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Journal articles on the topic 'Fathers of presidents, united states'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 January 2023

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1

Filimonova, Maria. "Charles Cotesworth Pinckney (1746–1825): Three-Time Presidential Candidate of the United States." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (2022): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020236-7.

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Charles Cotesworth Pinckney is one of the forgotten “founding fathers” of the United States. His diverse military, political and diplomatic activities have been poorly studied in American historiography and have received little attention on the part of Russian Americanists. The study of his biography is particularly relevant in the light of current trends in American society, where the activities of the “founding fathers” are viewed narrowly, solely through the prism of slavery and racism. Hence the aim of this article is to use the biography of a Southerner from the revolutionary era to illustrate how the defence of slavery could be combined with the values of classical republicanism and the principles of the Enlightenment in the worldview of the "founding fathers". The source base of the study is largely founded on the electronic archive of the Pinckney family, published by the University of Virginia. Publications of the debates of the Constitutional Convention of 1787 and materials of the ratification campaign, as well as South Carolina periodicals were also used. From available sources, the author concludes that Pinckney followed the ethical models of classical republicanism. In politics, Pinckney aimed at a republic ruled by virtue and talent. However, like an ancient polis, Pinckney’s ideal state was a state of a free minority. From his point of view, freedom and equality had nothing to do with slaves. Nevertheless, he remained in history as one of the authors of the US Constitution, and as a diplomat who refused to submit to extortion by the French Directory. He ran for president of the United States three times and, although he lost each time, he emerged from the ordeal with an unblemished reputation, which was rare in a fiercely partisan struggle.

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2

Reck, Andrew J. "The Philosophical Background of the American Constitution(s)." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 19 (March 1985): 273–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135824610000463x.

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The Constitution of the United States was constructed by men influenced by fundamental ideas of what a republic should be. These ideas hark back to the ancient philosophers and historians, and were further articulated and developed in modern times. From time to time scholars have sought to collect and reprint selections from the classical, biblical, and modern sources upon which the Founding Fathers fed. Remarkably, however, the best anthology of these sources to understand the republican idea that undergirds the Federal Constitution was prepared on the eve of the Constitutional Convention by John Adams, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, then in London as American envoy to Great Britain and eventually the second President of the United States. I refer to Adams' A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America, against the attack of M. Turgot, in his letter to Dr. Price, 22 March, 1778.

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3

Reck, Andrew J. "The Philosophical Background of the American Constitution(s)." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 19 (March 1985): 273–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957042x00004636.

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The Constitution of the United States was constructed by men influenced by fundamental ideas of what a republic should be. These ideas hark back to the ancient philosophers and historians, and were further articulated and developed in modern times. From time to time scholars have sought to collect and reprint selections from the classical, biblical, and modern sources upon which the Founding Fathers fed. Remarkably, however, the best anthology of these sources to understand the republican idea that undergirds the Federal Constitution was prepared on the eve of the Constitutional Convention by John Adams, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, then in London as American envoy to Great Britain and eventually the second President of the United States. I refer to Adams' A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America, against the attack of M. Turgot, in his letter to Dr. Price, 22 March, 1778.

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4

Osborn, Ronald. "William Lloyd Garrison and the United States Constitution: The Political Evolution of an American Radical." Journal of Law and Religion 24, no. 1 (2008): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400001934.

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On August 6, 1824, William Lloyd Garrison, not yet twenty years old, penned a letter to the Salem Gazette opposing John Quincy Adams's bid for the presidency and endorsing the candidacy of a dedicated Georgian, United States Senator William Crawford. There is no mention in the document of the slavery issue and no hint that the young Garrison viewed the Constitution as anything less than a triumph of the founding fathers. The “high and exalted character” of the elections proved the Federalist Party “worthy of its great leader, the immortal WASHINGTON” and spread “vigor and strength throughout the political fabric of our constitution and government,” Garrison wrote. “It is peculiarly gratifying, too,” he declared,to observe the dignified course pursued generally by the few sentinels of freedom, who advocate and uphold those principles, which were promulgated by the Father of his Country, and sanctioned by JAY and HAMILTON, and AMES, with a host of other distinguished patriots.Garrison went on to stress the civic duty of voting, arguing that although no citizen was legally required to support any of the presidential candidates, reason “dictates that we should” so as not to upset “the peace of the Union.” Federalists should make pragmatic political choices, he wrote, and not squander their votes on ideal but unlikely candidates.

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5

Nanavov, A. S., and A. A. Ruban. "INFLUENCE OF DIFFERENT US POPULATION STRATUM ON 2020 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 151 (2022): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2022.151.1.27-37.

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In today's world, fair and free elections are the key to democracy. They play an integral role in the peaceful transfer of power. By casting their votes, the people elect leaders on whom the future of society depends. That is why the elections give great power to ordinary citizens: voting gives the opportunity to influence the policies of the future government, and hence their future destiny. When the founding fathers of the United States drafted and ratified the country's constitution, they did not give any role to political parties. In fact, through various constitutional mechanisms, such as the separation of powers between the executive, legislature, and judiciary, the federal system, and the indirect election of the president by a electoral college, they sought to protect the new republic from party and factional influence. Despite the Founding Fathers, in 1800 the United States became the first nation to establish permanent political parties organized on a nationwide basis to ensure the transfer of executive power from one faction to another on the basis of elections. the development and expansion of political parties was closely linked to the expansion of suffrage.

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6

Robinson, William H. "Legislative Research: Essential Roles and Standards of Excellence." International Journal of Legal Information 29, no. 3 (2001): 560–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500001037.

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“Knowledge willforever govern ignorance; and if a people would govern themselves, theymustfirst arm themselves with the power that knowledge brings.”James Madison (4th President of the United States, and credited with being the primary author of the U.S. Constitution)The founding fathers of the U.S. Constitution had an abiding faith in the power that knowledge bestows. The notion that “knowledge is power” dates back to the teachings of philosophers (from Bacon to Nietzsche), and was understood and practiced long before that by statesmen, scoundrels, and spies of all ages. The ancient Chinese ruled for millennia by maintaining a monopoly on knowledge and education.

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7

May, Glenn Anthony. "Father Frank Lynch and the Shaping of Philippine Social Science." Itinerario 22, no. 3 (November 1998): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009621.

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Although the United States granted the Philippines formal independence in 1946, American influence in the former colony did not disappear overnight. In the decades following independence, American policymakers continued to play key roles in Philippine politics; American businessmen, presidents, legislators, and bureaucrats and US-based international money lending agencies continued to have a considerable impact on the Philippine economy; and American popular culture continued to penetrate Philippine society and culture (as it did elsewhere). But perhaps no sector of Philippine society was as profoundly influenced by Americans as the academic one, and no subdivision of the Philippine academy bore the American imprint as visibly as Philippine social science. This paper examines the academic career, writings, institution-building efforts, and scholarly agenda of the US-born scholar who arguably had the greatest impact on post-war Philip- pine social science: Father Frank Lynch, a Jesuit professor of anthropology and sociology at Ateneo de Manila University.

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8

Protsiuk, A. "CICERO AND THE US POLITICAL CULTURE OF THE 18TH–19TH CENTURIES." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 139 (2018): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.139.12.

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This article covers the role of Ancient Roman statesman and intellectual Marcus Tullius Cicero in the culture of the United States of America during the 18th and 19th centuries, particularly his influence on the formation of democracy in the US. While the recent decades have witnessed the increasing scholarly attention to the impact of Cicero on the early political culture of the US, the body of historical research, especially the Ukrainian one, lacks general analyses of Cicero’s role in the American political system during the emergence of the American state and its existence on the early stages of its history. After a general overview of the historical context of Cicero’s biography and legacy, this article pays a particular attention to his impact on the creation of United States democracy. A significant number of Cicero’s ideas, more or less, had been reflected in the concepts which defined the newly created American democracy. The most important concepts in this regard are the ideas of a republic government, private property, just laws, and forms of state structure. Apart from the general importance of Cicero’s ideas for the early American democracy, Marcus Tullius Cicero himself was a notable example for some Founding Fathers of the US, especially for the 2nd President John Adams. During the 19th century, Cicero continued to play a significant role in the American society, specially in the fields of education and public speaking.

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Błaszczyk, Cezary. "Nowy Ład wobec tradycji klasycznej." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 69, no. 1 (October 4, 2018): 243–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2017.1.11.

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Franklin Delano Roosevelt promised the Americans the creation of the New Deal as he won the 1932 presidential election. It was a realization of a new and progressive vision of the world and, in consequence, it was to bring the Great Depression to an end. The scale of the metamorphosis was of unprecedented magnitude in the history of the United States. The next decade witnessed a doctrinal shift from the negative to a positive freedom,from deontological ethics to consequentionalism, and from the night watchman state to the welfare state. These changes found further reflection in the introduction of economic interventionism, centralization, trade protectionism and the development of the social care system. However, while seeking an ideological support for the transformational reform of the liberal doctrine, Roosevelt appealed to the traditional values of the American classical liberalism – freedom and equality. The legitimization of the system and of the political reforms was to be accomplished mainly by using the authority of the Founding Fathers. This rhetoric allowed Roosevelt to gain public support for the New Deal. The president-successor to the heritage of Jefferson and Madison acquired a moral right to lead the nation andsteer the state in a new direction. His program became “liberal” and “American” even if it bore a startling resemblance to the European authoritarian regimes of the age.

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Alentieva, Tatiana. "Visual Propaganda in the American Civil War of 1861–1865." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.2.

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Introduction. The article analyzes visual propaganda during the American Civil War, its goals, methods, and means for both belligerents. The problem is relevant in connection with modern information wars and is insufficiently studied in American and Russian historiography. Methods and materials. The research is based on historicism, objectivity, consistency, dialectical approach, philosophical and sociological theories that study the nature of social consciousness and the factors that influence it, namely the theory of C. Jung on the collective unconscious and archetypal images, the theory of social constructionism by P. Berger and N. Luckmann, the achievements of imagology and discursive analysis. The sources for the study were visual materials: posters, drawings, paintings, cartoons, photographs of the Civil War in the United States, placed in open access on the World Wide Web, published in illustrated periodicals: Harper’s Weekly, Frank Leslie’s Illustrated, Vanity Fair, The Southern Illustrated News, presented in book publications. Analysis. During the American Civil War, the country was split between northerners, supporters of the Union, and southerners who fought for the independence of the Confederate States. In the conditions of a military conflict, visual propaganda turned out to be most popular and effective. Its goal was to convince the warring parties of the rightness of their own cause, to mobilize society on achieving victory. In the North, the image of the enemy – “Johnny the rebel” – was constructed in order to incite hatred towards the southerners. In the South, the image of the “damned Yankee” was created. Both northern and southern visual propaganda relied on time-tested images (the image of the motherland, the warrior-defender, home and family), as well as on the collective unconscious and archetypes of consciousness associated with religious views and historical roots, used a variety of tools, techniques and methods. The most powerful means of influence were the traditions of the War of Independence, the legacy of the Founding Fathers. The use of national symbols was characteristic: Union and Confederate flags, images of presidents and military leaders. The most common means of visual propaganda were posters and leaflets, postal envelopes, banknotes decorated with patriotic symbols. Drawings and cartoons were an important means of mobilizing the population. They were placed in illustrated newspapers and magazines, and were also printed separately in the form of engravings and lithographs. Visual propaganda played on emotions, it was built on the opposition of “friend/ foe”, depicting its supporters as heroes worthy of admiration, and its enemies as insidious, cruel and cowardly. Results. Despite certain similarities in the conduct of propaganda by both warring parties, it turned out to be more comprehensive and effective in the North, which influenced the achievement of victory over the South. Key words: U.S. history, the Civil War of 1861–1865, visual propaganda, the “friend/foe” dichotomy, imagology.

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11

Carlson, Eric R., and Sanjay P. Reddi. "Oral cancer and United States presidents." Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery 60, no. 2 (February 2002): 190–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1053/s0278-2391(02)86097-9.

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12

Carpenter, Dick M. "Presidents of the United States on Leadership." Leadership 3, no. 3 (August 2007): 251–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715007079307.

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13

Jones, Jeffrey M., and Joni L. Jones. "Presidential Stroke: United States Presidents and Cerebrovascular Disease." CNS Spectrums 11, no. 9 (September 2006): 674–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1092852900014760.

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ABSTRACTIn the United States, more individuals suffer disability from stroke than from any other disease, and as many as 11 of the 43 presidents have been affected. In this article, the authors review the cases of the United States presidents who have had strokes, some of which have occurred while the president was in office, having a direct effect on the country.

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14

Schmidt, Elizabeth. "Introduction." African Studies Review 53, no. 2 (September 2010): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2010.0017.

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The euphoria greeting the election of Barack Hussein Obama as the forty-fourth president of the United States seized the popular imagination in Africa, much as it did in the U. S. There was hope and enormous goodwill on the continent, derived from President Obama's special tie to Africa—the dreams from his father that he has translated so eloquently. There was hope that the Obama administration would initiate new policies based on mutual respect, multilateral collaboration, and an awareness that there will be no security unless there is common security—and also that security must be broadly defined, extending beyond the military to include the environment, the economy, and health, as well as political and social rights. Yet as many anticipated, given the enormous and wide-ranging problems confronting the new administration, Africa has not been front and center on its agenda. Although President Obama visited Egypt in June and Ghana in July 2009, only a few months into his presidency, Africa has not become a centerpiece of his foreign policy.In his much-publicized speech in Accra, President Obama lauded Ghana for its “repeated peaceful transfers of power,” declared that “development depends on good governance,” and urged Africans to take responsibility for their continent: “to hold [their] leaders accountable, and to build institutions that serve the people.” He pledged that the United States would support their efforts and committed his administration to opening the doors to African goods and services in ways that previous administrations have not. He pledged $63 billion to a new, comprehensive global health strategy that would promote public health systems and combat HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis, polio, and other devastating diseases. In the months that followed, he pledged to double American foreign aid to $50 billion a year and to develop a multilateral program to combat hunger.

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15

R. Yengibaryan. "Presidents of the United States: The Personal Dimension." International Affairs 64, no. 003 (June 30, 2018): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.51401250.

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16

Clarke, Lynda, Elizabeth C. Cooksey, and Georgia Verropoulou. "Fathers and Absent Fathers: Sociodemographic Similarities in Britain and the United States." Demography 35, no. 2 (May 1998): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3004053.

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17

Dewey, John. "On the Uses of Former United States Presidents 2." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 50, no. 2 (April 1991): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1536-7150.1991.tb03319.x.

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18

Lustig, Lawrence R., Andrew Spector, Lanny G. Close, C. Robert Pettit, Robert J. Ruben, and John W. House. "Presidential Problems: Otolaryngologic Disorders of the United States Presidents." Otolaryngology–Head and Neck Surgery 139, no. 2_suppl (August 2008): P22—P23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.otohns.2008.05.075.

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19

Fishburn, Janet F. "Gilbert Tennent, Established “Dissenter”." Church History 63, no. 1 (March 1994): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167831.

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Gilbert Tennent (1703–1764), an “Ulster Scot” born the same year as John Wesley, is usually remembered as a leader of revivals during the “Great Awakening” in the middle-colonies. John Witherspoon (1723–1794), a “champion of orthodoxy” from Edinburgh called to be the President of the College of New Jersey, is usually treated as a “founding father” of the Presbyterian Church in the United States. However, many events leading up to the first General Assembly in 1788 reflect the influence of Gilbert Tennet, the moderator of the newly re-united Synods of Philadelphia and New York in 1758.

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20

Kang, Veronica Y., Sunyoung Kim, and Michael K. Thomas. "Experiences of Korean Fathers of Children With Autism in the United States." Inclusion 10, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 183–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1352/2326-6988-10.3.183.

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Abstract There is an increasing number of culturally diverse individuals, particularly Asians, identified with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) in the United States. Nevertheless, research on culturally diverse caregivers, especially fathers, of children with ASD is scarce. Thus, this phenomenological study explored the essence of shared experiences of Korean fathers of children with ASD in the United States. Five fathers who have a child with ASD participated in a semistructured interview with a Korean-English bilingual researcher. Follow-up interviews and field notes were used for triangulation as a part of data analysis. The fathers' narratives regarding family characteristics, interactions, and functioning are discussed in alignment with the family systems theory. The findings provide recommendations for future practice and research.

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Smekhov, Leonid V. "COMMUNICATIVE PRACTICES OF THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION 2000-2008." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 1 (2022): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-1-99-108.

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The public communication practices of U.S. and Russian presidents are built on the basis of legal norms, political culture and established national traditions. The key genres of public communications of presidents in both the U.S. and Russia are: messages to parliaments, inaugural and crisis speeches, press conferences, and interviews. In the practice of the United States and Russia, the genres of messages and inaugural speeches practically coincide in this case. This is not coincidental, since the institution of the presidency in Russia is much younger and the key genres of public communications have been borrowed from Western practices. However, there are also certain specifics. In particular, the genre of crisis speeches is quite often used in the public communication practices of American presidents. In Russia, the practice of crisis speeches is used as a rhetorical tool of presidential communication much less frequently. The exceptions include presidential speeches about the most critical events; as a rule, they are broadcast on record. The know-how of presidential communication in Russia is the format of multihour direct lines with the president, which are broadcast by federal TV channels. The genre of press conferences is used by Russian presidents much more frequently. The rhetoric used by specific presidents adds to the peculiarity of their communication practices.

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22

Miller, Michael T. "The State of Faculty Involvement in Governance in the United States." International Research in Education 8, no. 2 (May 26, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ire.v8i2.17096.

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The purpose of the study was to profile the state of faculty governance in US higher education. The survey was based the National Data Base on Faculty Involvement in Governance. Using a similar protocol, the study used survey research with a sample of research university faculty senate presidents. Results include a growing use of non-tenure track faculty and faculty with little senate experience being elected to lead senates. The presidents indicated that the skills most necessary to them are problem analysis, judgement, sensitivity, and oral/written communication skills. They perceived their primary task as developing a sense of direction for the senate, and the most critical issue they face is one of determining institutional priorities. The study was limited to only one type of institution (research-centered) in one country (the United States), and with a 38% response rate to the survey. A growing number of non-tenure track faculty have been identified as leading senates and that there is a group of ‘fast-track’ senators with limited experience being elected into leadership positions. This means that there may be significant changes in how shared governance is being socially constructed. The study re-establishes the annual survey of faculty senate leaders, and longitudinal data will be critical in determining the future of faculty senates. Findings have immediacy in helping senate presidents and administrators understand the changing role of senates, how they see themselves, and what they value.

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HUFBAUER, BENJAMIN. "Spotlights and Shadows: Presidents and Their Administrations in Presidential Museum Exhibits." Public Historian 28, no. 3 (January 1, 2006): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2006.28.3.117.

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Abstract: This article focuses on the museums in presidential libraries. Since 1940 the rise of the federal presidential library has transformed presidential memorialization by largely allowing presidents—initially, at least—to commemorate themselves. This has populated the landscape of public memory in the United States with a series of history museums that promote an expansive view of presidential power. These museums also attempt to elevate individual presidents into the civil religion of the United States. This article examines the largely celebratory accounts in some presidential libraries, and contrasts them with the Truman Library's more balanced and historically accurate approach.

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Porter, Christian L., Craig H. Hart, Chongming Yang, Clyde C. Robinson, Susanne Frost Olsen, Qing Zeng, Joseph A. Olsen, and Shenghua Jin. "A comparative study of child temperament and parenting in Beijing, China and the western United States." International Journal of Behavioral Development 29, no. 6 (November 2005): 541–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01650250500147402.

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The purpose of this investigation was to examine comparable dimensions and linkages between child temperament and parenting styles with samples from Beijing, China and the western United States. Participants included 404 mothers and fathers from Beijing, China and 325 mothers and fathers from the western United States. Both mothers and fathers completed Buss and Plomin's (1984) EAS Temperament Scale as well as a spousal-report measure of parenting styles. Structural equation modelling was used to identify invariant (statistically comparable) factors for child temperament and parenting styles. Within-culture gender comparisons showed that Chinese fathers (relative to mothers) viewed their sons as being more active and sociable than daughters while US mothers (relative to fathers) rated their sons as being more active. Across-culture differences revealed that US parents (relative to Chinese parents) viewed children as more emotional while Chinese fathers (relative to US fathers) rated their children as more active. Similar and differential cultural patterns of linkages were also found between parenting styles and child temperament. Child emotionality was positively associated with authoritarian parenting in both cultures while child activity level was linked to more authoritative and less authoritarian parenting styles, but only in the Chinese sample. Finally, child sociability was found to be negatively linked to cross-gender patterns of authoritarian parenting in the US while mothers’ and fathers’ authoritarian parenting in China was linked to lower sociability in daughters only.

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Lawson, Fred H. "Kings and Presidents: Saudi Arabia and the United States since FDR." Journal of Arabian Studies 10, no. 2 (July 2, 2020): 326–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21534764.2020.1861695.

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26

Monks, James. "Job turnover among university presidents in the United States of America." Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management 34, no. 2 (April 2012): 139–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1360080x.2012.662739.

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Al-Rasheed, Madawi. "Kings and Presidents: Saudi Arabia and the United States since FDR." Middle Eastern Studies 55, no. 3 (November 13, 2018): 475–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2018.1505196.

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28

Mabon, Simon. "Kings and Presidents: Saudi Arabia and the United States since FDR." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 45, no. 5 (July 18, 2018): 867–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2018.1496718.

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29

Gooding-Williams, Robert. "AUTOBIOGRAPHY, POLITICAL HOPE, RACIAL JUSTICE." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 11, no. 1 (2014): 159–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x14000101.

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AbstractAfter the overthrow of Jim Crow and the reelection of our first Black president, how should we conceptualize the tasks of a racially progressive politics in the United States? I address this question through (1) the lens of recent philosophical work on the relation between narrative and the justification of political hope and (2) a comparison of two autobiographies, Barack Obama’s Dreams of My Father and W. E. B. Du Bois’s Dusk of Dawn. In light of this comparison, the paper also evaluates some recent contributions to the American Political Science subfield of American Political Development.

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30

OTANI, Takushi. "Anonymous speech of the Founding Fathers of the United States." Journal of Information Processing and Management 55, no. 10 (2013): 774–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1241/johokanri.55.774.

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31

Franco, Ferrarotti. "Are the United States still the «God’s Country»?" Academicus International Scientific Journal 23 (January 2021): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.7336/academicus.2021.23.01.

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Arriving to the «new world» across the Atlantic Ocean from England, the Founding Fathers, as an act of thankfullness to God’s guidance, called the United States the «God’s Country». On the other hand, serious scholars would call them the «unfinished country» and quite a few political scientists would talk about «our more perfect Union», touching on the variety and contradictions of the Two-centuries and a half old «nation of nations».

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32

Hamer, Jennifer F. "The Fathers of “Fatherless” Black Children." Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services 78, no. 6 (December 1997): 564–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1606/1044-3894.3387.

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This qualitative study of the roles and functions of Black noncustodial fathers explored the fathers' perspective on fatherhood in the context of the traditional view of fatherhood in the United States. Thirty-eight adult Black noncustodial fathers participated in the study. Black fathers based their perception of what noncustodial fathers should do as fathers on their childhood experiences with their own fathers. Their perspective on the roles and responsibilities of fatherhood contrasted sharply with that of the dominant culture.

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Adrangi, Bahram, and Joseph Macri. "Does the Misery Index Influence a U.S. President’s Political Re-Election Prospects?" Journal of Risk and Financial Management 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm12010022.

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We seek to determine whether a United States President’s job approval rating is influenced by the Misery Index. This hypothesis is examined in two ways. First, we employ a nonlinear model that includes several macroeconomic variables: the current account deficit, exchange rate, unemployment, inflation, and mortgage rates. Second, we employ probit and logit regression models to calculate the probabilities of U.S. Presidents’ approval ratings to the Misery Index. The results suggest that Layton’s model does not perform well when adopted for the United States. Conversely, the probit and logit regression analysis suggests that the Misery Index significantly impacts the probability of the approval of U.S. Presidents’ performances.

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Frishman, William H., Franklin H. Zimmerman, and Robert G. Lerner. "Vascular and Heart Diseases in the Incumbent Presidents and Vice Presidents of the United States of America." Cardiology in Review 21, no. 1 (2013): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/crd.0b013e31827303b5.

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Washington, Ernest, Elham Zandvakili, and Edmund Gordon. "Character and the Moral Self in Barack Obama’s Memoir, Dreams from My Father." International Journal of Psychological Studies 10, no. 3 (August 30, 2018): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijps.v10n3p109.

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Barack Obama is the subject and his memoir is the content for this essay on character and the moral self. These last two themes are applied to the development of Barack Obama’s character traits of love and caring, temperance, courage, love of learning, justice, and spirituality. Each character trait is valued, practiced worldwide and praised in children and adults. This analysis answers a question that has eluded scholars and political pundits. How was it possible for Barack Obama to understand that whites would vote for him to become president of the United States? The answer is hidden in plain view in the development of his character and moral self. This essay provides insights into how his character prepared him to become President of the United States.A practical model of character development is an important aim of this essay. Character is habits of mind and body that persist over time. The development of the moral self is a frame for understanding the role of emotions and cognition in the cultivation of habits of mind. Understanding the character of Barack Obama is only partial vindication of a model of the development of character. A supremely talented Barack Obama makes any model look good. The test of the usefulness and validity of the model is that it provokes the reader to think about children, especially African-American children in all of their uniqueness and universality. A conversation that begins with the habits of love and caring, temperance, courage, love of learning, justice, and spirituality is a good beginning toward that end.

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Rothschild, Amanda J. "Rousing a Response: When the United States Changes Policy toward Mass Killing." International Security 42, no. 2 (November 2017): 120–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00295.

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When do U.S. presidents change policy to respond with increased intensity to mass killings of civilians in other countries? The twentieth century witnessed a series of state-sponsored mass killings in a variety of regions around the world. Conventional arguments suggest that although the United States has the capability of responding to such atrocities, it often fails to do so because of a lack of political will for action. Historical evidence suggests, however, that although the modal response of the United States is inaction, at times U.S. presidents reverse course to respond more forcefully to mass killings. Three factors explain when and why these policy shifts happen: the level at which dissent occurs within the U.S. government, the degree of congressional pressure for policy change, and the extent to which the case of mass killing poses a political liability for the president. President Franklin D. Roosevelt's creation of the War Refugee Board in 1944 during the Holocaust supports this theory.

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Lindsay, Ana Cristina, Gabriela Vasconcellos de Barros Vianna, Carlos André Moura Arruda, Amanda De Sá Melo Alves, Maria Helena Hasselmann, Márcia MT Machado, and Mary L. Greaney. "Brazilian immigrant fathers’ perspectives on child’s eating and feeding practices: a qualitative study conducted in the United States." Public Health Nutrition 23, no. 17 (June 24, 2020): 3211–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980020001123.

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AbstractObjectives:Brazilians comprise a rapidly growing immigrant Latino group in the USA, yet little research has focused on health issues affecting Brazilian children in immigrant families. As increasing evidence is documenting fathers’ influential role in their children’s eating behaviours and ultimately weight status, the current study sought to explore the Brazilian immigrant fathers’ perspectives and practices related to child’s feeding practices and their preschool-aged children’s eating.Design:Qualitative study using in-depth, semi-structured interviews. Interviews were conducted in Portuguese by native Brazilian research staff using a semi-structured interview guide. Interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim. Transcripts were analysed thematically using a hybrid approach that incorporated deductive and inductive analytical approaches.Setting:Massachusetts.Participants:Twenty-one Brazilian immigrant fathers who had at least one child aged 2–5 years.Results:Results revealed fathers’ awareness of the importance of healthy eating for their children, their influence as role models and their involvement in feeding routines of their preschool-aged children. Moreover, fathers were receptive to participating in family interventions to promote their children’s healthy eating. Nearly all fathers reported wanting to learn more and to do ‘what’s right’ for their children.Conclusions:The current study provides new information about Brazilian immigrant fathers’ views about factors influencing their children’s healthy eating behaviours and paternal feeding practices. Future research should quantify fathers’ feeding styles and practices and solicit fathers’ input in the design of culturally appropriate family interventions targeting the home environment of preschool-aged children of Brazilian immigrant families.

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Martinez, Inez. "Connecting the Image of God as Almighty Father, Narcissism, Trump, and Charles Brockden Brown’s Wieland." Journal of Jungian Scholarly Studies 14 (June 11, 2019): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/jjs5s.

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Given Jung’s understanding of emergence as unconscious materials unattended emerging into lived life, the election of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States calls for analysis of unconscious collective attitudes. Trump’s enthusiastic supporters embrace his narcissism, including his claims to almighty power, obedience, and adoration, claims characteristic of the God image of the Judeo-Christian Father almighty. This essay proposes that Americans socialized to worship that image of God have not been aware that they are divinizing narcissistic traits. Charles Brockden Brown’s novel Wieland or the Transformation, An American Tale (1798) portrays such a God and a phantom narrative unveiling murderousness in the narcissistic divine Father-son relations. Brown concludes with a call for the development of “juster notions” of divinity. Recognizing the latent murderousness in the narcissistic image of God the Father almighty potentially leads to recalling that projection and collectively accepting responsibility for inner murderousness.

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DeSoto, K. Andrew, and Henry L. Roediger. "Remembering the Presidents." Current Directions in Psychological Science 28, no. 2 (January 29, 2019): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963721418815685.

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Here we report research on how important historical figures—presidents of the United States—are remembered and forgotten. When students are given 5 min to recall presidents (in order, if possible), they remember the first few, the most recent, and Lincoln and his immediate successors better than the rest. When this study is done over time, a regular forgetting curve appears, allowing us to assess the rate of forgetting for more recent presidents. Some presidents (e.g., Kennedy) are being forgotten more slowly than others (e.g., Truman). People are more accurate in recognizing presidents than in recalling them, but they also show interesting false recognitions, identifying people such as Alexander Hamilton as a former president. Together, these studies provide a window into how groups of people remember salient figures from their group’s past: its leaders. They also show that the effects derived from studying artificial materials in the lab may generalize more widely to other material with a different type of memory test.

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Berger, Jane. "“There is tragedy on both sides of the layoffs:” Privatization and the Urban Crisis in Baltimore." International Labor and Working-Class History 71, no. 1 (2007): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000324.

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AbstractBy the 1960s, the urban crisis in the United States was well underway. Structural trans-formations in the postwar economy and accelerating deindustrialization contributed to high rates of unemployment in many cities in the nation's old industrial core. During the 1970s and 1980s, the urban crisis worsened. This article argues that the macroeconomic policies of Presidents Richard Nixon, Jimmy Carter, and Ronald Reagan fueled urban decline. Responding to the waning hegemony of the United States in the global economy as well as to a domestic corporate crisis of profitability, the presidents pursued macroeconomic agendas that prioritized the revitalization of American economic dominance. Macroeconomic policy decisions in combination with white-backlash pressures constrained the range of urban policies the presidents could pursue and often compelled privatization. The federal-level decisionmaking had devastating consequences in Baltimore, Maryland, the city discussed in this article. The macroeconomic and urban policies had racialized and gendered outcomes that plunged the city into the most acute phase of the urban crisis.

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Hersch, Charles B. "Jazz and the Boundaries of Race." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 3 (August 16, 2012): 701–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271200120x.

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What does racial identity mean in twenty-first-century America? Some say we live in a “postracial” world, and increasing numbers of Americans have multiethnic backgrounds. We academics recognize that race is a social construction, yet Americans remain attached to traditional racial categories. In 2008, approximately 15% of all marriages in the United States were interracial, and beginning with the 2000 census, Americans have been allowed to check more than one racial category. Yet 97% of Americans in 2010 reported only one race. We are proud of electing our first “black president” even though his mother was white and he grew up barely knowing his African father.

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Susilo, I. Basis, and Annisa Pratamasari. "How Did America Inspire Indonesian Revolution?" Jurnal Global Strategis 12, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.12.2.2018.119-130.

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This paper examines the American Revolution as an inspiration for Indonesia’s founding fathers to fight for their nation’s independence in 1945. This paper was sparked by the existence of the pamphlet ‘It's 1776 in Indonesia’ published in 1948 in the United States which presupposes the link between Indonesian Revolution and the American Revolution. The basic assumption of this paper is that Indonesian founding fathers were inspired by the experiences of other nations, including the Americans who abolished the British colonization of 13 colonies in North American continent in the eigthenth century. American inspiration on the struggle for Indonesian independence was examined from the spoken dan written words of three Indonesian founding fathers: Achmad Soekarno, Mohamad Hatta and Soetan Sjahrir. This examination produced two findings. First, the two Indonesian founding fathers were inspired by the United States in different capacities. Compared to Hatta and Sjahrir, Soekarno referred and mentioned the United States more frequent. Second, compared to the inspirations from other nations, American inspiration for the three figures was not so strong. This was because the liberal democratic system and the American-chosen capitalist system were not the best alternative for Soekarno, Hatta and Sjahrir. Therefore, the massive exposition of the 1776 Revolution in 1948 was more of a tactic on the Indonesian struggle to achieve its national objectives at that time, as it considered the United States as the most decisive international post-World War II political arena.

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Yengibaryan, R. V. "US Presidents: Personal Dimension." Journal of Law and Administration, no. 1 (July 28, 2018): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2018-1-46-3-13.

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Introduction. The personality of any US president due to his enormous constitutional authority and the place in the government structure of the country has always been considered extremely significant, even if in reality he did not quite measure up to the high moral and political criteria that both voters and the international community wanted him to meet.Materials and methods. Various scientific methods such as comparative-legal, systemic and a number of others form the methodological and research basis of the article.Results of the study. The US President, who is also the head of the Federal Government, the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and the US Navy is not only the first executive person of the country, but also the leader of one of the two leading political parties with enormous political and moral impact on the whole country, and the entire world community. During his term in office as President of the United States, all America and the whole world watch him on television, read and hear about him almost daily. To some extent he sets standards for men’s official fashion and behavior in society and in the family, he is a epitome of virtue and justice. How successful he is in this capacity is another question, but the fact is that the world community discusses his actions, words and behavior, wants to be like him or, on the contrary, criticizes him and does not agree with him, and this is an undeniable fact.Discussion and conclusion. With the date of the next presidential elections approaching and especially in the midst of the presidential campaign a large number of popular scientific and other publications are published in the United States and around the world on the institution of the US Presidency, its amazing stability and the ability to effectively lead the most dynamic branch of the three powers provided by the US Constitution the executive power.

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Beck, Mary. "Prenatal Abandonment: 'Horton Hatches the Egg' In the Supreme Court and Thirty-Four States." Michigan Journal of Gender & Law, no. 24.1 (2017): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36641/mjgl.24.1.prenatal.

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This article addresses an issue critical to forty-one percent of fathers in the United States: prenatal abandonment. Under prenatal abandonment theory, fathers can lose their parental rights to non-marital children if they do not provide prenatal support to the mothers of their children. This is true even if the mothers have not notified the fathers of the pregnancy and if the mothers or fathers are unsure of the fathers’ paternity. While this result may seem counterintuitive, it is necessitated by demographic trends. Prenatal abandonment theory has been structured to protect mothers, fathers, and fetuses in response to a number of social factors: the link between pregnancy and increased rates of sexual assault, domestic violence, and domestic homicide; the high non-marital birth rate; the commonality of casual sexual relationships; the likelihood that non-marital children will live in poverty; and poverty’s deleterious effects upon children. The 2013 United States Supreme Court’s decision in Adoptive Couple v. Baby Girl endorsed prenatal abandonment theory and elevated the rights of pregnant women and fetuses while tying an unwed father’s rights to the responsibilities he assumes from the moment of conception. This Article analyzes relevant socio-demographics and comprehensively reviews existing case law to conclude with recommendations for the structure of prenatal abandonment theory as it now exists in various forms in thirty-four states.

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Galbraith, Jean. "The President's Power to Withdraw the United States from International Agreements at Present and in the Future." AJIL Unbound 111 (2017): 445–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2017.99.

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An uneasy equilibrium exists with respect to how the United States exits international agreements. In general, exit is easy as a matter of legal doctrine but, for important agreements, difficult as a matter of political practice. While presidents can withdraw the United States from most major international agreements, they have done so only rarely—and never yet with deep costs to the stability of our world order.

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McKinney, Cliff, Melanie Stearns, and Mary M. Rogers. "Perceptions of Differential Parenting between Southern United States Mothers and Fathers." Journal of Child and Family Studies 27, no. 11 (July 27, 2018): 3742–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10826-018-1204-3.

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Lansford, Jennifer E., Marc H. Bornstein, Kenneth A. Dodge, Ann T. Skinner, Diane L. Putnick, and Kirby Deater-Deckard. "Attributions and Attitudes of Mothers and Fathers in the United States." Parenting 11, no. 2-3 (April 2011): 199–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15295192.2011.585567.

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Sprengel, Mieczysław. "Political Relations of Australia with the United States: 2000–2017." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 23, no. 1 (July 15, 2019): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.23.08.

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Relations between Australia and the United States have developed for long time notably during World War II. Over the following decades, cooperation has become more intense as Australians adopt many cultural patterns from the Americans. Australia declared and supported US presidents in military operations, which is why some have called Australia, America’s sheriff for working to stabilize this part of the world. One cannot overlook the personal arrangements between leaders that help shape the dynamic of deepening the mutual relations these two nations. Donald Trump’s personal interactions’ with the Prime Ministers of Australia play a significant role in this regard.

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Flippin, Michelle, and Debbie L. Hahs-Vaughn. "Parent couples’ participation in speech-language therapy for school-age children with autism spectrum disorder in the United States." Autism 24, no. 2 (July 9, 2019): 321–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362361319862113.

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This study examined parent couples’ participation in and satisfaction with speech-language therapy for school-age children with autism spectrum disorder in the United States. Responses from 40 father–mother couples ( n = 80 parents) were examined across therapy components (i.e. parent–therapist communication, assessment, planning, and intervention). Descriptive frequencies, chi-square tests, intraclass correlations, and dyadic multilevel modeling were used to examine participation across fathers and mothers and within parent couples. Compared to mothers, fathers communicated less with therapists and participated less in assessment and planning. Fathers also had lower satisfaction than mothers with parent–therapist communication and planning. Although few parents participated in school-based therapy sessions, 40% of fathers and 50% of mothers participated in homework. However, few parents received homework support from therapists. Results are discussed in terms of clinical implications for interventionists to more effectively engage both fathers and mothers in family-centered speech-language therapy for school-aged children with autism spectrum disorder.

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Ferrero, Christopher. "The Iran Narrative: The Ideational Context of US Foreign Policy Decision-Making toward the Islamic Republic of Iran." Iran and the Caucasus 17, no. 1 (2013): 41–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20130105.

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The United States and Iran have been estranged for over thirty years. Conventional wisdom in the US holds that Iran is chiefly responsible given its threatening actions and harsh rhetoric. Yet, between 1990 and 2003, Iran presented successive American presidents with opportunities for rapprochement. Each declined to fully seize the opportunity. Why? This article posits the causal significance of ideas and discourse in the United States. What the author calls the Iran Narrative is comprised of the vast collection of frames, myths, caricatures, news reports, “expert” analyses, and ideas that cohere and portray Iran as a uniquely evil, hostile, and irrational enemy of the United States. Domestic actors leverage the Narrative to increase the political costs and reduce the normative desirability of rapprochement with Iran. Perceptions of high political cost and low normative desirability dissuade American presidents from more actively pursuing engagement with Iran. In this article, the author tests the evidence for the existence of an Iran Narrative through a media content analysis and suggests that the Narrative has causal significance for policy decisions. Further explication of the Narrative is an interdisciplinary task that ought to leverage the tools of political science, psychology, anthropology, and other fields. The policy implications of the Iran Narrative are critical. If the Narrative does, indeed, constrain American presidents from taking bold risks for peace with Iran, then a fuller explication and deconstruction of the Iran Narrative is a necessary condition of rapprochement between Washington and Tehran.

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