scientific Journal 26 (July 2022): 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7336/academicus.2022.26.07.
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The concept of fascism has been defined quite precisely by researchers in the field of political science and sociology, who also defined its main features or characteristics. However, with the word fascism (and its derivatives, e.g. fascists, fascist…) members of the left often label their opponents, thus, this is word is often misused. In essence, fascism is a word that has become synonymous with the word totalitarianism. With the analysis that was based on similar characteristics we concluded that totalitarianisms of both poles (if the classical left–right political spectrum is applied) exhibit more common features than, for instance, totalitarianisms and classical dictatorships, which are also often called fascist or semi-fascist regimes. Thus, German Nazism (often also presented as one of the forms of fascism) and Russian Bolshevism (as one of the extremes forms of socialism) or Titoism in Yugoslavia have more in common than e.g. German Nazism and Pinochet’s dictatorship in Chile or the dictatorship of colonels in Greece (both also frequently referred to as fascistic regimes or semi-fascist regimes). Using the word fascism is often not so much about denoting the actual content as it is more for political propaganda and slandering the opponent. If it was based on actual characteristics, fascism (fascist, fascists…) could become an adjective to denote all totalitarianisms (left fascism, right-wing fascism, Islamic fascism…).
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Hohler, Susanne. "Russian Fascism in Exile. A Historical and Phenomenological Perspective on Transnational Fascism." Fascism 2, no. 2 (2013): 121–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00202002.
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Based on the example of Russian fascism in Harbin, Manchuria, this paper demonstrates how the concept, ‘transnational’ can relate to fascism in three ways: as a transnational phenomenon, as a transnational movement and in terms of the study of fascism from a transnational perspective, focusing on the relations and exchanges between fascist movements and how fascism crossed borders. One way of approaching implementing this perspective is to focus on the appropriation and adaptation of fascist bodies of thought into various local contexts. This paper argues that in this context the studies in fascism from a transnational perspective can profit from by focusing on a contemporary understanding of fascism instead of a priori academic definitions. Harbin fascists perceived fascism as a universal idea, which assumed distinct manifestations depending on the particularities of each nation. Therefore in the view of contemporaries fascism also constituted a transnational movement. In a second step this paper reflects on the question to what extend fascist studies could also benefit from the extension from a transnational to a transcultural perspective to better grasp the diverse influences on various manifestation of fascism and deepen our understanding of change and entanglements between fascist movements as well as their respective environments on a global scale.
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Olechnowicz, Andrzej. "Liberal Anti-Fascism in the 1930s: The Case of Sir Ernest Barker." Albion 36, no. 4 (2005): 636–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054585.
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One of the few achievements the communist left in Britain can still plausibly claim is its anti-fascism in the 1930s and beyond. This has recently been most dogmatically reasserted in a series of publications by David Renton, who calls for a distinction to be made between “anti-fascists” and “non-fascists.” The former are characterized by their “correct” understanding of fascism and reliance on organized, active resistance, often in the streets; whereas the latter contributed very little to fascism's defeat. Such a loaded definition of anti-fascism ensures that only the Communist Party and their acolytes fit the bill. But within the historiography even more “neutral”—and seemingly encompassing—definitions have tended, in practice, to look largely to left-wing organizations.This article will question these perspectives and argue for the significance of a “liberal” anti-fascism, which brought together many Liberal, Conservative and Labour politicians and intellectuals in cross-party pressure groups. What characterized the anti-fascism of these men and women was not resistance to the actions of the BUF, which most regarded as thuggish but insignificant, but resistance to the ideological challenge to English parliamentary democracy represented by continental “totalitarian” movements. The article will begin by considering the compromised nature of the British Communist Party's anti-fascist record and why “liberal” historians have, on the whole, tended to underestimate the extent of liberal anti-fascism. It will then suggest that a truly less exclusionary and partisan approach to anti-fascism should readily include the likes of the liberal Sir Ernest Barker and many in his political and social circle. It will also argue that, even accepting Renton's own, restrictive definition, Barker would still qualify as an anti-fascist, rather than a non-fascist, for he combined a coherent analysis of single-party, totalitarian states with a commitment to organized action through bodies such as the New Estates Community Committee and the Association for Education in Citizenship to remove the pre-conditions of antidemocratic beliefs.
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El-Ojeili, Chamsy. "Keywords." Counterfutures 6 (December 1, 2018): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v6i0.6384.
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The spectre of fascism currently haunts liberal democracy. This ‘keywords’ entry explores the expansion of Right-populism, white nationalism, and the alt-Right, examining the consolidation of a ‘post-fascist constellation’. I outline a five-featured ideal-type of fascism, before turning to explore post-fascism’s utopian dimensions, drawing on the work of Ernst Bloch. Against liberal attempts to mock, pathologise, or re-educate post-fascists, I argue we must attend to both the multitude of fears and the figures of a better world expressed within this formation of thought.
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GOODFELLOW, SAMUEL HUSTON. "Fascism as a Transnational Movement: The Case of Inter-War Alsace." Contemporary European History 22, no. 1 (December 14, 2012): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777312000495.
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AbstractThe idea of fascism spread quickly and transnationally in the inter-war era. Fascist groups identified themselves as sharing fundamental characteristics and ideas. At the same time, they distorted fascism for their own purposes, adapting it to their specific contexts. As a border region, Alsace provides a number of examples of fascist groups claiming solidarity with fascism, yet distinguishing themselves from each other. Looking at fascism as a transnational phenomenon provides insight into the evolution of fascist ideology and will help explain why it is so difficult to define.
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Boito Jr., Armando. "O CAMINHO BRASILEIRO PARA O FASCISMO." Caderno CRH 34 (June 25, 2021): 021009. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ccrh.v34i0.35578.
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<p>O artigo analisa a natureza do governo Bolsonaro, da sua base social de apoio mais ativa e da crise política que lhe deu origem. Polemiza com a bibliografia clássica e atual sobre o fascismo e, operando com um conceito de fascismo inserido na tradição marxista, caracteriza o governo e sua base social como (neo)fascistas. Sustenta a necessidade de construir uma tipologia das crises políticas nas sociedades capitalistas e procura mostrar que a natureza e a dinâmica da crise política brasileira de 2015-2018 são típicas da crise política que dá origem ao fascismo. Insere o bolsonarismo no contexto da democracia ainda existente no Brasil, que caracteriza como uma democracia burguesa em crise.</p><p><strong>THE BRAZILIAN PATH TO FASCISM</strong><br /><br />The article analyzes the nature of the Bolsonaro Government, its most active social base of support, and the political crisis that gave rise to it. It polemizes with the classical and current bibliography on fascism and, operating with a concept of fascism embedded in the Marxist tradition, characterizes the government and its social base as (neo)fascists. It argues for the need to develop a typology of political crises in capitalist societies, showing that the nature and dynamics of the 2015-2018 Brazilian political crisis are typical of the political crisis that gives rise to fascism. Finally, it places bolsonarismo in the context of the democracy still existing in Brazil, which it characterizes as a bourgeois democracy in crisis.</p><p>Keywords: Brazilian Politics. Bolsonaro Government.Neo-fascism. Political Crisis.</p><p><strong>LE CHEMIN BRÉSILIEN VERS LE FACISME</strong></p><p>L’article analyse la nature du gouvernement Bolsonaro, sa base sociale de soutien la plus active et la crise politique qui les a engendrés. Il polémique avec la bibliographie classique et actuelle sur le fascisme et, opérant avec un concept de fascisme ancré dans la tradition marxiste, caractérise le gouvernement et sa base sociale comme (néo) fascistes. Il soutient le besoin de développer une typologie des crises politiques dans les sociétés capitalistes et entend montrer que la nature at dynamique de la crise politique brésilienne de 2015-2018 sont typiques de celle qui donne naissance au fascisme. Il place le bolsonarisme dans le contexte de la démocratie existant encore au Brésil, qu’il caractérise comme une démocratie bourgeoise en crise.</p><p>Mots-clés: Politique Brésilienne. Gouvernement Bolsonaro. Néofascisme. Crise Politique.</p>
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Ioannidou, Eleftheria. "Greek theatre, electric lights, and the plumes of locomotives: the quarrel between the Futurists and the Classicists and the Hellenic modernism of Fascism." Classical Receptions Journal 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2024): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/crj/clad028.
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Abstract The controversy between the Futurists and the classicists over the Greek theatre of Syracuse remains largely overlooked within the scholarship concerned with the relationship between Futurism and Fascism. The Futurist movement launched a polemic against the staging of Aeschylus’ Libation Bearers in 1921, counterposing Greek tragedy to new forms of drama drawing on Futurist performance aesthetics and Sicilian popular theatre which, according to the Futurists, could express the spirit of the modern age. In a similar vein, the manifesto that F. T. Marinetti addressed to the Fascist government in 1923 advocated for the staging of modern Sicilian plays in the theatre of Syracuse. Contrary to Futurism, Italian Fascism turned to Greek models in creating new forms of popular theatre. Mussolini’s state supported the production of ancient drama throughout the ventennio, as evidenced by the consolidation of the Istituto Nazionale del Dramma Antico (INDA) in 1925. The theatre of Syracuse should be viewed as a field of antagonism between the different versions of modernism represented by Futurism and Fascism. By examining the convergences and divergences of Futurist and Fascist visions of theatrical renewal, this article highlights not only the Hellenic character of Fascism’s modernism but also the role of Fascism in transforming classical traditions.
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Kuck, Jordan. "Renewed Latvia. A Case Study of the Transnational Fascism Model." Fascism 2, no. 2 (2013): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00202005.
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This article examines the lesser-known authoritarian regime of Kārlis Ulmanis, the Vadonis [Leader] of Latvia from 1934-1940, as a case study of transnational fascism. Specifically, by investigating the nature of Mazpulki [Latvian 4-H] – an agricultural youth organization modeled on American 4-H which became during the Ulmanis regime a sort of unofficial ‘Ulmanis Youth’ institution – and its international connections, and particularly with Italy, the article contends that we should view the Ulmanis regime as having been part of the transnational fascist wave that swept over Europe in the period between the two world wars. The article also makes the historiographical point that the transnational fascism model offers key analytical methods for interpreting fascism’s syncretic nature, especially in the case of those regimes which had some recognizable features of ‘generic’ fascism but which have previously been categorized as merely authoritarian. Future studies of such regimes will expand our understanding of the nature of and links between the many varied manifestations of interwar fascism.
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Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta. "Afterword: memory and the past: fascism, spectacle, history." Classical Receptions Journal 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2024): 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/crj/clad023.
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Abstract The Afterword addresses the efforts of Italian fascists to build an imaginary fascist community through the mythical appropriation of the past. It argues that fascism epitomized in a peculiarly contradictory and destructive manner the moderns’ reaction to what they perceived as the end of an era. The historical division between memory and history, established in the nineteenth century, engulfed the fascist movement and overlapped with other critical dichotomies that vexed Mussolini and his adepts as they pursued the revitalization of communal roots while simultaneously riding the train of change. The dualisms of community and society, tradition and modernity, and, at a more meta-level, sacred and profane confronted fascism with difficult dilemmas, eliciting responses that, as the contributors to this issue show, ultimately exposed fascism’s cultural incongruities and fallacies.
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Gardell, Mattias. "‘The Girl Who Was Chased by Fire’: Violence and Passion in Contemporary Swedish Fascist Fiction." Fascism 10, no. 1 (June 24, 2021): 166–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-10010004.
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Abstract Fascism invites its adherents to be part of something greater than themselves, invoking their longing for honor and glory, passion and heroism. An important avenue for articulating its affective dimension is cultural production. This article investigates the role of violence and passion in contemporary Swedish-language fascist fiction. The protagonist is typically a young white man or woman who wakes up to the realities of the ongoing white genocide through being exposed to violent crime committed by racialized aliens protected by the System. Seeking revenge, the protagonist learns how to be a man or meets her hero, and is introduced to fascist ideology and the art of killing. Fascist literature identifies aggression and ethnical cleansing as altruistic acts of love. With its passionate celebration of violence, fascism hails the productivity of destructivity, and the life-bequeathing aspects of death, which is at the core of fascism’s urge for national rebirth.
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STEWART-STEINBERG, SUZANNE. "SEXUAL CAUSALITY." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 1 (May 6, 2018): 221–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000033.
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Close on the thematic heels of her groundbreaking Sex after Fascism, Dagmar Herzog offers us in her new book Cold War Freud: Psychoanalysis in an Age of Catastrophes a further elaboration on her earlier thesis about the complex relationship between sex and politics. Sex after Fascism made an immensely productive but counterintuitive argument, one that crucially relied on the proposition of three historical periods, each defined by its particular relationship with sex(uality). Herzog claimed, first, that German fascism was not sexually repressive; second, that the immediate postwar environment was, on the contrary, sexually repressive; and third, that the “sexual revolution” beginning in the late 1960s and expanding into the 1970s was consciously contesting fascist repression, while in fact it was actually and unconsciously in dialogue with the more immediate past of the postwar era. Her tour de force argument here was that this historical sequencing had the overall effect of obscuring, indeed repressing, the sex-positive policies of the Nazis and therefore “misunderstanding” not only fascism itself but also—and especially—fascism's (sexual) appeal. Herzog suggested that not only did the generation of the 1968-ers espouse a politics of the missed object; more nefariously, the repression of fascism's sexual appeal also opened the road to all sorts of varieties of historical revisionism.
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Eman, Irina. "RECENT APPROACHES TO THE ANALYSIS OF THE TWENTY YEARS OF THE FASCIST ERA IN ITALY IN THE RUSSIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY." Istoriya: Informatsionno-analiticheskii Zhurnal, no. 4 (2021): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rhist/2021.04.09.
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The paper deals with the problems of the history of Italian fascism which are today in the center of the attention of Russian historians. In particular, historiography of the phenomenon of fascism and the anti-fascist movement in Italy, Italian fascism in the context of Italian identity, the specifics of Church-state relations in fascist Italy.
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Forti, Steven. "Partito, rivoluzione e guerra. Il linguaggio politico di un transfuga: Nicola Bombacci (1879-1945)." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 31 (September 2009): 155–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-031010.
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- Nicola Bombacci was an important PSI's leader during the First World War and the biennio rosso (1919-1920). After his expulsion from the PCd'I, of which was one of the founders, he approached fascism and became one of the last supporters of it since he had been shooted by partisans and died in Como Lake, and had been exposed in Loreto Square beside to Mussolini. After a short historical mention of the Bombacci's political life, these pages will analyse deeper the question of the passage from the left to fascism in interwar Italy, through the analyse of his political language. The method executed in order to analyse the question foresees the use of a biography by dates and the identification of the political interpretation's categories, which permit to carry out a comparison between the social-communist and fascist period. In conclusions, the article proposes a thesis of interpretation: the political passion.Parole chiave: Fascismo, Nazione, Rivoluzione, Classe, Guerra, Passione politica Fascism, Nation, Revolution, Class, War, Political passion
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Salvador, Alessandro. "Fascism without Borders." Fascism 3, no. 2 (October 27, 2014): 153–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00302003.
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This conference, organized by Arnd Bauerkämper, Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe, Anna Lena Kocks and Silvia Madotto, and supported by the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung für Wissenschaftsförderung and Freie Universität Berlin, offered important insights into various aspects of the study of transnational fascism and diverse forms of connections and co-operation between fascist movements and regimes in Europe between 1918 and 1945. It fostered the concept of fascism as a border-crossing phenomenon albeit with strong national and local roots. The conference made clear that even without an institutionalized ‘Fascist international,’ fascism was a transnational phenomenon, which affected national societies and non-national groups. By widening the perspective on different forms of European fascism, the participants of the conference managed to highlight connections, interactions and entanglements not considered by the previous historical research. The conference demonstrated how this methodological approach proves useful for a more comprehensive understanding of the complex phenomenon of fascism and the numerous interactions between fascist activists, groups, parties, movements and regimes.
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Roberto, Michael Joseph. "The Origins of American Fascism." Monthly Review 69, no. 2 (June 3, 2017): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-069-02-2017-06_3.
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What can a class analysis tell us about fascism's national particularities and early forms? Why was there no mass movement for a separate fascist party in the United States? The lessons of several now-forgotten works of scholarship from the 1930s are critical to our understanding of American fascism—not only for what they tell us about its history, but also about how to fight it today.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.
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Maulsby, Lucy M. "Giustizia Fascista." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 73, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 312–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2014.73.3.312.
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Designed by the architect most closely associated with fascism, Marcello Piacentini, the Palace of Justice was the largest building constructed in Milan in the interwar period. Piacentini intended that the building, with its extensive decorative program, would assert the state’s authority in Milan, the commercial and financial center of Italy and the birthplace of fascism, and serve as a permanent monument to the legal system that structured the fascist state. In Giustizia Fascista: The Representation of Fascist Justice in Marcello Piacentini’s Palace of Justice, Milan, 1932–1940, Lucy M. Maulsby examines the controversy surrounding the decorative program, which ultimately involved government officials at the highest levels, and argues that the building evinces a genuine uncertainty about how to translate fascist policy into a cultural program. The continued use of this building as the setting for the nation’s legal dramas raises questions about how and to what extent these symbols continue to embody the notion of justice in Italian society and culture today.
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Giroux, Henry A. "Neoliberal Fascism’s War on Immigrants Echoes a Dark and Haunting Past." Beijing International Review of Education 1, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25902547-00101006.
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In this paper Henry Giroux, the US theorist of critical pedagogy, examines the treatment of immigrants in America likening it to fascism’s extreme nationalism. He draws a parallel between neoliberal capitalism and fascism to explain the suppression of freedom, anti-democratic sentiments and the growth of racism leading to a demonisation of the other. Giroux speaks to the formation of a form of “neoliberal fascism” under Trump and considers the horrors of the perpetration of state violence against children. He documents the way that Trump mobilises “fascist passions” to set up immigration detention camps that involves the separation of children from their parents. [Ed.]
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ADAMSON, WALTER L. "Fascism and Political Religion in Italy: A Reassessment." Contemporary European History 23, no. 1 (January 6, 2014): 43–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000519.
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AbstractThis article challenges the currently dominant understanding of Italian Fascism as a ‘political religion’, arguing that this view depends upon an outdated model of secularisation and treats Fascism's sacralisation of politics in isolation from church–state relations, the Catholic Church itself and popular religious experience in Italy. Based upon an historiographical review and analysis of what we now know about secularisation and these other religious phenomena, the article suggests that only when we grasp Italian Fascist political religion in relation to secularisation properly understood, and treat it in the context of religious experience and its history as a whole can the nature of Italian Fascism be adequately grasped.
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Berggren, Lena. "Intellectual Fascism." Fascism 3, no. 2 (October 27, 2014): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00302001.
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The focus of this article is the ideological formation of so called ‘New-Swedish Socialism’, an indigenous form of fascist thought formulated by the Swedish ideologue Per Engdahl (1909–1994) in the early 1930s. New-Swedish Socialism should not be equated with either Italian-styled Fascism or National Socialism, but must be seen as an original form of fascist thought. This fascist variant can be described as comparatively flexible, low-key and intellectual. The present analysis of the formation of New-Swedish Socialism follows the model for ideological analysis suggested by the British political scientist Michael Freeden. Freeden’s analytical mode defines an ideology in terms of a core cluster of interrelated and ineliminable political concepts which are essentially contestable. Starting from a definition of generic fascism and using the core concepts that can be identified from this definition, the presence, de-contestation and interrelatedness of these core concepts within New-Swedish Socialism is studied and analyzed. This article addresses whether New-Swedish Socialism can correctly be labelled fascist as well as capturing its special character as a fascist variant in its own right. The study has been limited to the ideological formation process in the early and mid-1930s but Engdahl remained an important influence on Swedish as well as European fascism throughout his life.
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Johansson, Sven Anders. "Vad gör en fascist?" Tidskrift för litteraturvetenskap 49, no. 2-3 (January 1, 2019): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.54797/tfl.v49i2-3.6613.
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What Makes a Fascist? The Individual, Micropolitics and the Logic of Activism
The article contains a discussion of fascism and anti-fascism, with a focus on the role of the individual subject. The author turns first to Theodor W. Adorno and then to Gilles Deleuze & Félix Guattari in order to question a common understanding of the constitution of fascism. While Adorno sees the individual subject as the locus of a possible anti-fascist resistance, he also regards modern individualism as one of the crucial factors behind the surge of fascism. Deleuze & Guattari opens another perspective on fascism through their distinction between micro- and macropolitics, and a discussion of ”segmentarity”. Hence the article argues that the boundary between fascism and humanism/liberalism/democracy is not as clear as it is normally understood today, when ”fascism” tends to become the abject of modern civilization. This argument is finally developed through a discussion of two very different contemporary examples of activism. Fascism, the article concludes, is in one sense a latent possibility within modern society, rather than its opposite.
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Wolff, Elisabetta Cassina. "The meaning and role of the concepts of democracy and corporatism in Italian neo-fascist ideology (1945–1953)." Modern Italy 16, no. 3 (August 2011): 295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2010.524887.
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While caution, tactics and compromise characterised the political practice of the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement in post-war Italy, a section of the Italian press took a less guarded approach to the 20-year regime (Fascism) and to fascism as a political idea (fascism). A lively debate began immediately after the death of Mussolini; Italians sympathetic to fascism opposed the new Italian republican settlement and their opinions were freely expressed in newspapers and magazines. Neo-fascism in Italy was represented by three main ideological currents (left-wing, moderate and right-wing), and this article gives an account of the different views of the issues of democracy and corporatism that were held by fascist loyalists. An extensive number of articles published in the period 1945–1953 are used as primary sources.
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Sondel-Cedarmas, Joanna. "Retroaktywna „defaszyzacja faszyzmu” w interpretacji Emilio Gentilego." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 39, no. 1 (September 8, 2017): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.39.1.7.
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RETROACTIVE “TRIVIALIZATION OF FASCISM” ACCORDING TO EMILIO GENTILE’S CONCEPT The text is devoted to the concept of “retroactive trivialization of fascism” developed at the beginning of the 21st century by an Italian historian — Emilio Gentile. According to Gentile, the phenomenon of “banalization of fascism”, inaugurated in the postwar years in neo-fascist memorialism and continued by some of the contemporary historians, consists in: 1 negation of totalitarian character of Italian fascism and presenting it as an authoritarian dictatorship of traditionalistic type; 2 challenging the existence of “positive” fascist ideology, and in 3 characterizing Mussolini’s regime as a personal “duce” dictatorship created on the basis of traditional elites. In the Gentile’s concept, fascism constituted “an Italian road to totalitarianism”, was atotalitarian experiment having its own positive ideology and forming ademonstration of new, revolutionary, and totalitarian nationalism.
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Griffin, Roger. "Mussolini Predicted a Fascist Century: How Wrong Was He?" Fascism 8, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00801001.
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In the entry on ‘Fascism’ published in 1932 in the Enciclopedia Italiana, Benito Mussolini made a prediction. There were, he claimed, good reasons to think that the twentieth century would be a century of ‘authority’, the ‘right’: a fascist century (un secolo fascista). However, after 1945 the many attempts by fascists to perpetuate the dreams of the 1930s have come to naught. Whatever impact they have had at a local level, and however profound the delusion that fascists form a world-wide community of like-minded ultranationalists and racists revolutionaries on the brink of ‘breaking through’, as a factor in the shaping of the modern world, their fascism is clearly a spent force. But history is a kaleidoscope of perspectives that dynamically shift as major new developments force us to rewrite the narrative we impose on it. What if we take Mussolini’s secolo to mean not the twentieth century, but the ‘hundred years since the foundation of Fascism’? Then the story we are telling ourselves changes radically.
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Skinnell, Ryan. "Two Truths and a Big Lie: The “Honest” Mendacity of Fascist Rhetoric." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 25, no. 2 (July 2022): 175–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.25.2.0175.
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Abstract One key to understanding fascist rhetoric is to understand fascists’ relationship to truth. Considerations of truth are central to fascism, and they are central to how fascists use rhetoric. Identifying key distinctions between factual and fascist truth contextualize fascist investments in “honest” mendacity. The distinctions between these two kinds of truth illuminate the grounds of fascist truth—specifically the development of a transhistorical myth, fascism’s reliance on the leadership principle, and the persuasive significance of authenticity in fascist rhetoric. Rhetorical considerations in performances of authenticity, in particular, explain fascists’ efforts to recruit people to their cause—and that suggests entry points for thinking about resisting fascist movements by exposing the appeal(s) of fascist rhetoric.
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Santomassimo, Gianpasquale. "Metabolizzare il fascismo." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 77 (May 2009): 145–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-077010.
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- Santomassimo discusses Luca La Rovere's book The Inheritance of Fascism. The A. reconstructs the ample discussions that developed in the immediate postwar period in cultural circles - and among the young - about the responsibilities, consensus and legacies of the regime in the history of the Republic, that refute the widespread image of Italians as opportunistic "turncoats" in the postwar years. What emerges from the study are the limits of the debate on the "metabolization" of Italian fascism in the subsequent period, particularly since the 1960s, in contrast to that in Germany about the responsibilities and collective guilt of the Nazi experience.Key words: Italy, Fascism, Post-fascism, transition, intellectuals.Parole chiave: Italia, fascismo, post-fascismo, transizione, intellettuali.
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Framke, Maria, and Jana Tschurenev. "Umstrittene Geschichte." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 40, no. 158 (March 1, 2010): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v40i158.401.
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This article traces the complexity of anti- and post-colonial answers to Fascism and Nazism by looking at debates about fascism in India. By avoiding the often employed Euro-centrist approach of a generic concept of fascism, it tries to decentralize European experience. After reconstructing those post-colonial historiographical arguments which use the term ‘fascism’, we examine the historical reception of Fascism and Nazism in the anti-colonial movement. In doing so, the article first outlines the debates about Hindutva as a Fascist ideology and subsequently analyses Indian discussions about Italy, Germany and European Fascism in the 1930ies.
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Sergeenkova, I. F. "FASCISM IN THE WORKS OF THE AMERICAN HISTORIAN GEORGE MOSSE (1918-1999)." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 6, no. 4 (December 24, 2022): 527–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-4-527-544.
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The author examines the assessments of fascism presented in the works of the famous American historian G. Mosse. G. Mosse was one of the first to consider fascism as a pan-European phenomenon, emphasizing both the diversity and similarity of various fascist movements. Among the common features that should be considered in national contexts, he singled out: the concept of revolution as a "spiritual revolution", nationalist or racist mysticism, the search for a "third way", revolutionary dynamism and the problem of "taming the revolution", the myth of the new man, the fusion of bourgeois morality and respectability with the ethics of fascism, represented by militant and traditionalist models of courageous men. G. Mosse was one of the first to turn to anthropology to reconstruct the belief system of people who lived in the late XIX and early XX centuries to explain how the Third Reich could become a political reality. G. Mosse pays great attention to the ideological factor, considering the prerequisites of fascism, at a time when the fascist ideology was perceived by historians as complete nonsense. G. Mosse characterizes fascism as a secular religion and turns to the study of the "liturgical elements" of fascism, symbols and myths as means to understand how modern mass movements received popular support. His numerous publications contributed to a paradigm shift in fascist studies. In this sense, he anticipated the cultural orientation of later authors, such famous historians of fascism as S. Payne, R. Griffin and E. Gentile.
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ROBERTS, DAVID D. "Myth, Style, Substance and the Totalitarian Dynamic in Fascist Italy." Contemporary European History 16, no. 1 (February 2007): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003602.
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AbstractRecent studies of Italian Fascism have focused on ritual, spectacle, commemoration and myth, even as they also take seriously the totalitarian thrust of Fascism. But whereas this new culturalist orientation has usefully pointed beyond earlier reductionist approaches, it has often accented style and myth as opposed to their opposites, which might be summed up as ‘substance’. Some of the aspirations fuelling Fascism, responding to perceived inadequacies in the mainstream liberal and Marxist traditions, pointed beyond myth and style as they helped to shape the Fascist self-understanding – and Fascist practice. This article seeks to show how the interplay of substance, style and myth produced a particular – and deeply flawed – totalitarian dynamic in Fascist Italy.
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Cornelissen, Lars. "Het ‘niet-fascistische leven’: identiteit, subjectiviteit, verzet." Algemeen Nederlands Tijdschrift voor Wijsbegeerte 112, no. 2 (July 1, 2020): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/antw2020.2.004.corn.
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Abstract ‘Non-Fascist Living’: Identity, Subjectivity, ResistanceThis article explores a recent form of academic and artistic resistance to contemporary modalities of fascism. This form of resistance is premised upon the argument that fascism lodges itself in the deepest recesses of the self, manifesting as fascist desires and beliefs. As such, traces of fascism are present in everyone, including people who do not otherwise hold fascistic ideas. This position goes on to argue that any critic of fascism must accordingly identify and eradicate such traces inside her own subjectivity, by means of an ethics of ‘non-fascist living’. Critically examining the philosophical presuppositions of this position, the article asks what implicit conception of the subject and its relation to resistance is at work here. It brings this position into conversation with Michel Foucault, upon whose work it draws but whose understanding of resistance, it is argued, it reconceptualises. The article concludes by reflecting on the implications of this form of resistance for critical philosophical practice.
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Vititnev, Sergey, and Anna Shmeleva. "Political ideology of fascism: essential characteristics, mental prerequisites, key components." E3S Web of Conferences 210 (2020): 16019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202021016019.
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The authors of the present paper investigate the fascism ideology, reveal its social nature and critically scrutinize its key principles that characterize its matter. Special attention is payed to the research into historical context of fascism, its mental prerequisites that determined reactionary specifics of its ideological orientation. Noticing that today modern politics experiences far-right and neo-fascist trends, while there are no certain criteria to identify particular parties as neo-fascist ones, the authors suppose that one of the most significant criteria is the adherence to the ideology of standard fascism, which can be detected according to a set of key components.
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Severino, Valerio S. "The Irreligiousness of Fascism." Numen 63, no. 5-6 (October 14, 2016): 525–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341437.
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This essay aims to reexamine the debate on the impact of Fascism on religious studies, by reconstructing what Raffaele Pettazzoni, one of the founding fathers of this field of research in Italy in the first half of the twentieth century, meant by “religion of the state.” His research on the origin of the religious state in Iranian history and in the Greek polytheistic prototype of thepolisoffers a key to the interpretation of his further analysis of the religious Fascist phenomenon. Mingling approaches of both political science and history of religions, this study constitutes an introduction to a new understanding — which remained hidden in Pettazzoni’s texts — of Fascism as a degeneration of state religiousness. While Fascism is an example of the sacralization of politics (according to one of the leading historians of Fascist ideology, Emilio Gentile), Pettazzoni showed how in other ways Fascism perpetuated the pre-Christian crisis of the religious state.
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Kunkeler, Nathaniël, and Martin Kristoffer Hamre. "Conceptions and Practices of International Fascism in Norway, Sweden and the Netherlands, 1930–40." Journal of Contemporary History 57, no. 1 (January 2022): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00220094211031992.
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This article explores conceptions of fascism as an international phenomenon as understood by three political parties of the 1930s: Quisling’s Norwegian Nasjonal Samling (NS), Lindholm’s Swedish Nationalsocialistiska Arbetarepartiet (NSAP) and Mussert’s Dutch Nationaal-Socialistische Beweging (NSB). In order to highlight fascist movements’ contributions to fascist internationalism, the article deploys both a comparative and transnational framework, showing up the national differences in their conceptions of international fascism, regional connections and influences, changes over time and the contingencies of transnational contact that affected the practical establishment of international relationships. It is shown that there was an impetus for international cooperation between fascist movements outside of the orbit of fascist regimes, typically sustained by regional affinities as existed among Northern countries and the Low Countries. While often framed by ambitious rhetoric, ultimately the three parties continued to focus on their own national projects rather than deepen international collaboration. Lastly the movements’ different myths of international fascism are compared, constructed for propagandistic ends, all of which broadly fit within the mould of a new European or even global era which saw the rise of fascism and the (hoped for) victory over ideological enemies such as communism and liberalism.
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Tiempo Devorado, Redacción. "Fascism. A Conceptual Characterization." Tiempo devorado 4, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 228–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.106.
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Since the interwar period, thousands of books, articles and pamphlets have been written about different fascist movements. However, it is still difficult to find a comprehensive definition that embraces all fascist variants, including those different from Italian Fascism and German National Socialism, such as the Central and Eastern European samples. In 1984, professor Enric Ucelay Da Cal (currently at the Universidad Pompeu Fabra –UPF-, Barcelona) proposed a description, which can work as a theoretical and methodological skeleton for a research agenda centred on new and historical Fascism
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Fuchs, Christian. "Fascism 2.0: Twitter Users’ Social Media Memories of Hitler on his 127th Birthday." Fascism 6, no. 2 (December 8, 2017): 228–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00602004.
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This article analyses how Twitter users communicated about Hitler on his 127th birthday. It employs an empirical critique informed by critical Marxist theories of fascism. The analysis is based on a dataset of 4,193 tweets that were posted on 20 April 2016, and that used hashtags such as #Hitler, #AdolfHitler, #HappyBirthdayAdolf, #HappyBirthdayHitler. The results provide indications about how fascism 2.0 works. There are various strategies that fascism 2.0 uses, such as online authoritarianism, online nationalism, an online friend-enemy scheme, and online patriarchy and naturalism. The growth of fascism 2.0 is a consequence of a ‘fascism-producing’ crisis of society that requires adequate anti-fascist responses and strategies.