Journal articles on the topic 'Fat is a Feminist Issue'

Abortion has long been a central issue in the arena of applied ethics, but, the distinctive analysis of feminist ethics is generally overlooked in most philosophic discussions. Authors and readers commonly presume a familiarity with the feminist position and equate it with liberal defences of women's right to choose abortion, but, in fact, feminist ethics yields a different analysis of the moral questions surrounding abortion than that usually offered by the more familiar liberal defenders of abortion rights. Most feminists can agree with some of the conclusions that arise from certain non-feminist arguments on abortion, but they often disagree about the way the issues are formulated and the sorts of reasons that are invoked in the mainstream literature.

Sylwia Witkowska Polish Feminism – Paradigms The issue of feminist art struggles with a great problem. In my study I focus solely on Polish artists, and thus on the genealogy of feminist art in Poland. Although all the presented activities brought up the feminist thread, in many cases a dissonance occurs on the level of the artists’ own reflections. There is a genuine reluctance of many Polish artists to use the term “feminist” about their art. They dissent from such categorization as if afraid that the very name will bring about a negative reception of their art. And here, in my opinion, a paradox appears, because despite such statements, their creativity itself is in fact undoubtedly feminist. I think that Polish artists express themselves through their art in an unambiguous way – they show their feminine „I”. The woman is displayed in their statement about themselves, about the experiences, their body, their sexuality. Feminism defined the concept of art in a new way. The state- ment that art has no gender is a myth. The activities of women-artists are broader and broader, also in Poland women become more and more noticed and appreciated. Feminist art does not feature a separate artistic language, it rather features a tendency towards realism, lent by photogra- phy or video, which reflects the autonomy of the female reception of the world. It should be stated that feminism is a socially needed phenomenon, and its critique drives successive generations of women-artists.

The issue of feminist art struggles with a great problem. In my study I focus solely on Polish artists, and thus on the genealogy of feminist art in Poland. Although all the presented activities brought up the feminist thread, in many cases a dissonance occurs on the level of the artists’ own reflections. There is a genuine reluctance of many Polish artists to use the term “feminist” about their art. They dissent from such categorization as if afraid that the very name will bring about a negative reception of their art. And here, in my opinion, a paradox appears, because despite such statements, their creativity itself is in fact undoubtedly feminist. I think that Polish artists express themselves through their art in an unambiguous way – they show their feminine „I”. The woman is displayed in their statement about themselves, about the experiences, their body, their sexuality. Feminism defined the concept of art in a new way. The statement that art has no gender is a myth. The activities of women-artists are broader and broader, also in Poland women become more and more noticed and appreciated. Feminist art does not feature a separate artistic language, it rather features a tendency towards realism, lent by photography or video, which reflects the autonomy of the female reception of the world. It should be stated that feminism is a socially needed phenomenon, and its critique drives successive generations of women-artists.

The creation of this painting originated from the author's experience when discussing endless issues of women. Social issues regarding women are always updated in various issues ranging from discrimination, crime and injustice against women. In fact, this feminist issue has existed since time immemorial with the story of Dewi Shinta, who has always carried feminine values. The aim is to create paintings that have a feminist value concept in Dewi Shinta and create paintings through the process of selecting sketches, materials, manufacturing techniques, exploration, and presentation that have the meaning of feminist firmness values. The method used in this thesis is the method of making a thesis. In the realm of this creation process consists of several stages, namely the formation stage (Forming). Coloring (Colloring), Finishing (Finishing). The creators hope that this work can be used as inspiration to create works of art that are always updated. Conceptually, the creation of painting works wants to build a national cultural character that is increasingly fading through feminist values.

This article makes a feminist discussion about the life experiences and emotional worlds of fat women. The data discussed in the article is based on a field study conducted with a qualitative method. Within the scope of the research, in-depth interviews were conducted with twenty fat young women. In the study, the life stories of women shaped by being fat are investigated. The article is theoretically grounded on feminist body politics literature. This literature, especially since 1970’s, argues that an important aspect of women’s oppression and subordination is the patriarchal relations that control women’s bodies, restrict them, and judge them according to certain criteria, images, and forms. Being fat is lived as an experience that imprisoned women into their bodies under the custody of others. In addition, obesity, which is the subject of cruel judgments of others, inspires negative emotions in women. According to the results of the field research on which this article is based, fat women’s ability to love their bodies and themselves is injured, on the one hand, due to the pressure of the slender body ideal, and on the other hand, the endless criticism and advice of others about their bodies. Women experience being fat as a difference that is a source of sadness. Being fat, which is shaped under the effect of the gaze and words of others, in front of the mirror, in public space, in public transportation, at family tables, is experienced with emotions such as anger, regret, boredom, despair, and joylessness.

Popular perceptions of Edna St. Vincent Millay do not generally see her as a poet interested in so-called “domestic poetry.” On the contrary, Millay is most commonly described as the female embodiment of the rebellious spirit that marked the 1920s, the “New Woman” of early twentieth-century feminism. Until the late 1970s, the subject of domesticity seemed incompatible with the celebrated images of Millay's “progressiveness,” “rebelliousness,” or “originality.” But then again, by the 1970s Millay was no longer seen as particularly rebellious or original, and the fact that she had also contributed to the tradition of domestic poetry was not to her advantage. Domesticity may have been an important issue for second-wave feminists, but it was discussed rather selectively and, outside feminist circles, Millay was hardly ever mentioned by literary critics. The taint of “traditionalism” did not help Millay's cause, and the poet's lifelong exploration of sexuality, femininity and gender stereotypes was somehow not enough to generate sophisticated critical analyses. Since Millay seemed to be a largely traditional poet and a “politically incorrect” feminist model, second-wave feminists preferred to focus on other figures, classified as more modern and more overtly subversive. Scholarly recognition of Millay's significance within the canon of modern American poetry did not really begin until the 1990s.

This paper attempts to dissolve the issue of prostitution, which is still framed as a radical feminist issue pertaining to gender inequality and the vulnerability women face in such a career; rather, the idea post feminists (pro-prostitution feminists) hold believe prostitution, and more specifically, high class (call girl) prostitution is an empowering, positive and liberating occupation that women should be freely allowed to enter without stigmatization. We look at numerous women who have provided positive accounts of their lives as high end prostitutes, even when beholding university educations and Ph.Ds. After extensive secondary data collection to support these women’s experiences, we find high end prostitution can in fact empower, build confidence in, and gratify women.

Feminism in music is not a new concept, but we can observe a new wave of pop feminism in pop music, in a younger generation of female artists. They are open to discuss taboo topics, connected to carnality, sexuality, body positivity or feminism. The artists such as Miley Cyrus, Beyoncé, Pink, Avril Lavigne or Taylor Swift, with more courage are presenting in their creation, until now – taboo topics, rejected in mainstream music. They are not afraid of portraying topics, such as: sexual freedom, women’s rights, the objectification of women, men power and domination, social injustice, fat shaming, slut-shaming, or existence of unfair stereotypes. They are also advocating the legalization of homosexual relationships, race equality and human rights.

Abstract Nobody claims to be a proponent of white feminism, but according to the critique presented in this article, many in fact are. I argue that feminism that does not take multiple axes of oppression into account is bad in three ways: (1) it strategically undermines solidarity between women; (2) it risks inconsistency by advocating justice and equality for some women but not all; and (3) it impedes the ultimate function of feminism function by employing epistemological “master’s tools” that stand in antithesis to feminist emancipatory work. In investigating ethnocentrism in feminism, I develop the idea of latent ethnocentrism, which occupies the space between meaning that is generated from reference to the self and overt racism. I identify an epistemological prong in the ethnocentrism charge against feminism, where I draw on bell hooks’ interlocking axes-model of oppression to answer why the ethnocentrism problem is important for feminism and what its underlying epistemological causes are. I draw on Uma Narayan’s destabilization of cultural dualisms to argue that they do not serve emancipatory agendas. There is a mutually constitutive relation between language that informs our understanding, on the one hand, and the political agendas that produce this language to sustain the male and the western norm as center, on the other hand. I call this circular and reciprocally reinforcing mechanism the episteme-politic. I conclude that the ethnocentrism problem is not merely an issue of (1) strategy or (2) feminist consistency but of (3) shooting oneself in the foot by uncritically accepting patriarchal concepts for feminist politics.

This article is devoted to the problem of feminization of masculine nouns in French and Russian, which is important for achieving gender neutrality, i.e. equality of masculine and feminine words. The relevance of this problem lies in the fact that ambiguous ideas are quite often put into practice through words that are not familiar to our ears. Some examples in Russian are such words as «блогерка» (a female blogger), «авторка» (a female author), «профессорка» (a female professor), and others. And in French, la préfète, la magistrate, la députée and others. The authors of the article touch upon the issue of linguistic political correctness in relation to discriminated communities, or those considered discriminated: women, people of non-traditional sexual orientation, national, racial and religious minorities. There is also much discussion nowadays about people with disabilities The best example of how to erase the boundaries between the sexes in the Russian language is the word comrade. The work draws attention to the fact that the feminist community is not unanimous, since not everyone is in favor of feminitives. On the one hand, there is a group of radical feminists, and on the other, their opponents, who are definitely against innovations. In addition, we should not forget the majority of native speakers who speak at their convenience. The results of the study lead to the conclusion that if feminitives are regularly used, especially in the media and social networks, the society can get used to them very quickly. In other words, feminitives can penetrate the language if our life changes.

This special issue concentrates on a dominant trend in contemporary transnational crime television: quality dramas featuring serial criminals who break the bodies/psyches of young women or children, thereby attracting the inquiries of female detectives who have suffered trauma themselves. This trend has generated resources, industrial partnerships, avid viewers, and, importantly for the authors here, feminist commentary across continents. We reframe the debate over whether these shows are feminist or misogynist by exploring staples of transnational language that underwrite their popularity in disparate national markets. In fact, we address the paradoxical gender-based violence and female empowerment at their core as crucial to their transnational legibility by tracking recurring elements that circulate a gendered and raced lingua franca rooted in fundamentals of media aesthetics: strategies of storytelling and genre, modes of perception, and the production of affect. Ultimately, these programs raise questions about cultural currencies of televised feminism in the digital era.

The article discusses the relationship between gender equality politics and the advancement of neo-liberalism in Sweden from the 1980s–90s. As theoretical starting point serves a discussion by Nancy Fraser, concerning the relationship between feminism and neo-liberalism, and her fears that capitalism has co-opted the feminist agenda, in fact putting feminism in the service of market-liberalism. From many perspectives, it is evident that Swedish society, like so many in the Western world, has been subjected to the forces of market logic, imbuing the politics from conservatism to social-democracy alike. To what extent has this development affected feminism on the one hand, and gender equality politics on the other? Do we detect a new kind of liberal feminism? A neo-liberal feminism? The article makes use of empirical evidence concerning the current politics on behalf of the Liberal-Conservative Swedish Government to promote female entrepreneurship. Three political areas with relevance for both gender equality and the issue of female entrepreneurship are investigated: the future of the public welfare sector, the issue of tax-deduction for household services, and, finally, gender quotas and women on company boards. While promoting a politics where the market is increasingly substituted for the public welfare-sector, and offered as a solution in most political areas, the Liberal-Conservatives of today have nevertheless embraced a feminist rhetoric. Acknowledging the forces of ‘the gender powerorder’ and structural inequality is now a standard feature within liberal gender equality politics. This political merger between feminism and neo-liberal politics may be interpreted as just paying lip-service; as a way of reconciling a long tradition of consensus surrounding gender equality with the overall neo-liberal aim of transforming the entire society along market principles. But, we may also see a neo-liberal feminism in its own right, intent on expanding the field of gender equality to enterprise, ownership and economic power.

How should feminist theorists respond when women who claim to be feminists make “choices” that seemingly prop up patriarchy, like posing for Playboy, eroticizing male dominance, or advocating wifely submission? This article argues that the conflict between the quest for gender equality and the desire for sexual pleasure has long been a challenge for feminism. In fact, the second-wave of the American feminist movement split over issues related to sexuality. Feminists found themselves on opposite sides of a series of contentious debates about issues such as pornography, sex work, and heterosexuality, with one side seeing evidence of gender oppression and the other opportunities for sexual pleasure and empowerment. Since the mid-1990s, however, a third wave of feminism has developed that seeks to reunite the ideals of gender equality and sexual freedom. Inclusive, pluralistic, and non-judgmental, third-wave feminism respects the right of women to decide for themselves how to negotiate the often contradictory desires for both gender equality and sexual pleasure. While this approach is sometimes caricatured as uncritically endorsing whatever a woman chooses to do as feminist, this essay argues that third-wave feminism actually exhibits not a thoughtless endorsement of “choice,” but rather a deep respect for pluralism and self-determination.

Screen Bodies 3.2 engages with a wide variety of topics—fat studies, contemporary queer cinema, (pre)posterity, puzzle films, grief and truth in filmmaking, feminist materialism, digitized bodies, food and horror, and Maghrebi cinema. As well, the selection of articles in this issue represents studies of several media—tv programs, films, publicity stills, and photographs—from a number of locations around the globe—North America, Europe, Africa, and Asia. What holds this general issue together, though, is a concern over expectation, assumption, and supposition: what we suppose screens and bodies do and what we suppose they do not do. As usual, with this journal, the focus of this consideration is doublehanded: screen as projection and screen as prohibition. The articles below explore the duality of screens and our responses to them. They engage screening expectation as showing, exposing, divulging, and, at the same time, as testing, partitioning, and withholding. To screen expectation is to reveal and conceal it, and, as these articles argue—each in their own way—this process is what we all engage in when we engage with screening.

The study of women's issues, the feminist movement, as an academic discipline, and the first curriculum were established in the University of San Diego in 1970. The women’s problems have been mainly studied in the framework of traditional social and humani-tarian disciplines, mostly in literature, philosophy and psychology.The active dissemination of feminist ideas in Turkey after World War II, espe-cially in the late 1970s, and the creation of various feminist societies and journals provided a solid foundation for the establishment of research centers in universities, that study women's issues.There are two directions in the study of women's issues in Turkish universities and academic circles. The first one includes research centers that bring together rep-resentatives of various disciplines and fields of science. They deal with gender, the economic and social status of women, education and health. The second approach combines all those trends that are associated with the social faculty.The level of female activity in Turkey is much lower than in Europe. The status of a woman here is also characterized by its specific development.In the 1980s and 1990s, the feminist movement in Turkey became more and more active. New women's communities, magazines, newspapers, libraries were creat-ed, and women's conferences with an active participation of Turkish women were held both in Turkey and all around the world.It can be concluded that the women's movement in the higher and academic sys-tem of Turkey after World War II led to a new political process that raised the issue of gender equality. The struggle of women for emancipation played an important role in the formation of Turkish society.Despite some achievements regarding women's issues, there is still gender ine-quality, violation of women's rights in Turkish society, what indicates the fact that the women’s problems are still relevant in republican Turkey.

Feminism has been a good movement with the noble aim of freeing the world from the shackles of an evil superiority of men over women. The principal of feminism as a movement was political equality between men and women. In itself, it was a fair and just course such that it was inclusive of men as well, men were also part of the movement with no insults, threats, and hate speech. But in this technological era some impurities have also crept into it. From the third wave of feminism which is also known as GRRRL feminism which turned the offensive names into jokes and somehow normal to be pronounced in public, things became no longer about equality and respect of humanity. As feminism grew, it became less critical and became more sensitive towards emotions and uncritical amassment of followers. To some extent, being critical about feminism is unacceptable because someone becomes quickly accused of being patriarchal and antifeminism. Indeed, patriarchy is a negative and destructive idea perpetrated by those who were suffering from testosteron-epowersyndrome . But, when some thinkers like Valenti, Arndt, and Harrow have identified the syndrome and implemented some medication to it, others inject the other side with similarly fatal ideas. I call those ideas Oestrgoen-powersyndrome because they make their victims think that with collapse of patriarchy, men should be disgraced and be made to feel not existentially necessary. Symptoms of this syndrome start from no more knowing that hating the other sex is wrong and should not be promoted. Writers like Annapuranny and Jansen even perpetrate non progressive talks like “what’s wrong with hating men”, “the world would be better off without men” and many phrases of such destructive nature. But the issue which this paper seeks to address is that there is no philosopher who has critically tackled this matter. In fact, some African philosophers rather reject the whole feminism movement as non-African. Using analytical framework, this research ventures into critical analysis of this issue of feminist extremism coupled with the silence of African philosophers.

Iceland's performance on the Gender Gap Index has been outstanding in the last nine years. It now has a reputation for being one of the most gender equal countries in the world. However, local feminist activists argue that challenges to full gender equality remain. Underlying both the dominant gender equality rhetoric and feminist activism is a neoliberal, postfeminist sensibility that all are free to choose their most preferred body practices and that empowerment is a fact. There are, however, more subtle indications that young people's views of body hair practices, hinging around binaristic gender norms, are more ambivalent than that. This paper investigates how body hair practices are performed among young Icelandic people. The theoretical framework draws on feminist, poststructuralist, and affect theories. The data was collected between 2012 and 2016 and consists of semi-structured interviews with young women and men, group interviews with five young women based on co-operative inquiry, and an instrumental case study focusing on the issue of body hair practices. The analysis shows that shame and disgust remain entangled with practices around body hair among both men and women. It is gendered in that women's bodies are under more surveillance than men's. The paper concludes that, notwithstanding feminist activism and gender equality rhetoric, policing around body hair practices still exists in contemporary Icelandic society.

A feminist cultural studies framework was employed to better understand the relationships among body image, eating, and exercise in female exercisers and athletes. Participants (N=18) engaged in focus group interviews regarding their ideal body image, eating and exercise patterns, and feelings associated with eating and exercising. The athlete interviews also included questions concerning their coach, performance issues, and comfort with their uniforms. Results revealed that most of the women in this study desired an unrealistic ideal body: a toned body with minimal fat. The exercisers emphasized being toned, yet they also avoided too much muscularity. These women constantly were balancing their physical activity and eating: if they exercised, they gave themselves permission to eat and if they ate too much, they punished themselves with exercise. The athletes’ ideal body was dependent upon the social context. Their body satisfaction and concomitant mental states and self-presentation varied depending upon whether the athletes were considering their bodies as athletes or as culturally female.

Empowering women has come to be seen as a primary means to achieve women’s development in the discourse of development and policy initiatives. This has led to greater attention than before on the questions that expand the conventional understanding of empowerment itself. Much consideration has been given to answering these questions. What, however, has been ignored is the due emphasis on labour rights. The studies conducted by the feminists in the recent years have not only expanded the understanding of empowerment but have also highlighted the challenges and barriers to achieving it. Despite the fact that almost all studies have referred to the issue of weak enforcement of labour laws, the workings of development agencies do not reflect a keen commitment to this issue, in particular issue. With this backdrop, this paper reviews the existing development literature on empowerment and maps the ways in which empowerment has been measured using macro-economic indices like Gender Inequality Index (GII), Gender Disparity Index (GDI) and Gender Gap Index (GGI). It identifies the discrepancies and contradictions in the evaluations that data generated from these indices, arguing that ‘instrumentalist feminist goals,’ which are achieved through a top-down policy-level approach, are often at odds with ‘micro-level’ qualitative assessments of economic empowerment. The paper concludes with casting doubt on the compatibility of ‘development’ with women’s economic empowerment as it ignores the concomitant discussion on labour rights. It also ponders whether this omission is serving the needs of global capitalism and offers an insight into the deliberate or an unintentional oversight by the development actors.

Some observers have argued that the women's movement has declined in recent years to the point that it is dead or at best irrelevant in a "postfeminist" age. In fact, there has been a remarkable continuity in movement activity, even in a locale characterized by high population turnover and a lack of stable movement organizations. Based on a case study of feminist activity in Bloomington, Indiana, this paper shows how the women's movement has survived in such a setting through institutionalization, the creation of a movement culture and discourse, and issue-driven collective action.

The present study is concerned with the writer's ideologies towards violence against women. The study focuses on analyzing violence against women in English novel to see the extent the writers are being affected and influenced by their genders. It also focuses on showing to what extent the writer's ideologies are reflected in their works. Gender influences social groups ideologies; therefore, when a writer discusses an issue that concerns the other gender, they will be either subjective or objective depending on the degree of influence, i.e., gender has influenced their thoughts as well as behaviors. A single fact may be presented differently by different writers depending on the range of affectedness by ideologies. The study aims to uncover the hidden gender-based ideologies by analyzing the discursive structure of a novel based on Van Dijk's model (2000) of ideology and racism. The selected novel is based on discussing violence against women. The study will later on reveal the real writer’s gender-based ideologies and whether the writer is a feminist or an anti-feminist? Or Is he prejudiced? Or Is he biased?

The present study is concerned with the writer's ideologies towards violence against women. The study will focus on analyzing an English novel about violence against women so as to see to what extent writers are being affected and influenced by their genders. It also focuses on showing to what extent writer's ideologies are reflected in their works. Gender influence social groups ideologies; therefore, when a writer discusses an issue that concerns the other gender, they will be either subjective or objective depending on the degree of influence, i.e., gender has influenced their thoughts as well as behaviours. A single fact may be presented differently by different writers depending on the range of affectedness by ideologies. The study aims to uncover and reveal the hidden gender-based ideologies, by analyzing the discursive structure of a novel based on Van Dijk's model (2000) of ideology and racism. The selected novel is based on discussing violence against women. The study will later on reveal what the real writer’s gender-based ideologies is. Is the writer feminist or anti-feminist? Is he prejudiced? Is he biased?.

FR. Trois groupes de femmes journalistes, qui dénoncent les inégalités liées au genre dans les rédactions et les représentations stéréotypées des femmes dans les productions journalistiques, sont apparus au tournant des années 2010 en France. Dans cet article, nous cherchons à interroger les tensions entre les logiques d’actions militantes et le statut de « professionnelle » du journalisme, et à appréhender quels sont les coûts et les rétributions de l’engagement féministe pour les journalistes étudiées. Dans la première partie, nous distinguons trois formes idéale-typiques d’articulation entre féminisme et journalisme : celles que l’on appelle les « politiques », les « expertes » et les « élitistes ». Nous abordons ensuite les stéréotypes stigmatisants auxquels sont assignés les femmes journalistes féministes dans leurs rédactions. Dans une deuxième partie, nous évoquons les conséquences de cette assignation à des stéréotypes dans les relations avec les collègues, avec la hiérarchie, et les coûts pour les carrières professionnelles et pour la pratique journalistique. On montre que les coûts varient en fonction de la forme d’articulation entre féminisme et journalisme. Les femmes de l’idéal-type des « politiques » subissent plus souvent la stigmatisation que les « expertes » et les « élitistes » qui adoptent, elles, des stratégies pour limiter les coûts. Nous évoquons, en outre, les ressources professionnelles que peut constituer l’engagement féministe pour les journalistes étudiés. Le fait d’être assignée au stéréotype de la féministe les rend visibles à l’intérieur de leur rédaction où elles peuvent acquérir une position de spécialistes sur les questions de genre et de féminisme. Cet engagement peut aussi les rendre visibles à l’extérieur de leurs rédactions, si elles sont invitées dans des émissions de télé ou de radio comme porte-parole d’un collectif ou pour parler d’une de leur production. Les liens créés dans un collectif autorisent enfin dans certains cas des formes de solidarité entre des femmes exerçant dans différentes rédactions. *** EN. Three groups of female journalists have emerged in the 2010s in France denouncing gender inequalities in newsrooms and stereotyped representations of women in journalistic production. In this article, we examine the tensions between activism rationales and the status of the journalism professional. First, we distinguish three different ideal-typical relationships between feminism and journalism: the “political,” the “experts” and the “elitists,” and how female and feminist journalists are stigmatized according to stereotypes in their newsrooms. Second, we examine the consequences of these stigmatizing stereotypes on relations with colleagues and the corporate hierarchy, and the costs they have on professional careers and the practice of journalism. We demonstrate how these effects vary depending on the link between journalism and feminism: the “political” are stigmatized more than the “experts” or the “elitists,” for example, who adopt strategies to mitigate iniquities. We also examine the professional resources feminist engagement may attract. For example, being assigned a feminist stereotype may afford a journalist higher visibility inside the newsroom, where she may acquire a position as an expert on gender and feminist issues. She may also become more visible outside the newsroom if she is invited to talk about her work or as the spokesperson for a group on TV or radio shows. Feminist engagement and the bonds created within the group may also create solidarity between journalists working for different media. *** PT. Três grupos de jornalistas, denunciando desigualdades de gênero nas redações e representações estereotipadas de mulheres em produções jornalísticas, surgiram nos anos 2010 na França. Neste artigo, questionamos as tensões entre a lógica do ativismo e o status profissional do jornalismo. Na primeira parte, distinguimos três vínculos ideais-típicos diferentes entre feminismo e jornalismo: os chamados “políticos”, os “especialistas” e os “elitistas”. Depois, falamos sobre como as jornalistas femininas e feministas são designadas a estereótipos estigmatizantes em suas redações. Na segunda parte, evocamos as conseqüências da atribuição de estereótipos estigmatizantes para relacionamentos com colegas e com a hierarquia. Também mencionamos os custos para carreiras profissionais e a prática do jornalismo. Mostramos que os custos não são os mesmos de acordo com a forma de interligação entre jornalismo e feminismo: os "políticos" são mais estigmatizados do que os "especialistas" ou os "elitistas". Finalmente, falamos sobre os recursos profissionais que o engajamento feminista pode constituir para jornalistas. Ser nomeado com estereótipos feministas pode torná-los visíveis dentro da redação, onde elas adquirem uma posição como especialista em questões de gênero e feministas. Elas também podem ser mais visíveis fora da redação, se forem convidadas para a TV ou em programas de rádio para falar sobre seus trabalhos ou como porta-voz de um grupo. O engajamento feminista e os vínculos criados em um grupo também podem criar solidariedade entre jornalistas que trabalham para diferentes mídias. ***

In her recent book published after the election of Donald Trump as the US President in 2016, Cynthia Enloe argues that the patriarchy, similar to our smart phones, has updated itself as a reaction against the achievements of the second and third wave feminisms. The updated patriarchy has this time renewed itself through the beliefs and values about the ways the world works (2017). The competing foreign policies representing the hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity of the current world politics and its authoritarian leaders are the outputs of this new updated version of patriarchy. Enloe doubts that having gained sustainability with its updates, the patriarchy could be fought against simply with street demonstrations, as it was before. The patriarchy could be forced to retreat only by incessantly asking “curious” feminist questions that would expose all masculine patterns of life (2017). Continuously asking questions without giving up or giving in would make the patriarchy transparent and vulnerable. In the face of curious, non-stop questions from a gender perspective and the conscious use of the terms supporting gender equality, the patriarchy, albeit updated and sustained, does not stand a chance. Enloe explains the reason why incorporating gender in International Relations has been considered irrelevant by the power- and security dominated character of the discipline. Also, because the heavy majority of the academics associated with International Relations are male, it is them who choose what is important and worthy of ‘serious’ investigation (Enloe, 2004, 96). This masculine attitude, however, has been clearly excluding multiple human experiences and hindering their capacity to create new possibilities for peaceful co-existence in international relations (Youngs, 2004). As a matter of fact, when we look at the emergence of International Relations as a separate discipline, and the political theories that it takes as its first point of reference, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen) – the human rights document at the time of the French Revolution – Machiavelli’s The Prince; and Man, the State and War, written in 1959 by Kenneth Waltz, the founder of neo-realism, were the mainstream writings that brought liberal (libertarian) and realist perspectives to the discipline of International Relations, respectively. The fundamental aim of these texts was, in fact, to make an analysis based on history and ‘his’ problems. Although these texts put forward a desire for rights and freedoms, as well as the achievement of peace, these values are mostly targeted towards men. Thus, over time, the prominent concepts of International Relations, such as security and hegemony, were defined from a masculine and patriarchal perspective. For instance, from the theoretical view of realists, hegemony is attributed to the order established and led by the most powerful state of the international system– both militarily and economically– while sovereignty evokes the Hobbesian Leviathan (the Devil), with its masculine nature and might. Raewyn Connell responds to these masculine conceptualizations by pointing out that hegemony includes organized social domination in all spheres of life, from religious doctrines to mundane practice, from mass media to taxation (1998: 246). As Connell reminds us, “hegemonic masculinity” expresses the domination of men over women intellectually, culturally, socially, or even politically, thus establishing an unequivocal linkage between gender and power (Connell, 1998). Just as the Western approach to reading and identifying the East and its fiction found an answer in Edward Said’s critique of Orientalism, the theory of political realism put forth by Hans Morgenthau was criticized by Ann Tickner for conceptualizing international politics through the lens of an assumed masculine subject (Tür & Koyuncu, 2010: 9). Critical theory and postmodernism, as alternative approaches in International Relations, drew attention to the otherization of different geographies, civilizations and identities. Yet, on the issue of gender equality, the otherization of women has not been sufficiently recognized; the superiority of man and patriarchy is made possible through the othering of women. From this point of view, it would be beneficial to make a holistic reading of the International Relations literature, and to dismantle these masculine concepts by asking “curious” questions of the discipline. In Terrell Carver’s words, “Gendering IR” is...a project; “gendered” IR is an outcome” (Carver, 2003: 289). In order to achieve such outcome, it bears utmost importance for the gender-equality advocates to insist on, institutionally and practically, gender-based approaches and to not agree with the priority list of the masculine agenda. Security, order, control and retaliation increasingly dominate the discourse shaping the world politics. The gender perspective in International Relations develops to create alternative paradigms that would break this vicious circle of (in)security. Feminist theory in International Relations has demonstrated significant progress since the 1990s and opened pathways in an uncharted territory. Cynthia Enloe, Ann Tickner, Spike V. Peterson and Christine Sylvester, among others, are the most prominent forerunners of this field. Through their works, feminist theory has adopted a perspective critical of the masculinity and the masculine values of international politics by taking not only ‘women’ but a wider category of gender into its centre. These feminist scholars have deconstructed International Relations theories by posing gender-related questions and displayed the masculine prejudice embedded in the definitions of security, power and sovereignty. The feminist theories of International Relations have thus distinguished themselves from the other theories of the discipline by paying a ‘curious’ attention to the power hierarchies and relation structures through inclusiveness and self-reflexivity (True, 2017: 3). As Cynthia Enloe puts it, the gender perspective in International Relations must first be guided by a feminist consciousness (2004: 97). The feminist International Relations, however, although more than a quarter of century has passed since its emergence, are still struggling with the masculine theories to be considered as an equally legitimate way of understanding how the world works. Various epistemological, ontological and ethical debates may have enriched the field (True, 2017: 1), but at the same time, too many as they are, such debates may paradoxically be accusing the spreading-thin of the gender coalition. The capacity of the feminist International Relations’ ethical principles to participate in the global politics has been limited to the United Nations Security Council’s decision number 1325 and the Swedish feminist foreign policy. The feminist attempt to facilitate substantial change and interaction by creating a normative agenda has been called ‘normative feminism’ by Jacqui True (2013: 242). Normative feminism is a project of institutionalising gender in foreign policy by focusing on socio-economic and political changes. The special issue here is our attempt to partake in this project of change in international relations. We have aimed to enhance the visibility of the gender norms of behavior and decision-making with the presupposition that they would pose an alternative to the masculine norms in International Relations by better supporting the human priorities of peace and co-existence. Adopting Judith Butler’s notion of performativity, the feminist existence in international politics has an undeniable connection to engaging in continuous activities. As Rihannan Bury suggests, “what gives a community its substance is the consistent repetition of these ‘various acts’ by a majority of members.” “Being a member of community,” therefore, “is not something one is but something one does” (2005: 14). In Turkey, too, in order to challenge the recognition of the ‘hyper’ version of the hegemonic masculinity as the only viable world view, gender-charged normative discourses, interactions and agendas must be continuously created and multiplied. We hope that the Turkish literature-review and the articles published here will serve this purpose. As is the situation in all disciplines, the feminist International Relations has nurtured many onto-epistemologies, some in competition with one another. Such multitude, though definitely a richness, has been challenging the feminist stance’s capacity to stand united against the hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity. In her latest book, Enloe calls for a continuous struggle of a new and wider feminist coalition against the updated authoritarianism of the patriarchy –inspiring our title “Don’t Give Up! Don’t Give In!.” Such expanded coalition could rise on the common purpose of fighting male dominance and ignore the differences of discourse created by the debate on identity. The gender-guided change and transformation desired in international politics could be achieved more easily in this way (Hemmings, 2012: 148, 155). On this account, in parallel with Enloe’s proposal of establishing a wider consensus simply on peace and co-existence (2017), a new era, in which questions of identity will, for some time, not be asked, may be dawning. A grand coalition of consensus has better chance of resisting the authoritarian leaders of hyper hegemonic masculinity. Our special issue of Gender and International Relations opens with a Turkish literature review with the aim of introducing the topic to Turkish readers. Çiçek Coşkun, against a historical background, presents some of the prominent feminist scholars who have left their footprints in this very masculine area with their fresh gender perspectives. In doing that she offers us a comparative framework in which works by the Turkish and international scholars could be assessed simultaneously. Nezahat Doğan’s article seeks to establish the relation between global peace and gender by using the data obtained from the Global Peace Index, Gender Inequality Index and Social Institutions and Gender Index. In this way, adopting a currently trendy approach, Doğan investigates the interaction between gender and International Relations through a quantitative method. Zehra Yılmaz’s article discusses the temporary position of Syrian women asylum seekers in Turkey from the perspective of the post-colonial feminist concept of subaltern. The article aims to combine feminist migration studies and post-colonial feminist literature within the context of International Relations. Sinem Bal’s article questions whether the EU has designed its gender policies as an aspect of the human-right norms of the European integration or as a way to regulate market economy. Bal pursues such questioning through the reading of the official documents of the EU that prescribes what Europeanization is for Turkey. Thus, all articles constitute a well-rounded understanding of what gendered approaches can achieve in the current practice of international studies. The co-authored article written by Bezen Balamir-Coşkun and Selin Akyüz examined how the images of women leaders in international politics were presented in the international media. The selected images the three most powerful women political leaders list of Forbes in 2017 –Angela Merkel, Theresa May and Federica Mogherini were analysed in the light of the political masculinities literature from a social visual semiotics perspective. It is believed that such an analysis will contribute to the debates about gendered aspect of international relations as well as the current debates on political masculinities. Gizem Bilgin-Aytaç points out that the global policy that emerged after the Cold War and the emergence of the new way of approaching the IR from a feminist perspective have improved the scope of conceptual analysis in peace theories as well. Bilgin-Aytaç discusses global peace conditions with a gender perspective - in particular, referring to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, with a focus on exemplary contemporary issues. Fulden İbrahimhakkıoğlu, in her article, discusses the debate between Ukraine-based feminist group FEMEN staged several protests in support of Amina Tyler, a Tunisian FEMEN activist receiving death threats for posting nude photographs of herself online with social messages written on her body and the Muslim Women Against FEMEN who released an open letter criticizing the discourse FEMEN used in these protests, which they found to be white colonialist and Islamophobic. Thus, İbrahimhakkıoğlu aimes to examines the discursive strategies put forth by the two sides of the very debate, and unveiling the shortcomings of liberalism as drawn on by both positions, the author attempts to rethink what “freedom” might mean for international feminist alliances across differences.

The literary works produced by Iranian women writers after the 1979 revolution, despite their diversity in artistic value and quality of narrative, commonly manifest a remarkable sensitivity toward women's issues and gender relations. The overall theme tying these works together seems to be the problematic of gender hierarchy and women's suffering expressed in a figurative language, transcending the extant male-dominated literary discourse. In these works, women's personal and private experiences become public. Their narratives articulate their protests against sexual oppression and reflect their struggle for identity. This phenomenon is noteworthy not simply because this is a literature produced by women about women, but also because this body of work displays a contrast with the literary works produced by women in the decades preceding the revolution. Pre-revolutionary works, under the sway of the dominant literary discourse, did not give rise to a feminist literary movement, for they emphasized sociopolitical issues more than specific gender issues. To be sure, there were themes related to women, but they were often presented in the context of socially conscious yet male-dominated committed literature. Women's literary paradigms before and after the revolution thus represent different literary discourses, and the Iranian Revolution of 1979 appears to be the major historical event that separates these two discourses and may well be responsible for the shift. In a strict sense, gender is socially constituted, and gender issues are in fact a type of social issue.

The 100th anniversary of the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment is an opportunity to reflect on the role of women in American politics. The tools of intersectionality allow scholars to pinpoint the progress and pitfalls produced by ongoing modes of sexism and patriarchy as well as racism and classism. It is now well known that major movements for the rights of American women have not always addressed the issues specific to black women (Simien 2006). Indeed, in 1851, Sojourner Truth discussed this issue of not being included in conversations about women’s rights (or civil rights for blacks) in her alleged “Ain’t I a Woman” speech. Similarly, the fact that Ida B. Wells and other black women were told to process at the back of the 1913 Women’s March on Washington is another illustration of the historical exclusion of black women by their white counterparts (Boissoneault 2017). Decades later and even after the 1965 Voting Rights Act enforced black women’s enfranchisement, the Combahee River Collective (1977) noted the exclusion of issues that affect black women by both 1970s white feminist movements and male-dominated anti-racist movements.

Statement of the problem. Modern society requires women to preserve femininity, but what is femininity in fact and how do the authors of current texts understand it? Oksana Vasyakina is one of the few writers who openly calls herself a feminist and emphasizes that her writing is feminine. She examines the problems that modern women face, including the issue of perception of femininity in society. The purpose of the article is to consider the problem of perception of femininity in modern society on the example of Oksana Vasyakina’s landmark novel “The Wound”. The research methodology was based on historical-cultural and structural-typological approaches. Research results. In the novel, we see that conforming to everyday ideas about femininity does not always mean achieving the ideal. Losing the physical attributes of femininity, the heroine’s mother begins to acquire the inner qualities that are characteristic of her. Death cuts off this path, but this allows the daughter to speak openly and without fear for the first time to her mother – the last, fifth chapter of the novel becomes the result of reflection, and for the first time in the entire story, the daughter addresses her mother directly, having worked through the wound received from this inverted femininity.

This research is all about the rights of women. Women in the present world, before and after, in every era of life have suffered through many problems and obstacles. They have been dealing with difficult situations in every aspect of life, educational issues, social issues, cultural issues, economic issues but they have found a useless solution to their issues, instead of focusing on Islam, they have been looking forward towards secular and liberal feminists which don’t even guide them to a nearly sensible solution. Feminism is a present day issue; women and men as well are suffering through. This research is to clearly define them the true importance of women in Islam and that to every problem; Islam gives you the best solution. I have raised this issue to aware the people of the “The Real Feminism”. Being Muslims, it is our duty to make the women realize that what they are doing and what should they do. If the teachings of Islam are being practiced all around the world, there is no gainsaying the fact that the world would witness a peaceful atmosphere and women will realize what true freedom is.

For better or worse, it has become difficult to conduct research in the social sciences without encountering gender, even well beyond fields that specifically focus on it. Since the advent of gender studies as a discipline, the concept has gained momentum both as a social fact and structure of social action, and as the analytic category through which these are conceptualised. This special issue of the BMS is embedded in the idea that the analysis of gender itself is indissociable from the history of the concept, and that the increasing spread of this notion throughout society has an impact on the way(s) gender is investigated. In the space of just a few decades the world has evolved from one in which researchers were working to give consistency to a nameless force, to one which is now gender conscious, where gender is mobilised, criticised, claimed, resisted, and debated. In a gender conscious world, the rules of research are changing. The notion of gender consciousness that is proposed here borrows carefully from research in the sociology of law developed under the name legal consciousness studies (LCS). The fact that there are different definitions of gender that compete with each other does not prevent us from considering that there is gender, and we may even consider that the proliferation of definitions participates in the stability of the social phenomenon we are studying, just as, for the theorists of LCS, the multiple representations of the law contribute to its hegemony. One of the central issues here is the problematization of the dialectic between categories of practice and categories of analysis, with a focus on the methodological and epistemological questions of these studies. This ‘return to the field’ will provide answers to these questions, beginning with a personal summary overview of what feminist epistemologies (I) and feminist methodologies (II) have contributed to social sciences, before moving on to contemporary research questions that emerge through the prism of gender consciousness (III).

The importance of addressing the continuance of gender bias in children's literature cannot be overstated. Considering that children, as the intended audience of children's literature, should be agents of change in society, particularly with relation to gender roles equality. The issue addressed in this study is how women are portrayed in Arleen A. Kingdom Tale Collections, a collection of children's books authored by a woman. The purpose of this paper is to describe and explain the gender bias towards female and male characters in Kingdom Tale Collections. This literary work is created by a woman and will discuss the description of the status and role of women; therefore, feminist literary criticism will be employed as the guiding theory and methodology. This descriptive qualitative research approach obtains its data with a focus on feminism literary critique in the study of literature. The results of this study pertain to the portrayal of gender bias faced by the main female character, including the notion that a woman must be beautiful despite her mental and physical weakness, whereas a guy with a strong body is autonomous and intellectual. Second, the woman must be able to cook and sew for her family, but she cannot pursue a job that is substantially distinct from the male characters. Third, a virtuous woman is shown as possessing a weak and timid disposition. They are portrayed in the novel as lacking the bravery to express their heart's desires; women will always be expected to submit to the desires of men, whilst men are free to express their hearts. This study concludes that there is still a gender bias in the form of women's domestication as a manifestation of traditional gender norms. As if their life depend on the benevolence of males, women are portrayed in the domestic sphere as mere accessories. This, of course, further demonstrates that gender bias persists in children's literature from the "Kingdom Tale Collection," despite the fact that the story's author is a woman, and that it appears to be a problem that will persist in our culture.

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.本文的重點是從女性主義的角度思考墮胎問題。女性主義的貢獻，並不在於高舉女性的墮胎權比胎兒的生存權重要，而是讓我們跳出傳統倫理非此則彼的二元框架。女性主義確立女性是有能力作道德思考的主體，提倡透過聆聽女性的聲音，發展一套新的倫理觀——關懷倫理。本文的第一部分將會介紹關懷倫理的特色，包括考慮特殊處境的因素而非純粹應用普遍性原則﹔著眼於相互關係、而非個人權利。關懷倫理的重點並不在於平衡一己和他人之利益﹔更準確的說法，是不把各方利益對立，把自己和他人（包括胎兒）視作互為倚賴、相輔相承的整體。女性主義倫理主張從婦女的具體經驗出發，反對以抽象思維或假設性問題來探討墮胎。第二部分將會從婦女的實存處境來思考墮胎背後的問題。女性為何需要墮胎？甚麼原因造成意外懷孕？因姦成孕對女性有何影響？為何墮胎之中胎兒的性別多是女性？這一連串問題，讓我們超越墮胎的對與錯，進一步反思婦女所受的種種壓迫。最後的第三部分，將會把女性主義倫理結連到香港社會的處境，關注本地女性面對的壓迫﹔透過女性的經驗，揭示醫護人員、社工、傳媒等如何歧視尋求墮胎的女性，及對女性身體和情慾進行家長式操控。This paper aims to discuss the issue of abortion from a feminist perspective. It argues that the strength of feminism does not lie in its defense of women’s rights vis-a-vis fetal rights, but rather in providing a way for us to think beyond the either/or framework of traditional ethics. Feminism affirms women’s agency in moral reasoning. It develops and advocates a new kind of ethics – an ethics of care – by listening to the moral voices of women. The ethics of care is characterized by consideration more of the factors in a specific context than of universalizing principles, and an emphasis on the entirety of relations than on individual rights. In contrast to traditional ethics which presupposes an opposition between self and others, the ethics of care sees self and others as interdependent. It is not so much about balancing the interests of oneself and others. Rather, it concerns recognizing the falsehood of this polarity and the truth of one's and others' ( including the fetus') interconnectedness.This paper will be divided into three parts. The first part introduces the ethics of care and shows how women can transcend the framework of selfishness and self-sacrifice in their moral consideration of abortion. Feminism values women's lived experiences and opposes to discuss abortion in an abstract or hypothetical way. It directs us to look at the link between women's needs for abortion and the social practices that oppress women. The second part of the paper will situate the issue of abortion in a wider context of oppression that are faced by women, and hence exposes the problems of limiting the discussion of abortion to the standard questions about the moral status of the fetus. The last part of the paper is an attempt to discuss the issue of abortion in the context of Hong Kong through a feminist lens.One should not equate feminist ethics with liberal defenses of women's right to choose abortion. Feminist ethics yields a different analysis of the moral questions surrounding abortion than that usually offered by the more familiar liberal approaches. In the discourse of rights, the relationship between women and the fetus is understood as adversarial. An examination of the process of women's moral reasoning allows us to see that their decision whether to have an abortion is often based on considerations of the entire relationship which involves their responsibilities to the fetus and other parties (including their other children), rather than a problem about abstract deontology. Their experience points towards an ethics of care which may help us reconstruct the notion of right.To conceive abortion from a feminist ethics is to view the issue not as singular but as a set of inter-related issues. The question whether abortion is right or wrong cannot be answered in isolation from other questions which probe into women's experiences of abortion. Why do women need to pursue abortion? What are the causes of unwanted pregnancies and why are they so common across different age groups of women? Why do many women find it difficult to refuse sexual requests? What is the impact of rape on women and why did some victims fail to seek an abortion in an early stage of pregnancy? How would women's lives be affected if they are not allowed to pursue abortion? How shall we explain the phenomenon that most of the aborted fetuses are female? These questions demand us to go beyond focusing exclusively on the moral or legal permissibility of abortion that has preoccupied traditional ethics. Only by reflecting on the actual experiences of women and the conditions of domination and subordination that govern the relationships between men and women can we come to an adequate understanding of the moral issue of abortion.In Hong Kong, it is legal to perform abortion in private and public hospitals or at the Family Planning Association of Hong Kong. However, local women are not free from oppression or prejudice when they pursue abortion. Women's experiences reveal the existence of social agents in the perpetuation of an institutional power which restricts women's autonomy over reproduction and sexuality. Many medical professionals and social workers discriminate against those who choose to have an abortion. They usually impose their moral judgments and carry out a form of moral policing towards these women. Such discrimination leads women to try very hard in hiding the fact that they have an abortion. It is still a long road ahead to promote a real sense of understanding of and respect for women's choice in abortion. Public education often presents an over-simplified picture and misleading messages. Many women have yet to face the challenge of how to think beyond the framework of selfishness and self-sacrifice. This paper concludes by urging those who truly cares about the issue of abortion in Hong Kong to work hard to eliminate discrimination, to promote an understanding of women's decisions, to advocate women's sexual autonomy, to encourage equality and mutual respect in sexual relationship, and to fight for provision of more affordable quality child care services.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 1753 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

There appears to be a lack of interest from researchers on African art, on feminist related issues. Their researches are devoted to other aspects of African art. This situation has created a gap in both African art and African gender studies. The present essay interrogates the socio-economic and political position of women in Africa from a feminist theoretical viewpoint. Here, the formation and the activities of the women group in Awka was used as a case study, to foreground the fact that feminism is not alien to Africa; rather it has existed in Africa since the ancient times. The women group stands out as true African patriots and protagonists of the African feminist struggle.

Resumen: Este artículo intenta hacer una reflexión primaria sobre la Femocracia en elgobierno de Brasil en la figura de la jefa de Estado: Dilma Rousseff en su primero mandato (2011-2014). El concepto de Femocracia es un concepto bastante contemporáneo y poco analizado, sobre todo en los recientes gobiernos dirigidos por mujeres. Además, también es posible a la luz del concepto de Femocracia sacar algunos prejuicios dirigidos a las mujeres por el hecho de ser mujeres y su pertenencia al terreno del poder – predominantemente masculino, sobretodo en Suramérica. La metodología utilizada ha sido una revisión de la literatura pertinente sobre el pensamiento político, el feminismo en Brasil y el cruce de esas dos vertientes, y los analices del gobierno mencionado a la interpretación de la Femocracia. Los resultados son importantes en el sentido de que el término es relativamente nuevo y existe, por lo tanto, un gap político sobre los gobiernos ejercidos por las mujeres interpretados a la luz posmoderna de la Femocracia; además, el hecho de la existencia de tecnócratas feministas en los gobiernos demanda la aplicación de términos propios para realiza los análisis pertinentes a una nueva realidad destacada por la lucha de las mujeres por el espacio público. Palabras clave: femocracia, democracia, género, Brasil, Dilma Rousseff. The aesthetics of the political game within the framework of the South American Femocracy during the first government of Dilma Rousseff (2011-2014) Abstract: This article aims to make a primary reflection about Femocracy in Brazilian government by its Head of State: Dilma Rousseff in her first government (2011-2014). The concept of Femocracy is a fairly contemporary concept and little discussed, especially in recent governments led by women. In addition, it is also possible in the light of the concept of Femocracy take some prejudices aimed at women because they are women and they are working in the field of politics - predominantly male, especially in South America. We will work in this article the concept of aesthetic politics in a femocratic government to trim the issue and gain some depth theoretical discussion and practical application on a government. The methodology used will be a review of the relevant literature on political thought, feminism in Brazil intertwining these two aspects, and analyze the government referred by the Femocracy concept. The results are important in the sense that the term is relatively new and there is, therefore, a political gap on governments exercised by women interpreted in the postmodern concept of Femocracy, also we have the fact of the existence of feminist technocrats governments that demand the applicability of own terms to analyze relevant actions brought by the new reality by leading the struggle of women for public space. Keywords: femocracy, democracy, gender, Brazil, Dilma Rousseff. doi: https://doi.org/10.20318/femeris.2017.3551

Abstract The trajectories of migration and prostitution are embedded in representations of body, gender, sex and sexuality. This article seeks to understand the articulation between migration and sex work through the lens of gender. To this end, this article relies on a typological approach that aims to clear some ground in the ongoing debate on the issues of prostitution, sex trafficking and migration of sex workers. It explores the theoretical cross-contribution as well as the conceptual limitations of radical, liberal, post-colonial, critical and postmodern feminist perspectives on the issues of prostitution, sex workers’ mobility and sex trafficking. It gives special focus to the contributions of the postmodern feminist reading, especially by highlighting how it has challenged conventional feminist theories, hitherto grounded in dualistic structures. In fact, the postmodern feminist approach makes a stand against the simplistic dichotomies such as First/Third World, passivity/agency, vulnerability/empowerment, innocence/conscience, sexual trafficking/voluntary prostitution or ‘trafficked victim’/‘autonomous sex worker.’ As such, postmodern feminism disrupts all fixed demarcations and homogeneous forms of categorisation on which the dominant feminist theories were based, allowing thus for the emergence of new practices of subjectivity as well as new forms of flexible identities.

As Michel Foucault famously observed, the Nineteenth Century’s construction of sexuality as an unspeakable subject paradoxically generated an extraordinary amount of talk about sex. This paper engages with another paradox in the same field: for my main thesis will be that the criminal law which purports to regulate sexual behaviour has, in an important sense, very little to do with sex at all.Perhaps this rather startling aspect of my argument explains the difficulty which I had in writing the paper. It probably had more to do, however, with the fact that it was originally written as an inaugural lecture. I hope that you will bear with me if I begin by describing the history of the lecture—for this history is, I think, an integral part of the present paper’s argument.Writing and delivering an inaugural lecture is, in my experience, a uniquely challenging process, which forces one to think in a particular way about the place one sees one’s work as having in and beyond the academy. For a woman, there is an added complication which probably (though subconsciously) informed the reference to ‘unspeakable subjects’ in my title. The delivery of a lecture is an authoritative activity culturally marked as masculine. This issue about, as it were, the sex of lecturing came home to me very forcefully when I asked a friend to read a draft of the lecture: a few pages into the text, she observed: ‘so far, the tone is more woman than professor….’ Having completed my higher education without once being taught by a woman, it perhaps wasn’t surprising that I was having trouble finding a feminine professorial voice. But my friend’s comment touched also on a deeper issue. This lies in the controversial philosophical and psychoanalytic literature which equates the feminine with a state of lack, abjection and silence. If a woman professor is in some sense ‘speaking as a man,’ and if, as a feminist and a woman, one wants to find an authentic voice and style, the inaugural lecture presents at once the forum in which one’s responsibility to do so is greatest, and that in which success is most elusive. I spoke, then, as a subject of the unspeakable sex, exercising the apparently impossible right of speaking on the unspeakable subject of sex.

As Keith Negus and John Street wrote in their Introduction to the “Music and Television” Special Issue of the journal Popular Music (No. 3, 2002), television is an important mediator of the knowledge, understanding and experience of music. Inverting their formulation to “music is an important mediator of knowledge, understanding, and experience of television” (as James Deaville writes), we can further our understanding of different, more or less obvious meanings transferred by a television program. Bearing these two complementary ideas in mind, we aim to map the kinds of knowledge that are being produced and mediated through music in two extremely popular TV shows, which are also famous for their (innovative) use of music: Grey’s Anatomy (ABC, 2005) and The Good Wife (CBS, 2009–16). These two series – a medical drama and a series about lawyers and politics – have (at least) two things in common: 1) the already-mentioned role that music plays in their narratives, and 2) the fact that both focus on female characters and ‘feminine’ stories, employing numerous, liberal and/or postfeminist discourses. Our goal will thus be, to investigate what ‘kind’ of a female subject is being produced through interactions of music and image and by the music itself, as well as what kind of (post)feminist discourse is deemed ‘acceptable’ in a mainstream television discourse.Article received: March 31, 2018; Article accepted: May 10, 2018; Published online: October 15, 2018; Original scholarly paperHow to cite this article: Mikić, Vesna, Adriana Sabo. "‘Women, be Good!’ – Music in the Production of ‘Femininities’: Case Studies of Grey’s Anatomy and The Good Wife." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies 17 (2018): 79−88. doi: 10.25038/am.v0i17.272

The dream of the good pornography today, draws its argument from a feminist anti-porn analysis that concludes that pornography is an expression of the patriarchal society where women are being obejctified and degraded. However, in the 1960s, there was another dream of the good pornography, one which claimed that the existing pornography was bad from an aesthetic point of view. It had to do with the fact that pornography was forbidden in Sweden until 1971, and one argument for legalization was that porn would then become much better. The article examines the dream of the good pornography, the relationship between art (cinema) and porn (film), and what happens to the issue of gender when the dividing line between the two categories is questioned. Historically, the relationship between art cinema and the pornographic film is complex and the two categories that at a first glance are so easy to distinguish, have lived in a mutual dependency of each other. Art films with sexually explicit material pushed the limits for censorship during the 1960s, but at the same time, the success of art films with sexually explicit material often relied on a censorship that allowed sex in art but not for pornographic purposes. The undefined border between art and pornography also bring to the fore a discussion of the gender ascribed to each category. Art, belonging to the realm of modernism and high culture, has, by some theorists, been regarded as masculine, whereas porn, belonging to what has sometimes been regarded as the feminine mass culture, is often discussed and analyzed as a male genre. At the same time, one point of departure for the dream of the good pornography in the 1960s as well as in the late 1990s and early 2000s, is woman, her sexuality and her consumption of pornography.

Zygmunt Bauman's book, Modernity and the Holocaust, argues that the Holocaust was not an aberration from modernity, but rather the most extreme symptom of a distinctively modern pathology. Women are conspicuously absent from this indictment of modernity; Bauman, a socilogist, mentions neither gender as an issue nor women as individuals. This gap in Bauman's text is in fact full of meaning, for the absence of women as persons does not preclude the hidden presence of gender as a category of analysis. I shall use the absence and presence of gender in Bauman's text as a starting point for an examination of the historiography of women and gender and its relevance for our understanding of the Holocaust. First, I will tease out the hidden, gendered implications of Bauman's theory; second, I will look at the ways in which recent feminist scholarship has approached the question of women's responsibility for the Holocaust. Finally, I shall suggest that a consideration of the cultural construction of gender, as explored by recent scholarship in many fields, is necessary to our understanding of the historical and ethical concerns that Bauman and others have raised.

The basic principle of feminism is that women should have equal rights with men, regardless of gender, at all levels of society. The idea that feminism is the opposition to men is prevalent in society. In fact, the main purpose of feminism is to liberate women who have been enslaved, tortured, and oppressed over time and to give them equal value in society. Feminism includes all the various sufferings, problems, and solutions that a woman faces in her life, from birth to death. The word ‘feminism’ may be used to mean that a woman is equal to a man in every aspect. From that day to this day, women, though mostly respected in society, are sometimes thrown into the dust by social circumstances. Women are lagging behind in education, employment, the economy, etc. Every author, with the goal of improving women's society, addresses women-oriented social and community-based issues in their novels. On that basis that all women in the community must progress and live with vigilance, through her novel 'Manickam', S.Tamilselvi has exposed the social problems in the lives of women, the problems caused by the husband's suspicion, the problems in getting an education; and the problems faced by women because of other women. In addition, she has raised awareness about how women should recover from such issues. Furthermore, in her work, she has created feminine characters by perpetuating many concepts that are unique and stable for women, such as chastity, love, marriage, education, and poverty.

In this article, Rita Felski explores the philosophical inconsistencies as well as the political problems of trying to ground feminism in difference. Feminist scholars may question particular images of difference for objectifying or exoticizing others. However, the force of this critique usually relies on the belief that there are real, genuine differences that are obscured by this false representation. Felski looks at two influential currents in feminist theory: psychoanalytic theories of sexual difference in feminist philosophy and analyses of the cultural and material differences between women in postcolonial studies. These two fields want, though in dissimilar ways, to radicalize and complicate the notion of difference. Looking at these two areas of inquiry thus provides a good starting point from which to explore the ramifications of alterity, heterogeneity, difference, and the like in feminist thought. One of the aims of the article is to rethink alterity as the supreme goal of feminist theory and politics. Felski does not seek to do away with difference but simply to question the belief that it is the ultimate explanation of how things really are. She offers a description of equality and difference that is pragmatic rather than ontological, that asks what work these concepts can do rather than whether they are true. The common opposition in feminist thought between equality and difference is in fact a false antithesis. The concepts are philosophically interdependent. The pursuit of difference thus returns us inexorably to seemingly obsolete issues of equality and commonality.

Ordination of women as ministers is an important issue of gender equality and social stratification. The liberally-oriented non-Catholic Czech churches introduced the ordination of females rather early – the Czechoslovak Hussite Church in 1947, and the Protestant Church of the Czech Brethren in 1953. In both cases, however, these were quite problematic steps, and female members of the clergy were long handicapped in comparison to their male colleagues, which the author attributes to the way this fundamental change was introduced in the churches. In the case of the Czechoslovak Hussite Church, this was a pragmatically motivated directive coming from “above”, which was not preceded by any discussion or education whatsoever. In the case of the Protestant Church, this was the assertion of a progressive theological orientation, the protagonists of which had been striving for this change for more than twenty years, however, again without adequate public discussion throughout the church. Both approaches thus caused negative consequences in the long-term. When considering the problematic acceptance of feminist theology and taking into account that when it came to ordaining women, both churches were de facto surpassed by two other – albeit socially less significant – religious groups in the Czech environment, one cannot be completely surprised by the fact that the anniversary of female ordination is not often commemorated, nor celebrated – and if so, then rather due to ignorance.

It has recently been discovered that propranolol—a beta-blocker traditionally used to treat cardiac arrhythmias and hypertension—might disrupt the formation of the emotionally disturbing memories that typically occur in the wake of traumatic events and consequently prevent the onset of trauma-induced psychological injuries such as Post-traumatic Stress Disorder. One context in which the use of propranolol is generating interest in both the popular and scientific press is sexual violence. Nevertheless, feminists have so far not weighed in on propranolol. I suggest that the time is ripe for a careful feminist analysis of the moral and political implications of propranolol use in the context of sexual violence. In this paper, I map the feminist issues potentially raised by providing propranolol to victims of sexual assault, focusing in particular on the compatibility of propranolol use and availability with an understanding of the social and systematic dimensions of rape's harms. I do not deliver a final verdict on propranolol; in fact, I show that we do not yet have enough information about propranolol's effects to do so. Rather, I provide a feminist framework for evaluating the possibilities and perils opened up by therapeutic memory manipulation in the context of sexual violence against women.