Journal articles on the topic 'Fatimidi'

Tensions between the regime and the army are a crucial component for the understanding of Fatimid history and, as will be shown, they had a mostly destabilizing impact on society and the economy. A host of factors shaped the relationship between the regime, the army, and society. Among these factors, the socio-military composition of the army was especially important. The composition of the army was partly an outcome of deliberate policies of the regime, partly a consequence of local conditions, and partly a reflection of wider Islamic practices. In the case of the Fatimids, the local conditions of Ifrīqiya (Tunisia) and Egypt and the military traditions of the deposed regimes of the Aghlabids and the Ikhshidids must be taken into consideration. Fatimid reliance on the Berbers of Kutāma was not much a matter of a choice; they were the first adherents of the Fatimids and had helped bring them to power in Ifrīqiya. However, from the earliest years of Fatimid rule the Aghlabid military traditions and local conditions were reflected in the composition of the Fatimid army and had an influence on Fatimid policies. Conditions in Egypt played a smaller role in shaping the Fatimid army. Certain elements of the defeated Egyptian army (the lkhshīdiyya and the Kāfūriyya) were incorporated into the Fatimid army while others were disbanded. The Fatimid drive into Palestine and Syria, whose ultimate goal was Baghdad, confronted the Fatimids with militarily superior armies built on the model of the Buyid-'Abbasid and the Byzantines.

Provide research in theme to study the relations between the Fatimids and the Crusaders in the Levant and Egypt (491-567 AH / 1097-1171 AD) and its impact in the succession. Find referred to the attitude of the Fatimids of the First Crusade expansion Crusader in Palestine and the position of the Fatimids of it, and the incursion in the Crusader (Egypt, images, Ashkelon) and its impact in the Fatimid relations crusade every special study

Abstract This paper analyses the theorisation of the Imamate in Ismaili thought before and during the Fatimid period, drawing on Ismaili and Druze sources. It outlines early Ismaili interpretations of the doctrine of historical cycles of seven imams and the culmination of these cycles in the Mahdi/Qāʾim, and it traces the evolution of this doctrine under the Fatimids as well as among the eastern Ismailis, with attention to issues such as the genealogies of the first Fatimids, adherence to the law, and the role of the Mahdi or Qāʾim.

This study discusses the role of the Fatimid dynastyin the spread of Islam in Southwest Asia in the ninth century. This research uses descriptive qualitative research method and also heuristic research. The Fatimids were the Isma'iliyah Shi'ite dynasty. The Fatimid dynasty was founded by Ubaidillah al-Mahdi. Ubaidillah al-Mahdi is a person from the Syrian nation to North Africa. The concept used is the radical Shia Isma'iliyah withits doctrines that have political, religious, philosophical, and social dimensions. Based on the results of research and discussion, it is concluded that the role of the Fatimid dynasty in spreading Islam occurredin Egypt, North Africa, Sicily, the Red Sea Coastof Africa, Palestine, Syria, Yaman and the Hijaz which spread the Shi'a sect. The greatest progress made by the Fatimid dynasty was in the system of government, economics and science. The main objective of the Fatimid dynasty was to establish a new capitalcity, namely Cairo, to foster funds to establish alarge Islamic University, namely Al-Azhar and to disseminate the ideology of the Fatimid dynasty, namely, Shi'ism to Palestine, Syriaand Hijaz.

AbstractA persistent myth featuring in some modern accounts of the transition from Fatimid to Ayyubid rule (1169–71) is that one of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn's (r. 1171–93) first actions upon attaining sovereignty over Egypt was to destroy the Fatimids’ book collections in their entirety. Medieval sources present a different, more nuanced depiction of books sold and dispersed over a decade or more, rather than extirpated and put out of circulation altogether. This article collects and examines medieval Arabic accounts of the episode, and finds further indications of the robust survival of Fatimid-era works in the composition of later chronicles, where native Fatimid-era accounts, which clearly did endure beyond the Fatimid age, are well-represented. The article also looks at the tendentious aspects of medieval accounts of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn's policies, and the difficulties they pose to a modern appraisal of the sultan's character and intellectual-ideological tendencies.

AbstractArwā bint Ahmad (d. 532/1137) ruled in Yemen for fifty-five years. She played an important political role and at the same time occupied the highest rank in the Ismā'īlī religious hierarchy after that of the imam. Her religious policies, particularly her special relations with the Fatimids, led to the transfer of the Fatimid literary legacy to Yemen, and hence to its preservation following the fall of the Fatimid Caliphate. She likewise organized the new structure of the Yemeni Ismā'īlī da'wa, thus contributing to its survival after the fall of the Sulayhid dynasty. The proposed paper investigates Arwā's career from two different angles: the Fatimid Egyptian and the Yemen Ismā'īlī. The main point will be the way they dealt with the fact that she was a female ruler. The Fatimid caliph-imam al-Mustansir first issued a decree stating that to follow her was a religious duty. He then appointed her to the rank of huğğa, the highest after that of the imam, in order to give her rule a more emphatic legitimacy. The Yemeni Ismā'īlī position is best represented in al-Sultān al-Hattāb's religious tract Gāyat al-mawālīd, where he argues that Arwā's female body was no more than a body envelope covering her original male essence. The fact that Arwā was a woman posed a serious problem for both the Fatimids and the Yemeni Ismā'īlīs. In each case they tried to deal with it in a way that suited their political and religious interests.

AbstractOver a period of some forty years, 380/990–421/1030, the Fatimids in Egypt exchanged embassies with their Zirid viceroys in Ifrīqiya after these had been recognized as a hereditary dynasty, and to a lesser extent with their Kalbid deputies in Sicily. Sijillāt or official letters of the Fatimid chancery, accompanied by sumptuous presents, invested the Zirids with their authority and favoured them with important announcements, while the Zirids replied in kind. The embassies were ostentatiously welcomed by the Zirids as proof of their legitimacy, while serving to maintain the connection with Cairo on which the Fatimids were similarly dependent for the sake of their imperial standing in the world. The importance of that connection to both dynasties was shown in the 440s/1050s, when it was broken by the Zirids and restored by a Fatimid intervention, celebrated in a fresh series of sijillāt. With their emphasis on the style as much as the substance of the messages, the exchanges are excellent illustrations of mediaeval diplomatic correspondence as described by John Wansbrough in Lingua Franca in the Mediterranean.

The foundation of Abu ʿAbd Allah's movement was that which God Almighty had ordained concerning the victory of His friends' cause, the strengthening of His True Religion and the exaltation of His Word. Abu ʿAbd Allah al-Shiʿi was an Ismaʿili dāʿĪ and the architect of the Fatimid revolution in North Africa. Mobilizing support among the Kutama Berbers, he was able ultimately to overthrow the Aghlabid house and proclaim ʿAbd Allah as the Mahdi and first Fatimid imam in 909.1 Our primary source for Abu ʿAbd Allah's career is al-Qadi al-Nuʿman's Kitāb iftitāḥ al-daʿwa, completed in 957.2 As the official account of the Fatimid rise to power, it is an excellent source for understanding the ideology and propagands of the North African phase of the Fatimid daʿwa. Although the Iftitāḥ is not devoted explicitly to religious/theological questions in the manner of al-Qudi al-Nuʿ man's other writings, an attempt to establish the historical validity of the Fatimid claim to the imamate is implicit throughout the work.The Iftitah is a text of religious significance precisely because it is a historical account of God's action through His human agents to restore the original Islamic community of the Prophet and a righteous political order governed according to God's will, a theme not uncommon in medieval Islam and one to which we shall return later in our discussion. The Iftitah is thus a superb document for ascertaining the Fatimids' perceptions of themselves and how they wanted to appear to a literate audience. Marius Canard, Farhat Dachraoui, and Tilman Nagel have discussed these subjects thoroughly in several works dealing with the Fatimids' North African propaganda.3 My intent here is not to discuss the specific vocabulary of Abu cAbd Allah's daFwa anew, but rather the environment which Abu cAbd Allah proclaimed his "summons to the truth," an environment which enabled him, both by accident and by design, to pattern his career after that of the Prophet.

This paper deals with the study of the impact of the Shiism on the Arabic literature in general, and on the Fatimid literature in particular. It treats the issue of)al-Zahir and al-Batin(in the Holy Qur’an or what is called the esoteric interpretation. The Fatimid writers exerted more attention and paid their effort in employing Qur’anic verses through esoteric interpretation, their goal in that was to get the Imamate or the Caliphate, it was the utmost motivation for the esoteric interpretation. the Imamate was right for Ali bin Abi Talib and for his descendants and they sought to maintain this right contextually not by selection. The study deals with the concept of "esoteric interpretation" and its relationship to the issue of Alzaher and Albatin (deep and surface meaning), as it was mentioned in the Diwaniyah letters of the Fatimid writers. It also examines the manifestations of the esoteric interpretation with the Imam on one side and with the Fatimid writers on the other side. The study ends with presenting the elements of their use of esoteric interpretation through selected models from the Diwaniya messages, directly related to the thought and belief of the Fatimids.

Shainool Jiwa’s The Rise of a Muslim Empire is a two-volume historical work on the legacy of the Fatimid Empire. The first volume surveys the religious and sociopolitical underpinnings of Fatimid rule from its North African establishment in 909 to its transition to Egypt in 969. Jiwa’s second vol- ume focuses on the pinnacle of Fatimid society up until its decline from 969-1171. This review pertains to the first of the two volumes. Working within this phase, Jiwa details the reigns of the first four Imams: ‘Abd Allāh al-Mahdī, Abū’l-Qāsim Muḥammad, Ismāʿīl al-Manṣūr, and al-Muʿizz li- Dīn Allāh. The second book, which is titled The Fatimid Rule from Egypt, discusses the latter ten Imams (4). The first chapter covers the origins of the Fatimids in respect to both religious and geographical contexts. Jiwa starts by providing the historical background of Ismaili Shiism. Here, everything from the succession crisis of 632 CE to the emergence of the different strands of Shiism are discussed. Jiwa describes the Ismaili sect as having held Ismāʿīl, the eldest son of Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq, to have been the chosen successor of his father, therefore mak- ing him Imam. Ismāʿīl’s ephemeral mortality caused for the Imamate to then pass over to his young son, Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl, eponym of the sect (10). The Twelvers are described as having believed in the Imamate of Jaʿfar’s youngest son, Mūsā, whose lineage gives root to the Imams of Twelver Shiism. Jiwa characterizes Ismaili beliefs as having rested on dawr al-satr (period of concealment) and daʿwa (religio-political mission) (11). The dawr al-satr refers to the Imams going into hiding with only their most trusted followers knowing their true identities. Subsequently, these follow- ers promoted the recognition of these hidden Imams, which in large part refers to daʿwa (the act of inviting). Jiwa explains that during dawr al-satr (765–909 CE) Ismaili doctrine had spread as far as from Yemen to Ifriqiya (modern-day Tunisia and eastern Algeria) (12), with its most prominent adherents being the Kutama Berbers of North Africa. Under the teachings of Abū ‘Abd Allāh al-Shīʿī, a pronounced Ismaili dāʿī (inviter), the Kutama had aspired to establish the dawlat al-ḥaqq (the righteous state) (16). This aspiration materialized under the allegiance of ‘Abd Allāh al-Mahdī who had been pronounced as Imam by his predecessor and later recognized as the mahdī (messianic figure) (20). This belief, nonetheless, was not accepted by all Ismailis, particularly those following Ḥamdān Qarmaṭ, who later came to be known as the Qaramiṭa (21). Sa- lamiyya (a town located in Syria), the town where ‘Abd Allāh al-Mahdī had resided, became unsafe due to Abbasid persecution, causing the Imam to migrate to various locations and eventually Sijilmasa (22). Meanwhile, the Kutama had grown to such a force that they had been able to seize control over Qayrawān of North Africa under the leadership of al-Shīʿī (22). When al-Mahdī was later arrested in Sijilmasa and the news spread to the Kuta- ma, a campaign of soldiers marched to secure his release and bring him to Qayrawān. Having accomplished this, the Fatimid State came into fruition (22). Jiwa provides sources detailing the events which led up to the Fatim- id establishment, including eyewitness accounts from Jaʿfar al-Ḥājib’s Sīrat Jaʿfar al-Ḥājib, secondary sources such as Aḥmad b. Ibrāhīm al-Naysābūrī’s Istitār al-Imām (‘The Concealment of the Imam’), and other historical works such as the influential Iftitāh al-daʿwa wa-ibtidāʿ al-dawla (‘Com- mencement of the Mission and the Beginnings of the State’) authored by Abū Ḥanīfa al-Nuʿmān (29-30). These references help readers pinpoint who was instrumental in recording Fatimid history. In chapter two, Jiwa discusses the establishment of the Fatimid state, giving details of its institutions, processes, and hallmark locations. Al-Mah- dī is seen to have incorporated officials who had previously served the Aghlabids (the previous rulers of Qayrawān). In addition, institutions such as maẓālim (oppressive acts) courts are discussed as having been estab- lished to provide redress for ordinary civilians against abuses of power (35). During this time of development, dissension amongst the Kutama is seen to have imploded on the basis of marginalized sentiments. Once having been one of the most loyal dāʿīs to al-Mahdī, al-Shīʿī had led a rebellion against his former Imam on charges of being a false mahdī. Ultimately this campaign was pacified, resulting in the execution of al Shīʿī. This chapter also reveals new characters who later became prominent figures in Fatimid history. The heir apparent or Prince Abū’l-Qāsim Muḥammad, the eldest son of al-Mahdī, already took up much of his father’s duties while his own son, Ismāʿīl or al-Manṣūr bi’llāh (‘the One Who is Victorious by God’) was entrusted by the sitting Imam, al-Mahdī (his grandfather), as his most faithful confidant (39). The port city of al-Mahdiyya which had been con- structed by the Fatimids in 916 is described as having been unique in its architectural design and strategic in its location. Al-Mahdiyya served as the new Mediterranean capital and had secured the Fatimids a booming com mercial fabric. Similarly, the city of Palermo in Sicily had been occupied by the Fatimids and had also brought a great deal of cultural exchange and goods. Jiwa brings out images of palaces and charts out maps of the port city to provide visual comprehension of the architecture. Chapter three surveys the reign of al-Manṣūr, discussing his ascension to power under fraught circumstances and his construction of a new city. This chapter focuses attention on the reconstruction of Palermo in vivid archaeological detail. Readers are informed of the Khariji rebellion from Ifrīqiya spearheaded by Abū Yazīd al-Nukkarī. The Kharijis are described to have been insurmountable by the Fatimids, pushing their Empire as far back as to the Mediterranean coast of al-Mahdiyya (60). It was not until al-Ḥasan b. ‘Alī al-Kalbī, the governor of Tunis, and his army pushed back against the Kharijis that the North African coastland would be recaptured (61). Despite this, the Kharijis were too difficult to overcome and remained at conflict with the Fatimids up until the death of Abū’l-Qāsim. Fearful that news of Abū’l-Qāsim’s death would puncture the morale of the Fatimid war effort, al-Manṣūr had managed to keep the news of his father’s passing silent. After an eventful encounter, al-Manṣūr would eventually go on to defeat Abū Yazīd’s army and restore Fatimid rule. Following this victory, al-Manṣūr began taking restorative measures to recover the now war-torn society. Socially considerate policies such as charity stipends, the appoint- ment of a Sunni-based Maliki judge, and omission of taxes were all strides in this effort. But the most significant of his developments was the con- struction of a new capital called Manṣūriyya. Much of this city’s structural inspiration came from the North African ancient ruins al-Manṣūr had been enchanted by (68). Jiwa’s training as a historian is evident in how she cites primary sources every chance she gets, from sermons to testimonies. Clos- ing this chapter, Jiwa provides an anecdote recorded by al-Nuʿmān which romantically relays the moment al-Manṣūr knew that his son, al-Muʿizz li-Dīn Allāh, was ready to ascend to power (77). Jiwa’s anecdotes connect the reader to the ethos of Fatimid personalities. Chapter four delves into the reign of al-Manṣūr’s heir, al-Muʿizz (953- 75), who came into conflict with both the Umayyads and the Byzantines during his reign and would later live out his final days in his new capital, al-Qāhira al-Muʿizziya (‘the Victorious City of al-Muʿizz’)—modern-day Cairo (78). Beyond the royal family, Jiwa presents key stalwarts that the Em- pire was indebted to. Once servant to al-Mahdī, Jawhar, who was of Slavic origin, had risen through the ranks (serving both as scribe and commander in battle), eventually being entrusted with many honorable state positions. This chapter is the longest one of the book and attempts to accomplish many things. Along with discussing the battles which ensued during this juncture, Jiwa also fleshes out the theology of Ismaili beliefs. Al-Nuʿmān is said to have written extensively on the topic—including his text written between 958 and 960, Daʿā’im al-Islām (‘Pillars of Islam’), which delineates such fundamental concepts to Ismaili theology as walāya (allegiance and obedience), īmān (faith), ẓāhir (exoteric), and bāṭin (esoteric) (88-89). The early Fatimid age is described as having been a milieu of knowledge seek- ing, with debates and lectures taking place on a frequent basis. Through the majālis (teaching sessions) program, the Ismaili doctrine would proliferate to the broader society. Jiwa’s text is filled with firsthand accounts which describe Fatimid institutions, ceremonies, and events, providing vivid pic- tures of what is being described (e.g., al-Nuʿmān’s description of the grand circumcision ceremony hosted in 962 and Ibn Haytham’s description of the diversity of attendees and tailoring of lessons in the majālis by teach- ers such as Aflaḥ b. Hārūn al-Mālūsī, 95). The tension between the Uma- yyads in Spain and the Fatimids is also presented in this chapter, depicted as stemming from their varying loyalties in the rivalry between ‘Alī b. Abī Ṭālib and Muʿāwiya. The coastal regions of the Mediterranean and North Africa would see many conflicts between the Fatimids and Umayyads; the Umayyads and the Byzantines worked together to suppress their Fatimid adversary, with the Byzantines launching campaigns on the parts of the Empire closest to Sicily while the Umayyads attacked the most western part. After briefly losing parts of their North African territories, the Fatimids eventually reasserted their control over the Maghrib, leaving the Umayyads no choice but to resort to a peace treaty (103). The Ismaili daʿwā reached far and wide, with its message gaining adherents from the Gulf of Yemen to as far as Sind. Jiwa also describes the Kalbid dynasty of Fatimid Sicily, which had come under the governorship of al-Ḥasan al-Kalbī. During this period (960-65), Sicily had been the site of intense warfare between the Fatimids and the Byzantines, with two distinct battles resulting in the most pivotal outcomes for the region, namely the Pit and the Straits (119). Like the Umayyads, the Byzantines would also later come to negotiate terms of peace with the Fatimids in 958 (116). Chapter five speaks to the venture the Fatimids made into Egypt in 966. Here, readers are presented with the terms acknowledged by local nobles such as Sharīf Abū Jaʿfar Muslim al-Ḥusaynī and the Fatimids, the founding of the new capital (al-Qāhira), and the relocation of al-Muʿizz along with a significant portion of the Manṣūriyyan population in 972. The chapter serves as both a close to the book and a cliffhanger for the second volume of the series (which turns to Fatimid rule in Egypt under the son of al-Muʿizz, Niẓār b. al-Muʿizz). Capturing the cohesive religious fabric of Fatimid rule, Jiwa notes that al-Muʿizz pledged to maintain Sunni religious life while ruling over Egypt (126); she describes pillars of Sunni Islam that can serve as points of contrast to the Ismaili tradition (127). Individuals who can justly be seen as archetypes of the Fatimid intel- ligentsia are referenced both biographically and through their works. Jiwa introduces her readers to eminent characters including missionaries like Abū Yaʿqūb al-Sijistānī of Khurāsān (d. after 971); writers and thinkers who composed the Fatimid ideology such as Qāḍī al-Nuʿmān; poets who gave inspiration such as Muḥammad b. Hānī; and generals who rendered their lives for the Fatimid Empire such as al-Ḥasan b. ‘Ali al-Kalbī. Although some readers may be frustrated by the detail of jumping back and forth across names, dates, and events, those who are able to follow the work the- matically will certainly find this work to be nothing short of informative. Jiwa impressively condenses a rich and fluid history into few pages while including the most essential elements, people, and institutions making up this period. Readers are provided with visual aids (maps, family tree charts, and city maps) to help identify and locations and structures which would otherwise come off as abstract and jargon-heavy. In addition, she includes colorful images of important monuments such as mosques, coins, and ar- tifacts. Ameen OmarMA, Islamic Studies & HistoryThe George Washington University

Shainool Jiwa’s The Rise of a Muslim Empire is a two-volume historical work on the legacy of the Fatimid Empire. The first volume surveys the religious and sociopolitical underpinnings of Fatimid rule from its North African establishment in 909 to its transition to Egypt in 969. Jiwa’s second vol- ume focuses on the pinnacle of Fatimid society up until its decline from 969-1171. This review pertains to the first of the two volumes. Working within this phase, Jiwa details the reigns of the first four Imams: ‘Abd Allāh al-Mahdī, Abū’l-Qāsim Muḥammad, Ismāʿīl al-Manṣūr, and al-Muʿizz li- Dīn Allāh. The second book, which is titled The Fatimid Rule from Egypt, discusses the latter ten Imams (4). The first chapter covers the origins of the Fatimids in respect to both religious and geographical contexts. Jiwa starts by providing the historical background of Ismaili Shiism. Here, everything from the succession crisis of 632 CE to the emergence of the different strands of Shiism are discussed. Jiwa describes the Ismaili sect as having held Ismāʿīl, the eldest son of Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq, to have been the chosen successor of his father, therefore mak- ing him Imam. Ismāʿīl’s ephemeral mortality caused for the Imamate to then pass over to his young son, Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl, eponym of the sect (10). The Twelvers are described as having believed in the Imamate of Jaʿfar’s youngest son, Mūsā, whose lineage gives root to the Imams of Twelver Shiism. Jiwa characterizes Ismaili beliefs as having rested on dawr al-satr (period of concealment) and daʿwa (religio-political mission) (11). The dawr al-satr refers to the Imams going into hiding with only their most trusted followers knowing their true identities. Subsequently, these follow- ers promoted the recognition of these hidden Imams, which in large part refers to daʿwa (the act of inviting). Jiwa explains that during dawr al-satr (765–909 CE) Ismaili doctrine had spread as far as from Yemen to Ifriqiya (modern-day Tunisia and eastern Algeria) (12), with its most prominent adherents being the Kutama Berbers of North Africa. Under the teachings of Abū ‘Abd Allāh al-Shīʿī, a pronounced Ismaili dāʿī (inviter), the Kutama had aspired to establish the dawlat al-ḥaqq (the righteous state) (16). This aspiration materialized under the allegiance of ‘Abd Allāh al-Mahdī who had been pronounced as Imam by his predecessor and later recognized as the mahdī (messianic figure) (20). This belief, nonetheless, was not accepted by all Ismailis, particularly those following Ḥamdān Qarmaṭ, who later came to be known as the Qaramiṭa (21). Sa- lamiyya (a town located in Syria), the town where ‘Abd Allāh al-Mahdī had resided, became unsafe due to Abbasid persecution, causing the Imam to migrate to various locations and eventually Sijilmasa (22). Meanwhile, the Kutama had grown to such a force that they had been able to seize control over Qayrawān of North Africa under the leadership of al-Shīʿī (22). When al-Mahdī was later arrested in Sijilmasa and the news spread to the Kuta- ma, a campaign of soldiers marched to secure his release and bring him to Qayrawān. Having accomplished this, the Fatimid State came into fruition (22). Jiwa provides sources detailing the events which led up to the Fatim- id establishment, including eyewitness accounts from Jaʿfar al-Ḥājib’s Sīrat Jaʿfar al-Ḥājib, secondary sources such as Aḥmad b. Ibrāhīm al-Naysābūrī’s Istitār al-Imām (‘The Concealment of the Imam’), and other historical works such as the influential Iftitāh al-daʿwa wa-ibtidāʿ al-dawla (‘Com- mencement of the Mission and the Beginnings of the State’) authored by Abū Ḥanīfa al-Nuʿmān (29-30). These references help readers pinpoint who was instrumental in recording Fatimid history. In chapter two, Jiwa discusses the establishment of the Fatimid state, giving details of its institutions, processes, and hallmark locations. Al-Mah- dī is seen to have incorporated officials who had previously served the Aghlabids (the previous rulers of Qayrawān). In addition, institutions such as maẓālim (oppressive acts) courts are discussed as having been estab- lished to provide redress for ordinary civilians against abuses of power (35). During this time of development, dissension amongst the Kutama is seen to have imploded on the basis of marginalized sentiments. Once having been one of the most loyal dāʿīs to al-Mahdī, al-Shīʿī had led a rebellion against his former Imam on charges of being a false mahdī. Ultimately this campaign was pacified, resulting in the execution of al Shīʿī. This chapter also reveals new characters who later became prominent figures in Fatimid history. The heir apparent or Prince Abū’l-Qāsim Muḥammad, the eldest son of al-Mahdī, already took up much of his father’s duties while his own son, Ismāʿīl or al-Manṣūr bi’llāh (‘the One Who is Victorious by God’) was entrusted by the sitting Imam, al-Mahdī (his grandfather), as his most faithful confidant (39). The port city of al-Mahdiyya which had been con- structed by the Fatimids in 916 is described as having been unique in its architectural design and strategic in its location. Al-Mahdiyya served as the new Mediterranean capital and had secured the Fatimids a booming com mercial fabric. Similarly, the city of Palermo in Sicily had been occupied by the Fatimids and had also brought a great deal of cultural exchange and goods. Jiwa brings out images of palaces and charts out maps of the port city to provide visual comprehension of the architecture. Chapter three surveys the reign of al-Manṣūr, discussing his ascension to power under fraught circumstances and his construction of a new city. This chapter focuses attention on the reconstruction of Palermo in vivid archaeological detail. Readers are informed of the Khariji rebellion from Ifrīqiya spearheaded by Abū Yazīd al-Nukkarī. The Kharijis are described to have been insurmountable by the Fatimids, pushing their Empire as far back as to the Mediterranean coast of al-Mahdiyya (60). It was not until al-Ḥasan b. ‘Alī al-Kalbī, the governor of Tunis, and his army pushed back against the Kharijis that the North African coastland would be recaptured (61). Despite this, the Kharijis were too difficult to overcome and remained at conflict with the Fatimids up until the death of Abū’l-Qāsim. Fearful that news of Abū’l-Qāsim’s death would puncture the morale of the Fatimid war effort, al-Manṣūr had managed to keep the news of his father’s passing silent. After an eventful encounter, al-Manṣūr would eventually go on to defeat Abū Yazīd’s army and restore Fatimid rule. Following this victory, al-Manṣūr began taking restorative measures to recover the now war-torn society. Socially considerate policies such as charity stipends, the appoint- ment of a Sunni-based Maliki judge, and omission of taxes were all strides in this effort. But the most significant of his developments was the con- struction of a new capital called Manṣūriyya. Much of this city’s structural inspiration came from the North African ancient ruins al-Manṣūr had been enchanted by (68). Jiwa’s training as a historian is evident in how she cites primary sources every chance she gets, from sermons to testimonies. Clos- ing this chapter, Jiwa provides an anecdote recorded by al-Nuʿmān which romantically relays the moment al-Manṣūr knew that his son, al-Muʿizz li-Dīn Allāh, was ready to ascend to power (77). Jiwa’s anecdotes connect the reader to the ethos of Fatimid personalities. Chapter four delves into the reign of al-Manṣūr’s heir, al-Muʿizz (953- 75), who came into conflict with both the Umayyads and the Byzantines during his reign and would later live out his final days in his new capital, al-Qāhira al-Muʿizziya (‘the Victorious City of al-Muʿizz’)—modern-day Cairo (78). Beyond the royal family, Jiwa presents key stalwarts that the Em- pire was indebted to. Once servant to al-Mahdī, Jawhar, who was of Slavic origin, had risen through the ranks (serving both as scribe and commander in battle), eventually being entrusted with many honorable state positions. This chapter is the longest one of the book and attempts to accomplish many things. Along with discussing the battles which ensued during this juncture, Jiwa also fleshes out the theology of Ismaili beliefs. Al-Nuʿmān is said to have written extensively on the topic—including his text written between 958 and 960, Daʿā’im al-Islām (‘Pillars of Islam’), which delineates such fundamental concepts to Ismaili theology as walāya (allegiance and obedience), īmān (faith), ẓāhir (exoteric), and bāṭin (esoteric) (88-89). The early Fatimid age is described as having been a milieu of knowledge seek- ing, with debates and lectures taking place on a frequent basis. Through the majālis (teaching sessions) program, the Ismaili doctrine would proliferate to the broader society. Jiwa’s text is filled with firsthand accounts which describe Fatimid institutions, ceremonies, and events, providing vivid pic- tures of what is being described (e.g., al-Nuʿmān’s description of the grand circumcision ceremony hosted in 962 and Ibn Haytham’s description of the diversity of attendees and tailoring of lessons in the majālis by teach- ers such as Aflaḥ b. Hārūn al-Mālūsī, 95). The tension between the Uma- yyads in Spain and the Fatimids is also presented in this chapter, depicted as stemming from their varying loyalties in the rivalry between ‘Alī b. Abī Ṭālib and Muʿāwiya. The coastal regions of the Mediterranean and North Africa would see many conflicts between the Fatimids and Umayyads; the Umayyads and the Byzantines worked together to suppress their Fatimid adversary, with the Byzantines launching campaigns on the parts of the Empire closest to Sicily while the Umayyads attacked the most western part. After briefly losing parts of their North African territories, the Fatimids eventually reasserted their control over the Maghrib, leaving the Umayyads no choice but to resort to a peace treaty (103). The Ismaili daʿwā reached far and wide, with its message gaining adherents from the Gulf of Yemen to as far as Sind. Jiwa also describes the Kalbid dynasty of Fatimid Sicily, which had come under the governorship of al-Ḥasan al-Kalbī. During this period (960-65), Sicily had been the site of intense warfare between the Fatimids and the Byzantines, with two distinct battles resulting in the most pivotal outcomes for the region, namely the Pit and the Straits (119). Like the Umayyads, the Byzantines would also later come to negotiate terms of peace with the Fatimids in 958 (116). Chapter five speaks to the venture the Fatimids made into Egypt in 966. Here, readers are presented with the terms acknowledged by local nobles such as Sharīf Abū Jaʿfar Muslim al-Ḥusaynī and the Fatimids, the founding of the new capital (al-Qāhira), and the relocation of al-Muʿizz along with a significant portion of the Manṣūriyyan population in 972. The chapter serves as both a close to the book and a cliffhanger for the second volume of the series (which turns to Fatimid rule in Egypt under the son of al-Muʿizz, Niẓār b. al-Muʿizz). Capturing the cohesive religious fabric of Fatimid rule, Jiwa notes that al-Muʿizz pledged to maintain Sunni religious life while ruling over Egypt (126); she describes pillars of Sunni Islam that can serve as points of contrast to the Ismaili tradition (127). Individuals who can justly be seen as archetypes of the Fatimid intel- ligentsia are referenced both biographically and through their works. Jiwa introduces her readers to eminent characters including missionaries like Abū Yaʿqūb al-Sijistānī of Khurāsān (d. after 971); writers and thinkers who composed the Fatimid ideology such as Qāḍī al-Nuʿmān; poets who gave inspiration such as Muḥammad b. Hānī; and generals who rendered their lives for the Fatimid Empire such as al-Ḥasan b. ‘Ali al-Kalbī. Although some readers may be frustrated by the detail of jumping back and forth across names, dates, and events, those who are able to follow the work the- matically will certainly find this work to be nothing short of informative. Jiwa impressively condenses a rich and fluid history into few pages while including the most essential elements, people, and institutions making up this period. Readers are provided with visual aids (maps, family tree charts, and city maps) to help identify and locations and structures which would otherwise come off as abstract and jargon-heavy. In addition, she includes colorful images of important monuments such as mosques, coins, and ar- tifacts. Ameen OmarMA, Islamic Studies & HistoryThe George Washington University

Local governors in Central Asia persecuted Ismaʿili missionaries (dāʿis) since the early years of Ismaʿili activity there. The rise of the Fatimid State, from the tenth century onwards, encouraged the activity of those missionaries who were receiving support from the Fatimids, leading to increased persecutions of Ismaʿilis in Iraq and the eastern provinces of the Abbasid Caliphate. This study will deal with the activity of those missionaries and the difficulties and persecutions that they faced, with a focus on the case of the dāʿi Nāser Khosrow (1004–1088/394–481) in Central Asia. At the time, Nāser was considered as a model dāʿi representing the activity of Ismaʿili missionaries. Throughout his life, he suffered bitterly in his role as the main dāʿi of the Fatimids. Despite the hostile atmosphere and insecurity, Nāser Khosrow succeeded in becoming a highly significant philosopher and poet, but died in a sorrowful situation, isolated in the valley of Yomgān.

This article intends to present an analysis of the progress and decline of the Fatimid dynasty, and their impact on Islamic civilization in Egypt. This caliphate was born between two political powers, the Abbasids in Baghdad, and the Umayyad II in Cordova. Over a period of 262 years, the Fatimids have made rapid progress, especially during the time of Al-Muiz, Al-Aziz and Al-hakim. These advances cover various fields, namely: 1) Progress in trade relations with the non-Islamic world, including India and the Christian Mediterranean countries. 2) Advances in art, can be seen in a number of palace decorations and architecture. 3) In the field of knowledge with the construction of Al-Azhar University. 4) In the economic sector, both in the agricultural, trade and industrial sectors. 5) In the field of security. The collapse of the Fatimid dynasty was caused by several weaknesses that existed during his reign. These weaknesses include: 1) Fatimid politics which is harsh on the Egyptian Sunni community to adhere to and recognize Shi'a teachings. 2) The control over the Fatimid territories was weakened, 3) the economy of the people and the state was weak, 4) There was resistance from the Sunnis and Christians in Egypt. 5) The struggle for power between the Barbarians and the Turks, especially in the military field. 6) The invasion of the crusaders. And the role of the caliphate is not fully functional.

This study examines the markets in Cairo during the reign of the Mamlūks in the light of al-Makrīzī's Chronicle al-Khitat. Besides those which were built during the Mamlūks era the commercial life were ongoing at the markets dating back to the Fatimids and the Ayyubids periods. The marketplaces generally occupied in al-Qasaba which was between Bāb al-Futūh in the north and Bāb al-Zuwayla in the south was the trading center of the city. Al-Qasaba is al-Mu'izz Street today which takes its name from the Fatimid Caliph al-Mu'izz li-Dinillah (341-364/953-975). The economic and social decline especially seen during the second half of the Mamlūks in the 15th century affected also the domestic markets stability and most of the sûqs disappeared depending on these conditions.

This essay seeks to make a contribution to the study of persecution (which has often been dominated by the European experience) by examining the case of Coptic Christians in Fatimid Egypt: How did they perceive and imagine persecution? This case is of special interest because of the vaunted “tolerance” of the Fatimids towards non-Muslims (with the exception of the caliph al-Ḥākim). The Copts’ sense of persecution throughout this period, and their resistance to Islamization, are perceived through an examination of two texts that each represent the topos of the prominent Muslim who converts to Coptic Christianity: first, the Faṣl min Maqāla Masīḥiyya preserved in Paris bnf Ms Arabe 131, where it is understood to be the caliph al-Muʿizz’s confession of Christian faith; and next, a recension of the well-known Muqaṭṭam miracle-account that places it during the reign of the caliph al-Ḥākim, as preserved in Monastery of St. Anthony, Ms Hist. 86.

The subject of the army in the Fatimid period (296-567 AH) from the perspective of the mission in the life of the Arab Islamic state, the era of medieval Islam witnessed the emergence of one of the most powerful countries in the Arab Maghreb, which three centuries ago, presented the finest Islamic systems in all aspects , The Fatimid great state, and the mother is known, the Fatimid state has been subjected to Judean, and denial due to examinations. It consisted of three sections, dealing with human tissues in the Fatimid army.

This paper examines the complex relations between the Fatimid rulers and their Coptic subjects, focusing on state policies and the situation in the Delta. In spite of al-Ḥākim’s persecutions of non-Muslims, Fatimid policies toward Christians and Jews can be described as non-prejudicial and surprisingly tolerant. Whether these were driven by practical considerations or Ismāʿīlī ideological underpinnings remains vague. In any case, state policies were not responsible for the Islamization of the Delta during the Fatimid period. This process was a by-product, so to speak, of the civil war of the 1060s and early 1070s and must also be examined in light of pre-Fatimid realities in the region.

The debate concerning the Head of the Jews (ra'is al-yahud) in the Fatimid kingdom, which has interested researchers since the late nineteenth century, has yet to reach a final conclusion. Today's researchers usually argue that this position was established in Egypt at the end of the eleventh century with the final fall of the Palestinian Yeshiva; prior to this the Head of the Jews was the gaon of Palestine, appointed by the Fatimid Imam. More recently a new argument has emerged, re-embracing the approach of J. Mann, who argued that the position of the Head of the Jews was established at the beginning of Fatimid rule (late tenth century), and the person to hold the position was a Jewish courtier from the field of finance or medicine, appointed by the Imam to be the supreme leader for all Jews in the Fatimid kingdom: Rabbanites, Karaites and Samaritans. This old–new notion is yet to be clearly proven. Such views are mainly supported by circumstantial analysis of logical arguments that arise from the Geniza documents, without real written proof, but the Geniza is known for surprises and it is possible that we will soon find unequivocal proof to show that the Head of the Jews in the Fatimid kingdom was indeed a Jewish courtier appointed by the Imam, since the beginning of the Fatimid rule over Egypt, Palestine and Syria at the end of the tenth century.

Fatimid Al-Hassan bin Ali Al-Yazouri (the minister) has administrative abilities and political perception which enables him to occupy an admirable position in the Fatimid period. Al-Yazouri capabilities’ enable him to establish an important contributions to his country, and his impact on both internal and external phases, on internal level he saw stabilization of systemic Fatimid rule, and encouraged cultural and scientific movement and treatment of the major economic problems that gripped the country during the serious crisis that passed in Egypt over the acute shortage of Nile River’s level and struck the country. On the external level, he feast an rebellion of the prince Almuez Ben Badis in Africa on the Fatimid caliphate by attaching the Arab tribes such as , Helal , Reyah , Zukba and others to undermine. After his death of the minister in 450 A.H. / 1058 A.D. He left a great political emptiness which is appeared in his impact when fifty-four ministers failed after him in dealing with the Fatimid caliphate problems, forcing the Caliph Al-Mustansir Billah use wali Acre , Badr al-Jamali 466 A.H. / 1073 A.D to solve the problems that the state was faced.

This paper examines the history of the Chalcedonian Melkites in the Fatimid state in the period after the reign of the caliph al-Ḥākim, i.e., from 1021 until the end of the Fatimid caliphate in 1171. For the eleventh century the focus will be on Palestine (before its conquest by the Crusaders). Although the evidence is very fragmentary, the attempt will be made to provide some insights on the development of the situation of the Melkite community under Fatimid rule, its ecclesiastical institutions, its connection with Byzantium, and its intellectual life.

This article discussed the influence of the Fatimid Dynasty authority on the development of Islamic education in Egypt. The objective of this article was only to discuss the penetration of the Fatimid authority in developing Islamic education during this empire in Egypt led in which started since al-Muiz Lidinillah until the last Fatimid Caliph in Egypt. It was qualitative research applying a historical approach. The author found that socially, Egyptian society consisted of a group of Sunni and Shi'a, Africans who became the Fatimid army, the Turks who had settled in Egypt, the Ahl Dhimmah composed of Jewish and Christian, and Sudanese people who lived in Egypt. While the government system of the Fatimid Dynasty was a theocracy with the source of law based on the principle of al-Quran and Hadith related by Reviews their priests. Meanwhile, the influence of authority of this empire wasshown on the effort of Caliphs in building some Islamic educational institutions, Reviews such as the palace, mosque, house of wisdom (Dar al-Hikmah), libraries, and universities. In addition, the Caliph did not hesitate to issue a financial state in large numbers for the development of knowledge by Bringing learning resources from abroad and also sponsored the translation of foreign literature into Arabic.

Obaidullah al-Mahdi, the founder of the Fatimids government, was born in 260 AH in Salmia of Syria. When he becomes the Imam of the Ismailis, he reveals the Imamah, and with all the obstacles that stand in his way, he through the hard-working preachers, such as Abu Abdullah, gets the attention of Ketama people to him and with their cooperation lays the foundation of the Fatimids government in North Africa. He and his missionaries made extensive use of the idea of Mahdism. In this article, we intend to examine how the Fatimids government of Egypt was established, which was founded by Obaidullah al-Mahdi. The research method is descriptive and in some cases, the analytical method has been used as needed. The method of collecting information is library facilities

The paper deals with particular tactics, established during the Fatimid era, and thus additional to the traditional ones they already possessed, which permitted the Jews to define their niche within Fatimid society. It presents three of these tactics: 1. Production of historical and genealogical documents in order to ameliorate the status of dhimmīs and to achieve an intermediate position of privileged dhimmī. This is illustrated by an analysis of a Geniza document designed as a historical bill of rights accorded by the Prophet Muḥammad to the Jews of Khaybar. 2. The writing of literary-liturgical oeuvres that respond to current persecutions through a messianic interpretation hidden behind laudatory expressions to the Fatimid ruler. It is illustrated by an analysis of the liturgical composition known as “The Egyptian Scroll.” 3. Practices of mourning and repentance intended to cope with mass fear, illustrated through a record of testimony from 1030 about a traumatic event that almost took place in Ramla, but was prevented by a dream. Although the three tactics seem to be very diverse, they all responded to the Fatimid reality and used its language and norms.

AbstractIn his youth the future al-Aziz, then merely the third son of the caliph al-Muizz, acquired a concubine, most likely a Greek-speaking captive, and produced with her a daughter who was to become the famous Sitt al-Mulk. Not only did her mother remain al-Aziz’s favorite long after he rose to the Fatimid throne in 975, she remained so until her death twenty years later, and the daughter continued throughout to hold a claim on his attention many considered unusually intense and extraordinary. This favor, combined with her own political acumen and sharp intelligence, enabled Sitt al-Mulk to exercise authority throughout her lifetime until she finally became the real ruler of the empire upon the disappearance of her eccentric half-brother, al-Hākim, in 1021. Drawing on chronicles written by both Fatimid and anti-Fatimid historians, this article considers the context for Sitt al-Mulk’s rise to power amid the unusual dynamics of the Fatimid royal family. It reveals the implausibility of accounts that attempt to discredit her and demonstrates that when at last she governed the empire, she did so quite competently through a difficult time of transition.

The Fatimid state was established in Egypt in 969 and lasted until the end of the dynasty in 1171. During the Fatimid rule in Egypt, a large set of monuments were erected. A significant portion of these monuments were shrines dedicated to the descendants of the Prophet Muhammed, especially in Aswan. Groundwater rising, at present, has introduced severe deterioration to the ancient earthen mud-brick architecture of the Fatimid tombs in Aswan city (Egypt). However, monitoring the influence of anthropogenic and environmental aspects on the deterioration issues in Fatimid tombs has not yet been considered. To this end, the scope of this pilot study is to investigate the structural stability and weathering vulnerability of the building materials of mud-brick structures in the Fatimid Cemetery before restoration labor. This was achieved using an integration of remote sensing (Landsat 8 and SRTM-DEM) and hydrogeological datasets in the Geographic Information System (GIS), along with a physicochemical and mineralogical analysis of various materials (the bearing soil, wall plasters, and Muqarnas) from the affected cemeteries. The morphological and mineralogical compositions of the collected samples were analytically examined by using X-ray diffraction (XRD) and scanning electron microscopy with energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (SEM/EDX) and CT scan. Moreover, geotechnical studies were conducted for the perched soil water and subsoil, including the analysis of the physiochemical composition and heavy metals using Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometry (ICP-MS). The results of multitemporal analysis of land use/land cover (LULC) changes displayed the growth and appearance of wetlands near the Fatimid tombs area over the last decades, boosting the geo-environmental risks from soil water rising. Furthermore, the detailed analytical investigations of building materials and soil foundations showed that this unique and substantial ancient Islamic archaeological site of Egypt shows weak geotechnical properties, and it is highly sensitive to natural and anthropogenic stressors. This innovative methodology can produce novel recommendations and results to the Ministry of Antiquities in Egypt and the Heritage Commission in Saudi Arabia for the adequate restoration of monuments.

L’identité des auteurs desRasāʾil Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾet leur affiliation à l’ismaélisme demeurent un sujet controversé dans la recherche moderne. Les ismaéliens de tradition ṭayyibite attribuent lesÉpîtres, y compris laRisāla al-Jāmiʿa, à « la personne éminente » (al-shakhṣ al-fāḍil), qui ne serait autre que « Aḥmad », un des mystérieux imams cachés entre le 7eimam Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl et le premier calife fatimide ʿAbd Allāh al-Mahdī. Aḥmad aurait entrepris la composition desÉpîtres, censées contenir la « vraie » philosophie telle qu’elle fut enseignée par les imams, pour contrecarrer le projet du calife abbasside al-Maʾmūn. Celui-ci est accusé de vouloir ruiner l’islam en faisant traduire en arabe des ouvrages écrits par des auteurs païens hostiles aux prophètes et aux imams. LesRasāʾil Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾferaient ainsi contrepoids au mouvement de traduction gréco-arabe patronné par les Abbassides à Bagdad. Dans ma contribution, j’essaie de retracer la genèse de cette théorie en examinant les sources ismaéliennes, ṭayyibites en particulier.The identity of the authors of theRasāʾil Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾand their relation with the Ismaʿili movement still are highly controversial issues. The Ṭayyibī Ismaʿilis ascribe theRasāʾil, along with theRisāla al-Jāmiʿa, to « the eminent person » (al-shakhṣ al-fāḍil), often identified with « Aḥmad », one of the mysterious hidden imams between the seventh imam Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl and the first Fatimid caliph ʿAbd Allāh al-Mahdī. This Aḥmad is supposed to have composed theEpistles, containing the « true » philosophy as it was taught by the imams, in order to neutralize the impious project of the Abbasid caliph al-Maʾmūn, suspected to have commissioned Arabic translations of pagan Greek books, with the sole aim of undermining Islam. TheRasāʾil Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾare thus presented as a counterpart to the Greco-Arabic translation movement patronized by the Abbasids in Bagdad. In the present paper I examine the formation of this theory, based on Ismaʿili sources belonging mainly to the Ṭayyibī tradition.

Fatimid intellectual production contains some remarkable personal memoirsthat deserve a joint study. The Kitab al-MunaJ?arat (The Book of Discussions)by lbn al-Haytham is one example of this kind ofliterature. Abu 'AbdAllah Ja·far ibn Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn al-Aswad ibn al-Haytham wasa Qayrawani scholar of Sh􀁹 i persuasion when the Fatimid caliphate wasestablished in North Africa. In this Ki tab, he recorded his meetings and conversationswith the leaders of the Isma·ili da·wah (mission) in the firstmonths after the conquest ofQayrawan, from Rajab 296/March 909 until theappearance of the Imam al-Mahdi in Rabi' II 297/January 910.Although the existence of this work had been known for some time, itis only now that we have at our disposal the complete Arabic text, togetherwith an English translation, an introductory study, a bibliography and anindex. Paul E. Walker is mainly responsible for having realized the importanceoflbn al-Haytham's text. Both he and W. Madelung, whose collaborationhas been decisive in the final outcome, are the best qualified scholars ...

Abstract This article discusses Islamic economics during the Fatimid Dynasty. With the aim to find out how Islamic economics during the Fatimid Dynasty. This article uses literature-based qualitative research (library research) with a qualitative descriptive approach and technical descriptive analysis and content analysis. The results of this study show that Islamic economics during the Fatimid Dynasty progressed during the caliph al-Mu'izz, al-zAziz and al-Hakim. With several background factors such as the transfer of government centers from Tunisia to Cairo, extracting sources of economic income in all fields, integrated management of the fields of Agriculture, Trade and Industry, high exceptions to Science, harmonious relations with non-Muslims and tolerance which is very high for the community. The Fatimid dynasty experienced economic setbacks during the time of the Caliph al-hidAdhid until it was attacked by the Ayyubid dynasty led by Salahuddin al-Ayyubi. Keywords; Fatimid Dynasty, Progress, Setback, Economy Abstrak Artikel ini membahas tentang perekonomian Islam pada masa Dinasti Fatimiyah. Dengan tujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana perekonomian Islam pada masa Dinasti Fatimiyah. Artikel ini menggunakan penelitian kualitatif berbasis kepustakaan (library research) dengan pendekatan deskriptif kualitatif dan teknis analisis deskriptif dan content analysis. Hasil penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa perekonomian Islam pada masa Dinasti Fatimiyah mengalami kemajuan pada masa khalifah al-Mu’izz, al-‘Aziz dan al-Hakim. Dengan beberapa faktor yang melatarbelakanginya seperti perpindahan pusat pemerintahan dari Tunisia ke Kairo, penggalian sumber pemasukan ekonomi dalam segala bidang, pengelolaan bidang-bidang Pertanian, Perdagangan dan Industri secara terpadu, kepedualian yang tinggi terhadap Ilmu Pengetahuan, hubungan harmonis dengan non-Muslim dan pemberian toleransi yang sangat tinggi terhadap masyarakat. Dinasti Fatimiyah mengalami kemunduran ekonomi pada masa khalifah al-‘Adhid hingga diserang Dinasti Ayyubiyah yang dipimpin Salahuddin al-Ayyubi.Kata Kunci; Dinasti Fatimiyah, Kemajuan, Kemunduran, Ekonomi

Abstract The Fatimid dynasty was an dynasty founded by Ubaidillah al-Mahdi with an understanding of Shia Ismailiyah. This dynasty reached its peak of glory when the center of government moved to the Cairo. By that time, Cairo had become the center of Muslim intellectual and scientific activity in the Islamic world. This paper aims to describe the intellectual and scientific development of Islam during the Fatimid dynasty. The method is used in this research is descriptive analysis with a historical approach. This method is a process of critically examining and analyzing past records and relics in the form of written text. The results of the literary analysis carried out show that there was a role for educational institutions during the Fatimid dynasty. Among these educational institutions are; Mosques, Dar al-Ilm and Dar al-Hikmah Libraries, and al-Azhar University. Educational institutions during the Fatimid dynasty were Shia Isma'iliyyah schools with a system of formal, informal, and non-formal educational institutions. In general, educational institutions during the Fatimid dynasty had a big role in the educational revolution in the world. However, it also plays a negative role in Islamic civilization which aims to spread the Shia madzhab in Islamic life. Keywords: The Fatimid dynast, history of islamic education Abstrak Dinasti Fatimiyah yang didirikan oleh Ubaidillah al-Mahdi dengan pemahaman Syiah Isma’iliyyah mencapai puncak kegemilangan ketika pusat pemerintahan berpindah ke kota Kairo. Pada saat itulah, Kairo telah menjadi pusat intelektual muslim dan kegiatan ilmiah dunia Islam. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk memaparkan perkembangan intelektual dan ilmu pengetahuan agama Islam pada masa Dinasti Fatimiyyah. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis – deskriptif dengan pendekatan historis. Metode ini merupakan proses menguji dan menganalisa secara kritis rekaman dan peninggalan masa lampau yang berupa teks tertulis. Hasil dari analisis literer yang dilakukan bahwa adanya peran lembaga-lembaga pendidikan yang terdapat pada masa Dinasti Fatimiyyah. Di antara lembaga-lembaga pendidikan tersebut adalah; Masjid, Pepustakaan Dar al-Ilm dan Dar al-Hikmah, Universitas al-Azhar. Lembaga pendidikan di masa dinasti Fatimiyah bermazhab Syi’ah Isma’iliyyah dengan sistem lembaga pendidikan formal, informal, dan non-formal. Secara umum lembaga pendidikan pada masa dinasti Fatimiyah memiliki andil besar dalam revolusi pendidikan di dunia. Tetapi, juga berperan negatif dalam peradaban Islam yang bertujuan untuk menyebarkan mazhab Syi’ah dalam kehidupan Islam. Kata kunci: Dinasti Fatimiyah, Sejarah Pendidikan Islam

AbstractThe Genizah of the Ben Ezra synagogue in Fustat preserved dozens of petitions addressed to the Fatimid and Ayyubid chanceries in Cairo and decrees that they issued in response. This article provides an edition, translation, and discussion of a petition housed among the Genizah documents of the Bodleian Library directed to Sitt al-Mulk, half-sister of the caliph al-Ḥākim (386–411/996–1021) and head of the Fatimid state between his death and her own in 414/1023. Geoffrey Khan had previously identified two petitions to a Fatimid princess housed in Cambridge and New York; it is likely that they, too, were addressed to Sitt al-Mulk. Such documents elucidate Sitt al-Mulk's role in government after her brother's death and provide evidence for the chronicler al-Musabbiḥī's claim that she received and responded to petitions from subjects. The article offers possible explanations as to why petitions such as this one, which concerns an Ismaili mosque, should have found their way to the Jewish community of Fustat whose members reused and preserved them. It also suggests some broader conclusions about the dispersal, survival, or disappearance of pre-Ottoman Middle Eastern archives and documents.

History hasirecorded how theiexistence of the Fatimididynasty to today holdsimany very interestingistories. Not onlyithat, Islamic cultureiis growing rapidly. Theiproof can be seen from theiestablishment of the Al-AzhariMosque which servesias a center for Islamic studies andiscience.The progressiof the scientific field ofithe Fatimid dynasty canialso be proven throughithe existence of DaruliHikam or Darul Ilmu alsoicontributed greatly toithe development ofiIslamic civilization andiintellectuals. Not onlyiscience, the Fatimididynasty also achievediiprosperity in theinfields ofiipolitics, education, economiciiscience and technology, trade, socialiand religiousiaffairs. Therefore, thisiarticle will Trying toire-discover the earlyihistory of the emergenceiof the Fatimididynasty, the Caliphs ofithe Fatimid dynasty, theiperiod of progressiand decline of the Fatimididynasty and theiinfrastructure of theiFatimid dynasty.

AbstractThis study is an initial statement in support of a broader thesis concerning the contexts in which a re-evaluation of Armenian history and interactions between Armenians and Muslims can be attempted. Through a contextual study of all information, including such marginalized data as the history of the sects, obscure episodes such as the "Armenian period" during the last century of the Fatimid caliphate will not only be given explanations, but also contribute to the reconstruction of a hitherto concealed stratum in the medieval history of the Near East.