Academic literature on the topic 'Fatimidi'

Tensions between the regime and the army are a crucial component for the understanding of Fatimid history and, as will be shown, they had a mostly destabilizing impact on society and the economy. A host of factors shaped the relationship between the regime, the army, and society. Among these factors, the socio-military composition of the army was especially important. The composition of the army was partly an outcome of deliberate policies of the regime, partly a consequence of local conditions, and partly a reflection of wider Islamic practices. In the case of the Fatimids, the local conditions of Ifrīqiya (Tunisia) and Egypt and the military traditions of the deposed regimes of the Aghlabids and the Ikhshidids must be taken into consideration. Fatimid reliance on the Berbers of Kutāma was not much a matter of a choice; they were the first adherents of the Fatimids and had helped bring them to power in Ifrīqiya. However, from the earliest years of Fatimid rule the Aghlabid military traditions and local conditions were reflected in the composition of the Fatimid army and had an influence on Fatimid policies. Conditions in Egypt played a smaller role in shaping the Fatimid army. Certain elements of the defeated Egyptian army (the lkhshīdiyya and the Kāfūriyya) were incorporated into the Fatimid army while others were disbanded. The Fatimid drive into Palestine and Syria, whose ultimate goal was Baghdad, confronted the Fatimids with militarily superior armies built on the model of the Buyid-'Abbasid and the Byzantines.

Provide research in theme to study the relations between the Fatimids and the Crusaders in the Levant and Egypt (491-567 AH / 1097-1171 AD) and its impact in the succession. Find referred to the attitude of the Fatimids of the First Crusade expansion Crusader in Palestine and the position of the Fatimids of it, and the incursion in the Crusader (Egypt, images, Ashkelon) and its impact in the Fatimid relations crusade every special study

Abstract This paper analyses the theorisation of the Imamate in Ismaili thought before and during the Fatimid period, drawing on Ismaili and Druze sources. It outlines early Ismaili interpretations of the doctrine of historical cycles of seven imams and the culmination of these cycles in the Mahdi/Qāʾim, and it traces the evolution of this doctrine under the Fatimids as well as among the eastern Ismailis, with attention to issues such as the genealogies of the first Fatimids, adherence to the law, and the role of the Mahdi or Qāʾim.

This study discusses the role of the Fatimid dynastyin the spread of Islam in Southwest Asia in the ninth century. This research uses descriptive qualitative research method and also heuristic research. The Fatimids were the Isma'iliyah Shi'ite dynasty. The Fatimid dynasty was founded by Ubaidillah al-Mahdi. Ubaidillah al-Mahdi is a person from the Syrian nation to North Africa. The concept used is the radical Shia Isma'iliyah withits doctrines that have political, religious, philosophical, and social dimensions. Based on the results of research and discussion, it is concluded that the role of the Fatimid dynasty in spreading Islam occurredin Egypt, North Africa, Sicily, the Red Sea Coastof Africa, Palestine, Syria, Yaman and the Hijaz which spread the Shi'a sect. The greatest progress made by the Fatimid dynasty was in the system of government, economics and science. The main objective of the Fatimid dynasty was to establish a new capitalcity, namely Cairo, to foster funds to establish alarge Islamic University, namely Al-Azhar and to disseminate the ideology of the Fatimid dynasty, namely, Shi'ism to Palestine, Syriaand Hijaz.

AbstractA persistent myth featuring in some modern accounts of the transition from Fatimid to Ayyubid rule (1169–71) is that one of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn's (r. 1171–93) first actions upon attaining sovereignty over Egypt was to destroy the Fatimids’ book collections in their entirety. Medieval sources present a different, more nuanced depiction of books sold and dispersed over a decade or more, rather than extirpated and put out of circulation altogether. This article collects and examines medieval Arabic accounts of the episode, and finds further indications of the robust survival of Fatimid-era works in the composition of later chronicles, where native Fatimid-era accounts, which clearly did endure beyond the Fatimid age, are well-represented. The article also looks at the tendentious aspects of medieval accounts of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn's policies, and the difficulties they pose to a modern appraisal of the sultan's character and intellectual-ideological tendencies.

AbstractArwā bint Ahmad (d. 532/1137) ruled in Yemen for fifty-five years. She played an important political role and at the same time occupied the highest rank in the Ismā'īlī religious hierarchy after that of the imam. Her religious policies, particularly her special relations with the Fatimids, led to the transfer of the Fatimid literary legacy to Yemen, and hence to its preservation following the fall of the Fatimid Caliphate. She likewise organized the new structure of the Yemeni Ismā'īlī da'wa, thus contributing to its survival after the fall of the Sulayhid dynasty. The proposed paper investigates Arwā's career from two different angles: the Fatimid Egyptian and the Yemen Ismā'īlī. The main point will be the way they dealt with the fact that she was a female ruler. The Fatimid caliph-imam al-Mustansir first issued a decree stating that to follow her was a religious duty. He then appointed her to the rank of huğğa, the highest after that of the imam, in order to give her rule a more emphatic legitimacy. The Yemeni Ismā'īlī position is best represented in al-Sultān al-Hattāb's religious tract Gāyat al-mawālīd, where he argues that Arwā's female body was no more than a body envelope covering her original male essence. The fact that Arwā was a woman posed a serious problem for both the Fatimids and the Yemeni Ismā'īlīs. In each case they tried to deal with it in a way that suited their political and religious interests.

AbstractOver a period of some forty years, 380/990–421/1030, the Fatimids in Egypt exchanged embassies with their Zirid viceroys in Ifrīqiya after these had been recognized as a hereditary dynasty, and to a lesser extent with their Kalbid deputies in Sicily. Sijillāt or official letters of the Fatimid chancery, accompanied by sumptuous presents, invested the Zirids with their authority and favoured them with important announcements, while the Zirids replied in kind. The embassies were ostentatiously welcomed by the Zirids as proof of their legitimacy, while serving to maintain the connection with Cairo on which the Fatimids were similarly dependent for the sake of their imperial standing in the world. The importance of that connection to both dynasties was shown in the 440s/1050s, when it was broken by the Zirids and restored by a Fatimid intervention, celebrated in a fresh series of sijillāt. With their emphasis on the style as much as the substance of the messages, the exchanges are excellent illustrations of mediaeval diplomatic correspondence as described by John Wansbrough in Lingua Franca in the Mediterranean.

The foundation of Abu ʿAbd Allah's movement was that which God Almighty had ordained concerning the victory of His friends' cause, the strengthening of His True Religion and the exaltation of His Word. Abu ʿAbd Allah al-Shiʿi was an Ismaʿili dāʿĪ and the architect of the Fatimid revolution in North Africa. Mobilizing support among the Kutama Berbers, he was able ultimately to overthrow the Aghlabid house and proclaim ʿAbd Allah as the Mahdi and first Fatimid imam in 909.1 Our primary source for Abu ʿAbd Allah's career is al-Qadi al-Nuʿman's Kitāb iftitāḥ al-daʿwa, completed in 957.2 As the official account of the Fatimid rise to power, it is an excellent source for understanding the ideology and propagands of the North African phase of the Fatimid daʿwa. Although the Iftitāḥ is not devoted explicitly to religious/theological questions in the manner of al-Qudi al-Nuʿ man's other writings, an attempt to establish the historical validity of the Fatimid claim to the imamate is implicit throughout the work.The Iftitah is a text of religious significance precisely because it is a historical account of God's action through His human agents to restore the original Islamic community of the Prophet and a righteous political order governed according to God's will, a theme not uncommon in medieval Islam and one to which we shall return later in our discussion. The Iftitah is thus a superb document for ascertaining the Fatimids' perceptions of themselves and how they wanted to appear to a literate audience. Marius Canard, Farhat Dachraoui, and Tilman Nagel have discussed these subjects thoroughly in several works dealing with the Fatimids' North African propaganda.3 My intent here is not to discuss the specific vocabulary of Abu cAbd Allah's daFwa anew, but rather the environment which Abu cAbd Allah proclaimed his "summons to the truth," an environment which enabled him, both by accident and by design, to pattern his career after that of the Prophet.

This paper deals with the study of the impact of the Shiism on the Arabic literature in general, and on the Fatimid literature in particular. It treats the issue of)al-Zahir and al-Batin(in the Holy Qur’an or what is called the esoteric interpretation. The Fatimid writers exerted more attention and paid their effort in employing Qur’anic verses through esoteric interpretation, their goal in that was to get the Imamate or the Caliphate, it was the utmost motivation for the esoteric interpretation. the Imamate was right for Ali bin Abi Talib and for his descendants and they sought to maintain this right contextually not by selection. The study deals with the concept of "esoteric interpretation" and its relationship to the issue of Alzaher and Albatin (deep and surface meaning), as it was mentioned in the Diwaniyah letters of the Fatimid writers. It also examines the manifestations of the esoteric interpretation with the Imam on one side and with the Fatimid writers on the other side. The study ends with presenting the elements of their use of esoteric interpretation through selected models from the Diwaniya messages, directly related to the thought and belief of the Fatimids.

Shainool Jiwa’s The Rise of a Muslim Empire is a two-volume historical work on the legacy of the Fatimid Empire. The first volume surveys the religious and sociopolitical underpinnings of Fatimid rule from its North African establishment in 909 to its transition to Egypt in 969. Jiwa’s second vol- ume focuses on the pinnacle of Fatimid society up until its decline from 969-1171. This review pertains to the first of the two volumes. Working within this phase, Jiwa details the reigns of the first four Imams: ‘Abd Allāh al-Mahdī, Abū’l-Qāsim Muḥammad, Ismāʿīl al-Manṣūr, and al-Muʿizz li- Dīn Allāh. The second book, which is titled The Fatimid Rule from Egypt, discusses the latter ten Imams (4). The first chapter covers the origins of the Fatimids in respect to both religious and geographical contexts. Jiwa starts by providing the historical background of Ismaili Shiism. Here, everything from the succession crisis of 632 CE to the emergence of the different strands of Shiism are discussed. Jiwa describes the Ismaili sect as having held Ismāʿīl, the eldest son of Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq, to have been the chosen successor of his father, therefore mak- ing him Imam. Ismāʿīl’s ephemeral mortality caused for the Imamate to then pass over to his young son, Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl, eponym of the sect (10). The Twelvers are described as having believed in the Imamate of Jaʿfar’s youngest son, Mūsā, whose lineage gives root to the Imams of Twelver Shiism. Jiwa characterizes Ismaili beliefs as having rested on dawr al-satr (period of concealment) and daʿwa (religio-political mission) (11). The dawr al-satr refers to the Imams going into hiding with only their most trusted followers knowing their true identities. Subsequently, these follow- ers promoted the recognition of these hidden Imams, which in large part refers to daʿwa (the act of inviting). Jiwa explains that during dawr al-satr (765–909 CE) Ismaili doctrine had spread as far as from Yemen to Ifriqiya (modern-day Tunisia and eastern Algeria) (12), with its most prominent adherents being the Kutama Berbers of North Africa. Under the teachings of Abū ‘Abd Allāh al-Shīʿī, a pronounced Ismaili dāʿī (inviter), the Kutama had aspired to establish the dawlat al-ḥaqq (the righteous state) (16). This aspiration materialized under the allegiance of ‘Abd Allāh al-Mahdī who had been pronounced as Imam by his predecessor and later recognized as the mahdī (messianic figure) (20). This belief, nonetheless, was not accepted by all Ismailis, particularly those following Ḥamdān Qarmaṭ, who later came to be known as the Qaramiṭa (21). Sa- lamiyya (a town located in Syria), the town where ‘Abd Allāh al-Mahdī had resided, became unsafe due to Abbasid persecution, causing the Imam to migrate to various locations and eventually Sijilmasa (22). Meanwhile, the Kutama had grown to such a force that they had been able to seize control over Qayrawān of North Africa under the leadership of al-Shīʿī (22). When al-Mahdī was later arrested in Sijilmasa and the news spread to the Kuta- ma, a campaign of soldiers marched to secure his release and bring him to Qayrawān. Having accomplished this, the Fatimid State came into fruition (22). Jiwa provides sources detailing the events which led up to the Fatim- id establishment, including eyewitness accounts from Jaʿfar al-Ḥājib’s Sīrat Jaʿfar al-Ḥājib, secondary sources such as Aḥmad b. Ibrāhīm al-Naysābūrī’s Istitār al-Imām (‘The Concealment of the Imam’), and other historical works such as the influential Iftitāh al-daʿwa wa-ibtidāʿ al-dawla (‘Com- mencement of the Mission and the Beginnings of the State’) authored by Abū Ḥanīfa al-Nuʿmān (29-30). These references help readers pinpoint who was instrumental in recording Fatimid history. In chapter two, Jiwa discusses the establishment of the Fatimid state, giving details of its institutions, processes, and hallmark locations. Al-Mah- dī is seen to have incorporated officials who had previously served the Aghlabids (the previous rulers of Qayrawān). In addition, institutions such as maẓālim (oppressive acts) courts are discussed as having been estab- lished to provide redress for ordinary civilians against abuses of power (35). During this time of development, dissension amongst the Kutama is seen to have imploded on the basis of marginalized sentiments. Once having been one of the most loyal dāʿīs to al-Mahdī, al-Shīʿī had led a rebellion against his former Imam on charges of being a false mahdī. Ultimately this campaign was pacified, resulting in the execution of al Shīʿī. This chapter also reveals new characters who later became prominent figures in Fatimid history. The heir apparent or Prince Abū’l-Qāsim Muḥammad, the eldest son of al-Mahdī, already took up much of his father’s duties while his own son, Ismāʿīl or al-Manṣūr bi’llāh (‘the One Who is Victorious by God’) was entrusted by the sitting Imam, al-Mahdī (his grandfather), as his most faithful confidant (39). The port city of al-Mahdiyya which had been con- structed by the Fatimids in 916 is described as having been unique in its architectural design and strategic in its location. Al-Mahdiyya served as the new Mediterranean capital and had secured the Fatimids a booming com mercial fabric. Similarly, the city of Palermo in Sicily had been occupied by the Fatimids and had also brought a great deal of cultural exchange and goods. Jiwa brings out images of palaces and charts out maps of the port city to provide visual comprehension of the architecture. Chapter three surveys the reign of al-Manṣūr, discussing his ascension to power under fraught circumstances and his construction of a new city. This chapter focuses attention on the reconstruction of Palermo in vivid archaeological detail. Readers are informed of the Khariji rebellion from Ifrīqiya spearheaded by Abū Yazīd al-Nukkarī. The Kharijis are described to have been insurmountable by the Fatimids, pushing their Empire as far back as to the Mediterranean coast of al-Mahdiyya (60). It was not until al-Ḥasan b. ‘Alī al-Kalbī, the governor of Tunis, and his army pushed back against the Kharijis that the North African coastland would be recaptured (61). Despite this, the Kharijis were too difficult to overcome and remained at conflict with the Fatimids up until the death of Abū’l-Qāsim. Fearful that news of Abū’l-Qāsim’s death would puncture the morale of the Fatimid war effort, al-Manṣūr had managed to keep the news of his father’s passing silent. After an eventful encounter, al-Manṣūr would eventually go on to defeat Abū Yazīd’s army and restore Fatimid rule. Following this victory, al-Manṣūr began taking restorative measures to recover the now war-torn society. Socially considerate policies such as charity stipends, the appoint- ment of a Sunni-based Maliki judge, and omission of taxes were all strides in this effort. But the most significant of his developments was the con- struction of a new capital called Manṣūriyya. Much of this city’s structural inspiration came from the North African ancient ruins al-Manṣūr had been enchanted by (68). Jiwa’s training as a historian is evident in how she cites primary sources every chance she gets, from sermons to testimonies. Clos- ing this chapter, Jiwa provides an anecdote recorded by al-Nuʿmān which romantically relays the moment al-Manṣūr knew that his son, al-Muʿizz li-Dīn Allāh, was ready to ascend to power (77). Jiwa’s anecdotes connect the reader to the ethos of Fatimid personalities. Chapter four delves into the reign of al-Manṣūr’s heir, al-Muʿizz (953- 75), who came into conflict with both the Umayyads and the Byzantines during his reign and would later live out his final days in his new capital, al-Qāhira al-Muʿizziya (‘the Victorious City of al-Muʿizz’)—modern-day Cairo (78). Beyond the royal family, Jiwa presents key stalwarts that the Em- pire was indebted to. Once servant to al-Mahdī, Jawhar, who was of Slavic origin, had risen through the ranks (serving both as scribe and commander in battle), eventually being entrusted with many honorable state positions. This chapter is the longest one of the book and attempts to accomplish many things. Along with discussing the battles which ensued during this juncture, Jiwa also fleshes out the theology of Ismaili beliefs. Al-Nuʿmān is said to have written extensively on the topic—including his text written between 958 and 960, Daʿā’im al-Islām (‘Pillars of Islam’), which delineates such fundamental concepts to Ismaili theology as walāya (allegiance and obedience), īmān (faith), ẓāhir (exoteric), and bāṭin (esoteric) (88-89). The early Fatimid age is described as having been a milieu of knowledge seek- ing, with debates and lectures taking place on a frequent basis. Through the majālis (teaching sessions) program, the Ismaili doctrine would proliferate to the broader society. Jiwa’s text is filled with firsthand accounts which describe Fatimid institutions, ceremonies, and events, providing vivid pic- tures of what is being described (e.g., al-Nuʿmān’s description of the grand circumcision ceremony hosted in 962 and Ibn Haytham’s description of the diversity of attendees and tailoring of lessons in the majālis by teach- ers such as Aflaḥ b. Hārūn al-Mālūsī, 95). The tension between the Uma- yyads in Spain and the Fatimids is also presented in this chapter, depicted as stemming from their varying loyalties in the rivalry between ‘Alī b. Abī Ṭālib and Muʿāwiya. The coastal regions of the Mediterranean and North Africa would see many conflicts between the Fatimids and Umayyads; the Umayyads and the Byzantines worked together to suppress their Fatimid adversary, with the Byzantines launching campaigns on the parts of the Empire closest to Sicily while the Umayyads attacked the most western part. After briefly losing parts of their North African territories, the Fatimids eventually reasserted their control over the Maghrib, leaving the Umayyads no choice but to resort to a peace treaty (103). The Ismaili daʿwā reached far and wide, with its message gaining adherents from the Gulf of Yemen to as far as Sind. Jiwa also describes the Kalbid dynasty of Fatimid Sicily, which had come under the governorship of al-Ḥasan al-Kalbī. During this period (960-65), Sicily had been the site of intense warfare between the Fatimids and the Byzantines, with two distinct battles resulting in the most pivotal outcomes for the region, namely the Pit and the Straits (119). Like the Umayyads, the Byzantines would also later come to negotiate terms of peace with the Fatimids in 958 (116). Chapter five speaks to the venture the Fatimids made into Egypt in 966. Here, readers are presented with the terms acknowledged by local nobles such as Sharīf Abū Jaʿfar Muslim al-Ḥusaynī and the Fatimids, the founding of the new capital (al-Qāhira), and the relocation of al-Muʿizz along with a significant portion of the Manṣūriyyan population in 972. The chapter serves as both a close to the book and a cliffhanger for the second volume of the series (which turns to Fatimid rule in Egypt under the son of al-Muʿizz, Niẓār b. al-Muʿizz). Capturing the cohesive religious fabric of Fatimid rule, Jiwa notes that al-Muʿizz pledged to maintain Sunni religious life while ruling over Egypt (126); she describes pillars of Sunni Islam that can serve as points of contrast to the Ismaili tradition (127). Individuals who can justly be seen as archetypes of the Fatimid intel- ligentsia are referenced both biographically and through their works. Jiwa introduces her readers to eminent characters including missionaries like Abū Yaʿqūb al-Sijistānī of Khurāsān (d. after 971); writers and thinkers who composed the Fatimid ideology such as Qāḍī al-Nuʿmān; poets who gave inspiration such as Muḥammad b. Hānī; and generals who rendered their lives for the Fatimid Empire such as al-Ḥasan b. ‘Ali al-Kalbī. Although some readers may be frustrated by the detail of jumping back and forth across names, dates, and events, those who are able to follow the work the- matically will certainly find this work to be nothing short of informative. Jiwa impressively condenses a rich and fluid history into few pages while including the most essential elements, people, and institutions making up this period. Readers are provided with visual aids (maps, family tree charts, and city maps) to help identify and locations and structures which would otherwise come off as abstract and jargon-heavy. In addition, she includes colorful images of important monuments such as mosques, coins, and ar- tifacts. Ameen OmarMA, Islamic Studies & HistoryThe George Washington University

La seguente tesi di laurea si propone di studiare nel dettaglio la lavorazione dei cristalli di rocca islamici presenti nel tesoro marciano specificandone provenienza, datazione e tecnica di lavoro, presentando dei confronti fra essi o fra altri pezzi analoghi custoditi in altri musei. Il lavoro si incentra in particolare sulla sezione islamica del tesoro marciano che riguarda i cristalli e i vetri, nonché su altri oggetti del tesoro di san Marco eseguiti con questa materia prima ma provenienti da Bisanzio o da Venezia o di provenienza ignota, al fine di effettuare interessanti confronti circa la tecnica di lavorazione. Alcuni oggetti islamici che sono entrati a far parte del tesoro della basilica hanno subito dei rimaneggiamenti, come l’aggiunta di una montatura: questi pezzi sono stati indagati nel loro insieme, in quanto la montatura, sebbene di altra epoca, può fornire un terminus ante quem a partire dal quale tali oggetti sono confluiti nel tesoro marciano.

Lors des fouilles archéologiques menées le long de la muraille médiévale du Caire, entreprises par l'organisationAga Khan Cultural Services et l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale entre 2000 et 2009, une importantequantité de céramiques a été mise au jour. L'objectif de cette étude est de caractériser les productions decéramiques communes et glaçurées et d'établir une chrono-typologie de ces céramiques de l'époque fatimide (finXe siècle) au début de l'époque ottomane (début XVIe siècle), à partir des données fournies par le terrain. Dansune première partie, sont décrits les contextes archéologiques dont proviennent les céramiques, puis, sontdéfinis les différents types de pâtes. Il a semblé nécessaire de présenter également une sélection d'assemblagespour chaque période, bien calés chronologiquement grâce à l'analyse stratigraphique du terrain. La partessentielle de ce travail constitue la seconde partie, présentée sous la forme d'un catalogue morphologique de lacéramique commune et des productions de céramiques glaçurées locales et importées. Cette classification estorganisée de manière chronologique et complétée d'éventuelles comparaisons avec d'autres sites. La troisièmepartie est consacrée à l'évolution chronologique et à la proportion de chaque forme et et de chaque productionglaçurée ainsi qu'aux caractéristiques générales de la céramique pour chaque époque (fatimide, ayyoubide etmamelouke). Un développement plus particulier concerne certaines productions, locales ou importées, qui lesrelie, lorsque cela était possible, à un contexte historique, sociologique ou économique
During the archaeological excavations along the medieval walls of Cairo, undertaken by Aga Khan CulturalServices and the French Institut of Oriental Archeology in Cairo between 2000 and 2009, a large amount ofpottery has been discovered. The purpose of this study is to characterize the production of the coarse and glazedpottery, and to establish a chrono-typolology of these ceramics from the Fatimid period (late tenth century) to thebeginning of the Ottoman period (early sixteenth century), with the data provided by the site. In the first part, thearcheological contexts of the ceramics are described then, the different types of paste are defined. It seemednecessary too to present a selection of layers for each period dated thanks to the stratigraphic analysis of thesite. The essential part of this work is the second part, presented as a morphological catalogue of commonceramics and the production of local and imported glazed ceramics. This classification is organizedchronologically and supplemented with possible comparisons on other sites. The third part is devoted to thechronological development and the proportion of each shape and each production of glazed ware as well as tothe general characteristics of ceramics for each period (Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk). A more specific part dealswith certain productions, local or imported, which connects them, when possible, to as historical, sociological oreconomic context

L’époque fatimide se considère parmi la plus importante époque dans l’histoire de l’Egypte islamique, cette dynastie développe de vastes programmes en particulier les architectures religieuses. La recherche qui porte sur l’ornement architectural dans cette époque de faire un important travail d’analyse graphique des éléments décoratifs afin de mettre en lumière les ateliers à l’époque fatimide et achever une idée claire sur les caractéristiques de ces éléments, les lignes directrices de la composition des décors et les répertoires utilisés comme les échanges que ces œuvres révèlent et de préciser la genèse des formes, leur évolution et les règles qui ont pesé sur la création des artistes. On a pu arriver et atteindre le fondement de la planification par une méthode scientifique ce qui nous aide à restaurer et rectifier les parts démolies dans la planification conforment au type original dans la même époque. Donc on peut conserver le style d’ornement distinctif pour la décoration architectural à époque fatimide en Egypte
The Fatimid period is considered among the most important period in the history of Islamic Egypt. This dynasty developed extensive programs especially religious architecture. The research focuses on architectural ornament in that period to do important forms of graphical analysis of decorative elements to put spotlight on workshops at the Fatimid period and conclude a complete clear idea about the characteristics of these elements, the guidelines of decors composition and the different directories which are used as the exchanges of these models reveal and to clarify the genesis of forms, their evolution and rules that have effected on the creation of the artists. The research achieved the basis of designs by a scientific method to help us to restore and rectify the demolished parts of the same original design in the same period. So we can preserve the style of distinctive ornamental for architectural decoration in the Fatimid period of Egypt

Cette étude se consacre à la ville de Tripoli durant le règne fatimide (297/909), du point de vue politique, économique et social. Sous les Fatimides, la ville de Tripoli a connu plusieurs révoltes nourries par la différence doctrinale entre sunnites et chiites d’un côté, et chiites et kharidjites d’un autre, ce qui a conduit le pouvoir (chiite) à user de la force afin d’imposer son autorité sur la ville. Les Fatimides considéraient Tripoli comme un point important qu’il faille garder et protéger, car c’est un point d’appui pour se développer vers l’est vers Barqa et l’Égypte. Après le transfert du pouvoir Fatimide au Caire en 362/973, Tripoli est restée directement liée au pouvoir, alors que les autres villes de l’Ifrîqiya étaient sous le pouvoir ziride qui gouvernait la région au nom des Fatimides. Cette situation a permis aux Berbères de Zenata, ennemis des Zirides, d’établir une entité politique, à travers la famille des Bani khazroun qui ont gouverné Tripoli de 391/1000 à 541/1146, durant cette période la situation de Tripoli fluctuait entre dépendance et autonomie vis-à-vis du pouvoir fatimide. Par ailleurs la ville de Tripoli a connu une évolution urbaine, cela se voit à travers les remparts, les portes de la ville et les ribats. La présence de mosquées intra et extra muros a contribué au développement culturel de la ville, d’ailleurs quelques personnages importants dans le domaine de la littérature, la langue, ainsi que d’autres domaines ont vécu ou étudié à Tripoli. L’étude trace aussi quelques aspects de la vie sociale de la ville et sa composition démographique constituée de Berbères, Arabes, Byzantins et Saqaliba. L’étude aborde également la vie économique de la ville qui était épanouie surtout pendant les périodes de stabilité, en s’appuyant sur des activités variées comme l’agriculture et le commerce, Tripoli était d’ailleurs très liée commercialement avec les villes de la méditerranée, ainsi qu’un point de passage incontournable pour le commerce caravanier
This study is dedicated to the city of Tripoli during the Fatimid reign (297/909), in terms of political, economic and social development. Under the Fatimids, the city of Tripoli has experienced several rebellions fueled by doctrinal differences between Sunnites and Shiites on one side, and Shiites and Kharijites of another, which drove the authority to use force to control the city. The Fatimids considered Tripoli as an important point that it is necessary to guard and protect, because it is a support to develop eastward towards Barqa and Egypt. After the transfer of the power Fatimid in Cairo in 362/973, Tripoli remained directly connected to the authority of the caliph, while the other cities of Ifrîqiya were under the power of Zirids which governed the region in the name of Fatimids. This situation allowed the Berbers of Zenata, enemies of Zirids, to establish a political entity, through the family of Bani khazroun, which governed Tripoli from 391/1000 to 541/1146. During this period, the situation of Tripoli fluctuated between dependence and autonomy towards the power Fatimid. Also, the city of Tripoli knew an urban evolution; it shows through ramparts, city gates and ribats. The presence of mosques intra and extra muros contributed to the cultural development of the city. Moreover, some important figures in the field of the literature, the language, as well as the other domains lived or studied in Tripoli. The study also draws some aspects of the social life of the city and its demographic composition constituted by Berbers, Arabs, Byzantine and Saqaliba. The study also approaches the economic life of the city, which was flourished during the periods of stability, based on activities varied as agriculture, and the trade, Tripoli was very commercially linked with the cities of Mediterranean, and a major passage for the caravan trade

The present work represents the first attempt to compose a comprehensive study of the Palace of Sitt al-Mulk which is known as the 'Fätimid Western Palace' because of its geographical situation opposite the Eastern Palace. It was built by order of the second FAtimid Caliph in Cairo, al-'Aziz (365-386 A. H. / 975-996 A. D. ) for his daughter Sitt al-hulk. The first section attempts (through Arabic literary sources) to construct a picture of this princess who played an important role in the direction of Fätimid politics. The second section examines the the architecture of the Palac, survived and brings to light which demonstrate that part incorported into the Häristän of the site in the Mamlük period. belief that nothing of a of Sitt al-hulk has architectural remains of the Palace was Sultan Qalä'Gn built on The third section studies the rich imagery in the wooden panels that used to decorate the Palace of Sitt al-hulk within the wider context of Fätimid figural Art.The fourth section details the connections and similarities between the Fätimid style of these woodcarvings and Coptic Art of the same period. The fifth and final part covers the problem of dating, attempting to situate chronologically, through stylistic and comparative study the extensive range of woodcarvings from the Palace.

Les fatimides prirent le pouvoir en ifriqiya en 296 909, a une epoque ou le pays etait deja sensibilise aux conflits doctrinaux entre le pouvoir et le peuple. Les aghlabides, leurs predecesseurs, etaient rejetes pour leur tendance mu'tazilite; les fatimides, eux, furent rejetes pour leur shi'isme isma'ilien qui s'opposait au sunnisme maledite de la population ifriqiyenne. Les califes fatimides consoliderent donc leur pouvoir grace a l'appui de leurs allies berberes kutamites et de leurs partisans isma'iliens. Dans le peuple ifriqiyen, les hommes de religion, en majorite malekites, jouissaient du respect et de la ferveur populaire : ensemble, ils denierent aux fatimides cette legitimite au pouvoir que ces derniers revendiquaient. Ces hommes de religion eduquaient le peuple, le soutenaient, et prirent aussi les armes, aux cotes d'abu yazid, "l'homme a l'ane", contre les fatimides. Cette epoque fut aussi celle de brillants hommes de lettres et hommes de sciences, et vit l'apogee de la fameuse "ecole medicale de kairouan". Economiquement, l'ifriqiya atteignit son plein essor, veritable plaque tournante du commerce de ce temps, a la fois riche de la mer et riche de sa terre fertile. Socialement, le pays etait varie en ethnies et en milieux sociaux, aux interrelations multiples. Seul element nouveau apporte par les fatimides : l'obedience a leur doctrine devint un facteur de mobilite sociale. Rejetes pourtant, pour des raisons doctrinales, par la majorite de la population, les califes fatimides allerent fonder le caire et s'etablir en egypte : en 362 973, les savants malekites avaient toujours autant d'audience dans le peuple, en definitive plus uni que jamais
The fatimids established their domination in ifriqiya in the year 296 909, at a time when the country was already sensitized toward doctrinal conflicts between power and people. The aghlabids, their predecessors, had been rejected for their mu'tazili inclination; the fatimids were rejected for their isma'ili shi'ism which opposed to the maliki sunnism shared by the ifriqiyan population. Fatimi caliphs then consolidated their authority with the help of their allies, the kitami berbers, and of their ism'ili partisans. Within ifriqiyan people, men of religion, most of them maliki, enjoyed popular deference and fervour : together, they denied to the fatimids the legitimacy to the rule they claimed. These men of religion educated the people, supported them, and also took arms, side by side with abu yazid, against the fatimids. That time was also the time of brilliant men of letters and men of learning, and witnessed the acme of the famous "medical school of kayrawan". Economically, ifriqiya reached its full soar, as a true turning point of trade at that period, both rich of the sea and rich of its fertile land. Socially, the country was varied with different ethnical groups and different social groups, linked by multiple interrelations. The only new

Chapter four examines another text of taʾwīl dated to the Fatimid revolution, the Kitāb al-rushd wa-l-hidāya, or Book of righteousness and true guidance. It discusses how numerical correspondences between Quranic chapters and members of the Fatimid hierarchy also became a hermeneutic tool pointing to the imminent advent of the mahdi. The Kitāb al-rushd wa-l-hidāya also reflects the Kitāb al-kashf’s deployment of symbolism that equated elements of the Quran’s eschatological or apocalyptic imagery with the mahdi and his advent. The chapter ends with a very brief examination of numismatic materials, illustrating how some of the earliest Fatimid coins bore Quranic inscriptions that could be read as a reflection of the Fatimids’ emergence as having inaugurating the awaited earthly utopia.

This chapter re-examines the circumstances of the 'discovery' of the head of al-Husayn in eleventh-century Ascalon, the earlier sanctification of the place, and its lingering reputation as holy after the fall of the Fatimids. It emphasizes the belief in the power of the site, which persisted even after the transfer of its relic. The Cairene shrine, created under the Fatimid to protect the relic of their 'forefather', retained its sanctity and housed an active cult under the rule of the Sunni Ayyubids and Mamluks.

Chapter five focuses on the ways in which the first Fatimid caliph al-Mahdi and the most important ideologue of the Fatimid State, Qāḍī l-Nuʿmān, reinterpreted the identity of the eschatological figure and his placement in sacred history while simultaneously arguing for the Fatimids’ right to rule. Two texts are central to this chapter’s analysis: the caliph al-Mahdi’s letter to his Yemeni community, and Qāḍī l-Nuʿmān’s taʾwīl of his own book of laws, the Taʾwīl al-dāʿāʾim. The latter book has not been translated and has only received scant scholarly attention. Yet it is a fascinating source because it is a book whose symbolic interpretations were authorized by the imam himself and read only to initiates. This chapter shows how al-Nuʿmān’s taʾwīl of ritual practices becomes a powerful mechanism for reinterpreting the temporal linearity associated with an imminent mahdist expectation.

This chapter examines the geographical context in which the Zirids and Normans operated by analyzing the topography, climate, and borders of medieval Ifriqiya and Sicily. The ambiguous boundaries of Ifriqiya in both Arabic and Latin sources make it difficult to quantify the extent of power among medieval dynasties ruling in the region, especially outside of coastal urban centers. The Aghlabids, Fatimids, Zirids, and Normans nonetheless benefited from the wealth produced by substantial commercial networks that passed between Ifriqiya and Sicily, including profitable long-distance trade that originated in sub-Saharan Africa. The Zirids stood to inherit this wealth by virtue of their service to the Fatimid dynasty, a Shiʻa group whose apocalyptic message was well received in much of Ifriqiya and the Maghreb. When the Fatimids moved their capital from Ifriqiya to Egypt at the end of the tenth century, they appointed their loyal Zirid generals as emirs of Ifriqiya—thus initiating Zirid rule in the region.

Continues the book’s examination of Arabic poetry as a means for ascent in the court and as a tool for exerting control over the empire. The focus here is the sultan Salah al-Din Yusuf ibn al-Ayyub, often called Saladin. During his transition from vizier to sultan during the twelfth-century Crusades, Saladin oversaw writers and political administrators vying with one another to construct his identity as Islam’s protector. The collapse of the Fatimid caliphate in Egypt and the threat of crusading armies gave the new regime a key opportunity. The Ayyubid system consolidated a previously scattered community of littérateurs. Whereas the Fatimids were seen as incapable eradicating “the Franks” from the Levant and Egypt, now writers challenged each other to poeticize a successful counter-crusade. Modern studies portray the Crusaders as a nagging anxiety of Saladin’s court but, I argue, the presence of a foreign enemy proved extraordinarily useful to him. Writers re-imagined Islamic history as having always included a mysterious threat to pious Muslim people, fully realized in the Franks’ arrival. At the cathartic endpoint of that narrative they placed Saladin and, more subtly, themselves as the chroniclers of Islam’s restoration.

This chapter treats the Fatimid period (10^th-12^th century) as a whole, and relies on documents pertaining to the appointment of supreme cadis in the Fatimid state of late tenth and early eleventh century. It argues that in the Fatimid administrative-political vision the supreme cadi was perceived as administrator fully integrated within the state administrative fabric. The chapter also presents an integrative discussion of legal issues and their administrative ramifications.

The ribat in Bouna (present day Annaba), also called the Fusula Ribat, dominates the promontory of the hill with the same name and overlooks the port of the town. This defensive structure, whose typology dates from the Fatimid period, belonged to a chain of ribats marking Islamic territory along the length of the Mediterranean coast. It was concealed under the Sidi Boumerouane Mosque. Thus, through a series of transformations, the site became a veritable military-religious complex. The recent process of patrimonialization, as well as the restoration project at the complex, has revealed the structure of the ribat, leaning against the wall and essentially forming the foundations of the first mosque of the town. The aim of this article is, on the one hand, to bring new knowledge, as much technical as historical, about this fortified structure, which has largely been ignored by historical research until now, and on the other, to carry out the restoration project of this edifice, which has now been classed as national heritage.